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This article analyzes the development of Robert Dahl’s interrogations of the three main currents of political science: the theory of modernization, the theory of rational choice and the political culture approach. In his early work the author believed that political inclusion is the outcome of the opposition between situation and opposition. In his later work, Dahl returned to his utopian socialist origins and reversed the order of priorities. The threat to modern democracy no longer lies in the concentration of political power in one institution, but rather in the increasing inequality of condition, which produces resignation and leads citizens to give up participating in the political process., Este artigo analisa a evolução dos diálogos que Robert Dahl encetou com três das principais correntes da ciência política: a teoria da modernização, a teoria da escolha racional e a perspectiva da cultura política. Nas primeiras obras o autor considerava que a inclusão política era uma consequência do confronto entre situação e oposição. Nos seus últimos trabalhos, Dahl retornou às origens socialistas utópicas e inverteu a ordem de prioridades. A ameaça à democracia contemporânea já não deriva da concentração de poderes políticos numa só instância, mas sim da crescente desigualdade de condição que gera a resignação e o abandono da participação pública por parte dos cidadãos.

This article analyses the development of the Socialist Party’s election campaigns between 1976 and 2005, revealing their main organizational characteristics both nationally and locally. The conclusions demonstrate that outside experts were important and that there was increasing centralization, both of which contribute to the increased autonomy of the socialist leader., Este artigo procura analisar a evolução das campanhas eleitorais do Partido Socialista entre 1976 e 2005, evidenciando as suas principais características organizativas ao nível nacional e local. As conclusões apontam para a importância dos especialistas externos e para o reforço da centralização, que contribuem para o aumento da autonomia do líder socialista.

This article identifies a broad range of internet user profiles, which are relevant for an understanding of the social use of information technology. These profiles reflect particular forms of linkage between individuals’ social positions and how they use the internet., Este artigo identifica um conjunto diversificado de perfis de utilizadores da internet que se revelam pertinentes para o conhecimento acerca do uso social das tecnologias da informação. Estes perfis espelham fórmulas particulares de articulação entre os posicionamentos sociais dos indivíduos e os respectivos usos que fazem da internet.

The objective of this research project is to study the ecological context of the violence which underlies conflicts between political or ethnic groups where the background involves access to and control over scarce resources. The article also seeks to outline the pathways in the struggle for those scarce but vital resources, a struggle which is the crucial catalyst for forms of collective violence. The concept of «ecoviolence», developed by Thomas Homer-Dixon, is used here both in the sense of the violence generated by the search for control over those valuable natural resources, and in the sense of the corresponding violent responses to it., O objectivo deste trabalho é estudar as condições ecológicas da violência que subjaz a conflitos entre grupos étnicos ou políticos, cujo pano de fundo é o acesso e o controlo de recursos escassos. O artigo pretende também traçar os caminhos da luta por esses recursos escassos mas vitais, luta essa que catalisa de forma determinada as formas de violência colectiva. O conceito de «ecoviolência», desenvolvido por Thomas Homer-Dixon, é aqui usado quer no sentido da violência gerada pela busca de controlo desses recursos naturais valiosos, quer das respostas violentas daí consequentes.

This article analyses the application of the punishment-reward function to the popularity of the president and prime-minister in Portugal, in the winter of 2006. The theory of the economic voting holds that the institutional context of citizenship may make it difficult to assign responsibility for the government’s economic performance. Contrary to what earlier works have suggested, this study shows that Portuguese semipresidentialism does not seem to place barriers in the way of the Portuguese punishing the government (and not the president) for adverse economic circumstances., Este artigo analisa a aplicação da função castigo-recompensa em relação à popularidade do presidente e do primeiro-ministro em Portugal no Inverno de 2006. A teoria do voto económico considera que o contexto institucional dos cidadãos pode dificultar a imputação de responsabilidades pelo desempenho económico do governo. Ao contrário do que sugeriram trabalhos anteriores, este estudo mostra que o semipresidencialismo português não parece impor barreiras a que os portugueses castiguem o governo (e não o presidente) pelas más condições económicas.

Science museums are essentially spaces where science is exhibited and disseminated to a lay public. However, as this article demonstrates, several Portuguese science museums also produce and reproduce science, through teaching and training activities for scientists, and through scientific research., Os museus científicos são fundamentalmente espaços onde a ciência é exibida e disseminada a um público leigo. No entanto, como se demonstra ao longo deste artigo, vários museus científicos portugueses exercem também funções de produção e reprodução da ciência através de actividades de ensino e formação de cientistas e de investigação científica.

O artigo procura analisar e refletir sobre o papel da língua portuguesa enquanto sistema de poder simbólico na Cooperação Portuguesa promovida pela Administração Central. A análise centra-se no período de 1999 a 2019, tendo por referência os diferentes documentos produzidos neste período. O presente artigo é, em parte, um exercício de autorreflexão, uma vez que os autores se posicionam como “amigos críticos” e não observadores externos da Cooperação Portuguesa. A reflexão realizada permite inferir que a língua, enquanto estratégia de soft power do Estado português, cria um viés aos objetivos inerentes à cooperação para o desenvolvimento, surgindo como um sistema de poder simbólico que perpetua relações de colonialidade. This article aims to analyse and reflect on the role of the Portuguese language as a symbolic power system in the Portuguese Cooperation. This analysis is focused on the period between 1999 and 2019, based on the different documents published in this period. This article is in some extent a self-reflection, since the authors consider themselves as “critical friends” and not external observers of the Portuguese Cooperation. The article argues that the Portuguese language emerges as a symbolic power system that perpetuates coloniality relationships stemming from the fact that it is a soft power strategy from the Portuguese state, not a development objective.

Party systems are expected to grow and mature with time; however, the case of Madagascar is one of high fluidity: parties and leaders rise and fall from one election to the next and there is a low entry cost for new contenders. This study explores the role of authoritarian legacies and elites’ efforts to skew the playing field as key factors for understanding why the Malagasy party system has failed to institutionalise since the start of the Third Republic. The findings show how leadership centralisation, ethnicity, personalism and clientelism shaped party formation during the authoritarian era and beyond; and also how incumbents’ attempts to create asymmetries in access to resources, media and law have been ineffective and successfully countervailed by the opposition. Espera-se que os sistemas partidários cresçam e amadureçam com o tempo; no entanto, o caso de Madagáscar é de alta fluidez: há elevada volatilidade entre partidos e líderes em sucessivas eleições, e os novos competidores facilmente são eleitos. Este estudo explora o papel dos legados autoritários e as estratégias de distorção das condições de competição eleitoral enquanto fatores-chave para entender por que razões o sistema partidário malgaxe não se institucionalizou desde o início da Terceira República. Os resultados demonstram que a centralização da liderança partidária, a etnicidade, o personalismo e o clientelismo moldaram a formação dos partidos durante – e para além – do período autoritário; e que as tentativas dos incumbentes de criar assimetrias no acesso a recursos, meios de comunicação e legislação têm sido ineficazes e compensadas com sucesso pela oposição.

This article portrays youth mobility in Cameroon as a means to escape poverty and to achieve a better life. Youth mobility though not new is, however, taking a new dimension as a result of Boko Haram’s violent conflict. To explore how this violence has affected mobility, this study analyses narration of youngsters’ escape experiences from Boko Haram and their ideas of how to achieve a better life, drawing on interviews in Cameroon’s Far North Region. The study begins with the origin and regionalisation of Boko Haram, followed by the concept of youth, the evolution of mobility trends and better life. It then proceeds to narrations of escape experiences, places of destination and sheds light on mobility pathways and integration dynamics. Este artigo descreve a mobilidade dos jovens nos Camarões como um meio de escapar à pobreza e conseguir uma vida melhor. A mobilidade juvenil, embora não seja um fenómeno novo, está a assumir uma nova dimensão devido ao conflito violento do Boko Haram. Para explorar como esta violência afetou a mobilidade, o presente estudo analisa a narração de experiências dos jovens que fugiram do Boko Haram e as suas ideias de como alcançar uma vida melhor, com base em entrevistas realizadas na região do extremo norte dos Camarões. O estudo começa com a origem e regionalização do Boko Haram, seguidas pelo conceito de juventude, a evolução das tendências de mobilidade e a procura de uma vida melhor. Prossegue com as narrações de experiências de fuga, lugares de destino e lança luz sobre os caminhos da mobilidade e as dinâmicas de integração.

This article focuses on the democracy and legitimacy debates in Zimbabwe after the ouster of Robert Mugabe from power by his erstwhile ally, Emmerson Mnangagwa, in November 2017. President Mnangagwa popularized the terms “Second Republic” and “New Dispensation” to show that his regime differed from Mugabe’s in terms of governance style. The position of this article is that Mnangagwa’s regime could not abandon the system established under the reign of Mugabe. Instead, it argues that the Second Republic reflects continuities of the Mugabe era being transposed into a quasi-military edifice whose commandist approaches denigrate cries for democracy and transparency. This qualitative research draws on data from interviews with political elites in the opposition and ruling parties as well as secondary sources. Este artigo centra-se nos debates sobre democracia e legitimidade no Zimbábue após a destituição de Robert Mugabe do poder pelo seu antigo aliado, Emmerson Mnangagwa, em novembro de 2017. O Presidente Mnangagwa popularizou os termos “Segunda República” e “Nova Dispensação” para mostrar que o seu regime era diferente do de Mugabe em termos de estilo de governação. A posição deste artigo é que o regime de Mnangagwa não podia abandonar o sistema estabelecido sob o reinado de Mugabe. Em vez disso, argumenta que a Segunda República reflete a continuidade da era Mugabe transposta para um edifício quase militar cujas abordagens “comandantes” denigrem os apelos à democracia e à transparência. Esta pesquisa qualitativa baseia-se em dados de entrevistas com elites políticas dos partidos na oposição e no poder, assim como em fontes secundárias.

Este artigo tem como objetivo discutir as influências da globalização e da cooperação para o desenvolvimento na educação e na formação de professores em Angola, em particular nas províncias de Benguela, de Cabinda e do Cunene. Utilizou-se uma metodologia de natureza qualitativa e os resultados apresentados decorrem da análise documental e de entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas a vários atores nacionais e locais. Verifica-se assim que os parâmetros definidos para a formação de professores em Angola são fortemente influenciados pelos projetos de cooperação internacional nas suas conceções e práticas. Sugere-se a necessidade de monitorização e recontextualização da formação de professores em Angola, assim como a valorização da carreira de professor. This article aims to discuss the influences of globalization and development cooperation on education and teacher training in Angola, particularly in the provinces of Benguela, Cabinda and Cunene. A qualitative methodology was used and the results stem from document analysis and semi-structured interviews conducted with various national and local actors. Thus, it appears that the parameters defined for teacher training in Angola are strongly influenced by international cooperation projects in their conceptions and practices. The need for monitoring and re-contextualization of teacher training in Angola, as well as valuing the teaching career, are suggested.

As a response to widespread conceptualizations of street childhood in the global South as a state of misery and marginalization, recent studies tend to portray street children as social agents. However, many refer to “tactical” or “thin” agency in order to point out the limited scope of those young people’s practices. Yet, the problem of acknowledging a lower degree of agency is that it separates children and youth living in environments “outside the norm” from those who stay with their parents and attend school. This constellation is particularly inadequate in the realm of street childhood in the global South, as it constructs fixed entities of different life worlds that are indeed fluid since street children frequently move between the various domains of socialization. I propose that the social, spatial and temporal mobilities of street children can best be explored through children’s biographical life stories, focusing here on street children in southern Ghana. Em resposta às conceitualizações generalizadas da infância de rua no Sul global como um estado de miséria e marginalização, estudos recentes tendem a descrever as crianças de rua como agentes sociais. No entanto, muitos referem-se à agência “tática” ou “fraca”, para salientar o limitado alcance das práticas desses jovens. Porém, o problema de reconhecer um grau de agência mais reduzido é que ele separa as crianças e jovens que vivem em ambientes “fora da norma” daqueles que ficam com os seus pais e frequentam a escola. Esta constelação é particularmente inadequada na esfera da infância de rua no Sul global, já que constrói entidades fixas de diferentes mundos de vida que de facto são fluídos, uma vez que frequentemente as crianças de rua circulam entre os vários domínios de socialização. Proponho que as mobilidades sociais, espaciais e temporais das crianças de rua podem ser melhor exploradas através das histórias de vida das crianças, focando aqui as crianças de rua no sul do Gana.

Shale gas extraction via hydraulic fracturing has been a controversial issue in many countries. In Canada, the provincial government of British Columbia (BC) has made relentless efforts on developing a liquefied natural gas (LNG) industry targeting potential Asian importers, which has been a heatedly debated public controversy since late 2011. Focusing on the two contending discourse coalitions formed by this policy initiative’s supporters and opponents, respectively, this article explores the intricate economic, political, and ideological struggles underlying Canadian extractivism. A qualitative discourse analysis of related stakeholder communications reveals that the pro-LNG coalition led by the BC Liberal government developed a “progressive extractivism” storyline to frame LNG exports as an unprecedented and ethical economic opportunity deserving the political support of environmentally minded British Columbians. By contrast, the anti-LNG coalition formed by progressive civil organizations, Indigenous groups, and concerned citizens engaged in fierce discursive resistance, notably via (a) adopting mainstream economic knowledge to highlight the fragile economic basis of BC LNG and (b) incorporating potent political issues such as democratic governance and reconciliation to expand public debates beyond the “jobs versus the environment” dichotomy.

Objectives: The objective of this systematic review was to determine what impact governance principles and guidelines have had on sport organisations’ governance practices and performance. Methods: Following the PRISMA, PIECES and Warwick protocols, we conducted a search of academic, grey literature and theses in sport and broader social sciences and humanities databases. We excluded studies that only proposed governance principles and did not actually measure their use by sport organisations, as well as those studies which did not consider the governance principles in relation to organisational performance. Results: From the initial 2,155 studies reviewed, 19 met the inclusion criteria. A wide range of governance principles or guidelines have been considered by the relatively small number of studies included in the analysis. We did find a variety of researchers from mainly developed countries examining the issue, often using case studies as a means to explore the topic. Although the link between board structure and organisational performance has been empirically found, the link between other governance principles and organisational performance remains lacking. Conclusions: Despite an increased interest in good governance principles and guidelines in sport, there is a clear need for both the international sport community and researchers to develop an agreed set of governance principles and language relevant for international, national, provincial/state and local level sport governance organisations. The multidimensionality of the concepts of governance and organisational performance, as well as their interrelationship and the potential positive and negative impacts of implementing governance principles render this need all the more critical.

The choice of the heroes Harmodius and Aristogeiton as the symbol of a founding myth – unencumbered by previous conflicts after the victory of Salamis in the Persian wars – represents the belief of the Athenians that tyranny was finally defeated. The Athenians declared Harmodius and Aristeigeiton as founders and ascribed them the merit of having introduced the new political order rather than Cleisthenes, the reformer, who had introduced it and who was, together with the Spartan king Cleomenes, largely responsible for the overthrow of tyranny some years before the Persian wars. After Salamis this phase was completed, the new founding fathers Harmodius and Aristogeiton were successfully established and with them the conflicts of previous decades were covered over, or in the strict sense of the word, rendered invisible – in the truest sense this is then one of the most spectacular examples of counterfactual history.

This essay reviews the following works: The Lima Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Edited by Carlos Aguirre and Charles Walker. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017, Pp. xv + 272. $26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822363484. Peru. 5 tomos. America Latina en la historia contemporanea. Dirigido por Carlos Contreras Carranza. Madrid: Fundacion MAPFRE, 2013–2015. Tomo 1, Crisis imperial e independencia, 1808–1830. Coordinado por Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2013. Pp. 11–336. ISBN: 9788430607884. Tomo 2, La construccion nacional, 1830–1880. Coordinado por Carlos Contreras Carranza. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2014. Pp. 2–360. ISBN: 9788439607884. Tomo 3, La apertura al mundo, 1880–1930. Coordinado por Oscar Gonzales. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2015. Pp. 11–304. ISBN: 9788430607884. Tomo 4, Mirando hacia dentro, 1839–1960. Coordinado por Marcos Cueto. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2015. Pp. 13–312. ISBN: 9788430607884. Tomo 5, La busqueda de la democracia, 1960–2010. Coordinado por Antonio Zapata. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2015. Pp. 13–367. ISBN: 9788430607884.

This essay reviews the following works: Earth Politics: Religion, Decolonization, and Bolivia’s Indigenous Intellectuals. By Waskar Ari. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 262. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822356172. Earth Beings: Ecologies of Practice across Andean Worlds. By Marisol de la Cadena. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. xxvii + 349. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822359630. Governing Indigenous Territories: Enacting Sovereignty in the Ecuadorian Amazon. By Juliet S. Erazo. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 237. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822354543. Singing for the Dead: The Politics of Indigenous Revival in Mexico. By Paja Faudree. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xiii + 315. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822354314. Multiple Injustices: Indigenous Women, Law, and Political Struggle in Latin America. By R. Aida Hernandez Castillo. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 330. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780816532490. We Are the Face of OAXACA: Testimony and Social Movements. By Lynn Stephen. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 344. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822355342. Politicized Ethnicity: A Comparative Perspective. By Anke Weber, Wesley Hiers, and Anaid Flesken. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. Pp. ix + 187. $95.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137359032.

Coinciding with the shift to the left in Latin American politics, regional integration in Latin America accelerated during the last two decades. Yet, whereas support for European integration has been tracked systematically for decades, trend analyses of public opinion on Latin American integration are still missing. Combining data from eight Latinobarometer surveys on 106,590 respondents from seventeen South and Central American countries, this article provides the first longitudinal analysis of Latin Americans’ support for their continent’s economic and political integration. Using multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression, we reveal intra- and intersocietal trends and cleavages. Our results show that support rates are generally declining from high initial levels. Furthermore, while gender and educational gaps in public opinion remained stable over time, considerable shifts occurred with regard to political orientation: starting from the lowest initial values, the left surpassed the right—and, at least in the case of support for political integration, also the center—to become the political wing favoring integration most highly. This finding shows, contrary to prevailing ideas, that the political center is not necessarily the primary supporter of integration. When regionalism is increasingly driven by left-wing governments, public support for regional integration may also swing to the left. Resumen Coincidiendo con el desplazamiento hacia la izquierda de la politica latinoamericana, la integracion regional en America Latina se ha acelerado durante las dos ultimas decadas. Sin embargo, mientras que el apoyo a la integracion europea ha sido estudiado sistematicamente durante decadas, todavia no existen analisis referidos a las tendencias de la opinion publica con respecto a la integracion de America Latina. Este articulo, al combinar los datos de ocho encuestas de Latinobarometro realizadas a 106,590 encuestados de 17 paises de America del Sur y America Central, proporciona el primer analisis longitudinal referido al apoyo por parte de los latinoamericanos a la integracion politica y economica del continente. Utilizando una regresion logistica de efectos mixtos multinivel, revelamos tendencias y escisiones internas e inter-sociales. Nuestros resultados muestran que si bien existia un alto nivel inicial de apoyo, en general, este porcentaje esta disminuyendo. Es mas, si bien las brechas educacionales y de genero se han mantenido estables a lo largo del tiempo en el ambito de la opinion publica, se han producido cambios considerables respecto de la orientacion politica: en un comienzo con valores iniciales mas bajos, la izquierda supero a la derecha y —al menos en el caso del apoyo a la integracion politica— tambien al centro para convertirse en el ala politica que mas propiciaba la integracion. Este hallazgo demuestra, contrariamente a las ideas dominantes, que el centro politico no es necesariamente el principal partidario de la integracion. Cuando el regionalismo se ve cada vez mas impulsado por los gobiernos de izquierda, el apoyo publico a la integracion regional tambien puede oscilar hacia la izquierda.

This article focuses on how two Spanish American Creole writers perceived their port city as a symbol of national prestige, devoted patriotism, and utilitarian significance, at a time when the military and economic status of the port was undergoing transformational changes. It centers on the works of two eighteenth-century Cuban writers, José Martín Félix de Arrate’s Llave del Nuevo Mundo, antemural de las Indias Occidentales: La Habana descripta (1761) and Ignacio José de Urrutia y Montoya’s Teatro histórico, jurídico y político-militar de la Isla Fernandina de Cuba y principalmente de su capital La Habana (1791), to show the ways in which these authors articulated their love for their country while endowing the port and the port city with local political power and cultural prestige. This sense of “topophilia,” a concept described by geographer Yi-Fu Tuan as the “affective bond between people and place,” is what guided the aforementioned authors’ geographic view of the port.

This article analyzes representations of indigenous people in Brazilian fiction from the 1930s to understand their presence in the national imaginary of the time. At the time, there was a deepening of the debate on social, productive, and institutional modernization, especially toward the promotion of industrialization in the most dynamic economic areas and the expansion of the state presence in the inlands and the wild regions. The research sources selected for this article include Menotti del Picchia’s entertainment literature, Graciliano Ramos’s neorealist writing, and Cornelio Penna’s mystical and introspective fiction. Through such diversity, the author looks for perceptions of the indigenous as objects, obstacles, or historical subjects. Indigenous peoples are most often viewed as figures or symbols rather than real and contemporary individuals, and their image is simultaneously involved with modernization projects and questioning the country’s historical trajectory. Resumo Este artigo objetiva analisar representacoes do indigena na literatura ficcional brasileira da decada de 1930, buscando compreender sua incorporacao ao imaginario nacional naquele momento. Trata-se de um contexto de aprofundamento do debate sobre a modernizacao social, produtiva e institucional do pais, sobretudo no sentido da promocao da industrializacao nas areas de economia mais dinâmica e da ampliacao da presenca estatal na vida do pais, particularmente atraves de sua expansao em direcao ao interior e as regioes de fronteira. Buscamos observar as formas de sua percepcao como objeto, obstaculo e sujeito historico e para tal foram selecionadas manifestacoes literarias bastante diversas: a literatura de entretenimento de Menotti del Picchia, a escrita neorrealista de Graciliano Ramos e a ficcao mistica e introspectiva de Cornelio Penna. Por meio de tal diversidade, intentamos alcancar um amplo horizonte de possibilidades em torno do problema exposto. Observamos, enfim, nos romances em debate, que os indigenas surgem mais frequentemente como figuras ou simbolos que como pessoas ou povos reais e contemporâneos, e que sua imagem participa dos projetos modernizadores, mas tambem contribui para o debate sobre a formacao historica do pais.

Since the beginning of this century, significant changes occurred in relation to the distribution of income in Brazilian society, which recently has seen reduced inequality and middle income growth. On the basis of this information, alongside economic growth, the best-known interpretation of those changes in Brazil was the one that affirmed that the Brazilian middle class was enlarging. The main objective of this article is to deepen this discussion. Through microdata from 2002 to 2013 of the National Household Sample Surveys, we look at the relationship between recent changes in income distribution and class structure in Brazil. We analyze whether it is possible to identify significant changes in income inequality across socio-occupational categories. As a result, we present evidence that, rather than growth of the middle class, it is more correct to speak of a more affluent working class. Resumo Desde o inicio do presente seculo, mudancas significativas ocorreram em relacao a distribuicao de renda na sociedade brasileira, que recentemente apresentou queda das desigualdades e crescimento das faixas intermediarias de rendimento. Com base nesta informacao, junto ao crescimento economico ocorrido no periodo, a interpretacao mais conhecida a respeito dessas recentes mudancas no Brasil e aquela que afirmava estarmos diante do crescimento da classe media. O objetivo deste artigo e aprofundar essa discussao, atraves do prisma sociologico. Procuramos, por meio dos microdados das Pesquisas Nacionais por Amostra de Domicilios de 2002 a 2013, verificar a relacao entre as recentes mudancas na distribuicao de renda e a estrutura de classes no Brasil. Buscamos, assim, analisar se e possivel encontrar modificacoes significativas no que se refere a desigualdade de rendimentos entre categorias socio ocupacionais. Como resultado, apresentamos evidencias de que, em vez de crescimento das camadas medias, seria mais correto falarmos em fortalecimento das classes assentadas no trabalho.

This essay reviews the following works: Rethinking Productive Development: Sound Policies and Institutions for Economic Transformation. Edited by Gustavo Crespi, Eduardo Fernandez-Arias, and Ernesto Stein; Inter-American Development Bank. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. xxix + 461. $54.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781137397164. Macroeconomics and Development: Roberto Frenkel and the Economics of Latin America. Edited by Mario Damill, Martin Rapetti, and Guillermo Rozenwurcel. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 389. $65.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780231175081. Free Trade and Faithful Globalization: Saving the Market. By Amy Reynolds. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. x + 179. $28.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107435179. Latin America after the Financial Crisis: Economic Ramifications from Heterodox Perspectives. Edited by Juan E. Santarcangelo, Orlando Justo, and Paul Cooney. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pp. vii + 251. $149.99 hardcover. ISBN: 9781137486615. Meaningful Resistance: Market Reforms and the Roots of Social Protest in Latin America. By Erica S. Simmons. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 219. $27.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107562059. Global Capitalism in Disarray: Inequality, Debt, and Austerity. By Andres Solimano. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. xi + 235. $35.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780190626273. The Last Day of Oppression, and the First Day of the Same: The Politics and Economics of the New Latin American Left. By Jeffery R. Webber. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2017. Pp. 1 + 305. $26.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780745399539.

This article analyzes student mobilization and public discourse on higher education during the June 2013 protests in Brazil in an effort to situate the protests historically. I argue that higher education was a major, yet overlooked, component of the 2013 protests, and that concerns over the failings and shortcomings of Brazil’s university system had deeper roots in institutional problems and student discourses on education, society, and democracy. These historical inequalities combined with institutional memories that offered students models and examples of past mobilization and allowed them to tie their present-day concerns to past examples of student politics. I consider the ways in which the often-overlooked question of educational reform offers insights into ongoing social inequalities in Brazil, the failure of various regimes to address structural issues, and how students in 2013 looked to the past while simultaneously drawing on their own particular educational contingencies. This article situates 2013 historically while exploring the ways in which higher education in the twenty-first century has transformed, even as it remains an important part of political and social struggles between society and the state. Finally, this article explores how the 2013 protests in Brazil reflect ongoing struggles to define the role of the state in society, not just in Brazil but in the Americas more generally.

Years before Presidents Barack Obama and Raúl Castro announced a “thaw” in US-Cuba relations on December 17, 2014 (17D), Cubans were intensifying ties through the transnational circulation of popular culture. To understand Cuba and its diaspora in the twenty-first century, it is essential that we attend to the transnational networks in place before 17D that continue to shape quotidian life for people on and off the island. I begin in Miami, with the “afterlives” of a comic variety show called 'Sabadazo'—popular on the island during the 1990s—to illustrate how what it means to be Cuban, politically and culturally, has shifted away from the exile generation that arrived in the 1960s and 1970s. I complement this analysis with attention to generational tensions within the diaspora and representations of race and sexuality. I then move to the island to examine 'el paquete' (the package), a terabyte’s worth of mostly foreign media updated and distributed across the island weekly. I contend that the economic and cultural impact of 'el paquete' cannot be fully understood without careful consideration of the role of the Cuban diaspora. Resumen Años antes de que los presidentes Barack Obama y Raúl Castro anunciaran un “deshielo” en la relación entre Cuba y Estados Unidos el 17 de diciembre del 2014 (17D), los cubanos ya intensificaban los lazos por medio de la circulación transnacional de la cultura popular. Para poder comprender a Cuba y su diáspora en el siglo XXI, es esencial que prestemos atención a las redes transnacionales establecidos antes de 17D que continúan moldeando la vida cotidiana de las personas dentro y fuera de la isla. Yo comienzo en Miami con los “ultratumbas” de Sabadazo, un show de comedia y espectáculo muy popular en la isla en los años 90, para ilustrar cómo lo que significa ser cubano política y culturalmente, se ha desviado de la generación de exiliados que llegaron en los años sesenta y setentas. Yo complemento este análisis poniendo la atención a las tensiones dentro de la diáspora y las representaciones de raza y sexualidad. Prosigo hacia la isla para estudiar “el paquete”, un terabit de medios de comunicación extranjera actualizados y distribuidos semanalmente por toda la isla. Yo sostengo que el impacto económico y cultural del paquete no se puede comprender en su totalidad sin antes considerar cuidadosamente el papel que juega la diáspora cubana.

Report presented at the meeting of the Executive Council of the Latin American Studies Association in Barcelona, Spain, on May 20, 2018.

This article examines two approaches to postdictatorship cinema: trauma theory, which has been especially popular in reading this corpus, and semiotics, which has regained popularity in film analysis in general but is not often employed when analyzing postdictatorship films. The article claims that, though highly productive in the 1990s, trauma theory has become less fruitful after decades of continuous scholarship and after the emergence of administrations that have made the representation of the dictatorship the center of their public policies, such as kirchnerismo in Argentina (2003–2015). While trauma theory yields ahistorical analyses, a semiotic approach that takes into account how indexical, iconic, and symbolic signs merge in the cinematic field allows for historical interpretations that are more adequate for reading postdictatorship films, especially after 2003. The article first outlines the main tenets of the two approaches (trauma theory and semiotics), then assesses their suitability for historical interpretation via a brief analysis of Andres no quiere dormir la siesta , a 2009 Argentine film on the country’s last dictatorship. Resumen Este articulo se propone examinar dos aproximaciones al cine postdictatorial: la teoria del trauma, que ha sido especialmente popular para leer este corpus, y la semiotica, un acercamiento que ha vuelto a ganar popularidad en el analisis filmico en general pero que no es frecuentemente utilizado en la interpretacion de este tipo de peliculas. El articulo argumenta que la teoria del trauma, aunque productiva en los anos noventa, se ha vuelto menos fructifera despues de varias decadas de produccion academica constante y de la emergencia de gobiernos que, como el kirchnerismo en Argentina (2003–2015), han puesto la representacion de la dictadura en el centro de sus politicas publicas. Mientras que la teoria del trauma resulta insuficiente para leer historicamente el cine postdictatorial, una lectura semiotica de como los componentes indiciales, iconicos y simbolicos se combinan en la imagen cinematografica resulta mas apropiada para llevar a cabo una interpretacion historica, especialmente despues del 2003. Luego de delinear estas dos aproximaciones, el articulo las reevalua mediante un breve analisis de una pelicula argentina reciente sobre la dictadura militar, Andres no quiere dormir la siesta.

Although a large number of democracies have extended political rights to expatriates, relatively little is known about the depths of transnational political engagement. How attentive are expatriates to politics in the country of origin? When expatriates judge leaders “back home,” are their evaluations based on the same ideological considerations as those of citizens in the country of origin? Drawing from original surveys conducted during presidential elections in Mexico (2006) and Colombia (2010), in which both emigrants and citizens within the country were sampled, this study addresses these questions. The results indicate that for each nationality group, living abroad is not associated with a drop in political attentiveness, and time abroad does not in and of itself depress attention to politics from a distance. Moreover, emigrants and individuals in the country of origin do not vary in the extent to which ideological preferences are used to judge presidents, which is a key marker of political sophistication. These results suggest that in the context of Mexican and Colombian politics, living abroad does not markedly diminish the potential for effective democratic engagement. Resumen Si bien gran numero de democracias han extendido derechos politicos a los emigrantes, se sabe relativamente poco sobre el compromiso politico transnacional. ?Que tan atentos son los emigrantes a la politica del pais de origen? ?Cuando se juzga a los lideres de este pais, la evaluacion que les hacen los emigrantes se basa en las mimas consideraciones que los ciudadanos del pais de origen? Este estudio aborda estas preguntas utilizando encuestas originales realizadas durante las elecciones presidenciales en Mexico (2006) y en Colombia (2010) y donde ambos, emigrantes y ciudadanos dentro del pais de origen, fueron parte del muestreo. El resultado indica que en los dos casos de Mexico y Colombia el vivir fuera del pais no esta asociado con una baja de la atencion a lo politico, y que el tiempo vivido por fuera no reduce por si solo esta atencion desde la distancia. Aun mas, emigrantes e individuos en el pais de origen no difieren en la forma de usar las preferencias ideologicas para juzgar a los presidentes, lo que es una marca clave de sofisticacion politica. Estos resultados sugieren que en el contexto de la politica de Mexico y Colombia, vivir afuera no disminuye el potencial de compromiso politico democratico.

This essay reviews the following works: Political Landscapes: Forests, Conservation, and Community in Mexico. By Christopher R. Boyer. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. xix + 337 pages. $27.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358329. Dictablanda: Politics, Work, and Culture in Mexico, 1938–1968. Edited By Paul Gillingham and Benjamin T. Smith. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. vii + 444. $28.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822356370. The War Has Brought Peace to Mexico: World War II and the Consolidation of the Post-Revolutionary State. By Halbert Jones. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 296. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780826351302. Mexico’s Once and Future Revolution: Social Upheaval and the Challenge of Rule since the Late Nineteenth Century. By Gilbert M. Joseph and Jurgen Buchenau. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. $23.95 paper. Pp. x + 252. ISBN: 9780822355328. Instituting Nature: Authority, Expertise, and Power in Mexico’s Forests. Andrew S. Mathews. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011. Pp. xii + 304. $32.00 paper. ISBN: 9780262516440. The Logic of Compromise in Mexico: How the Countryside Was Key to the Emergence of Authoritarianism. By Gladys I. McCormick. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016. Pp. xiv + 284. $32.95 paper. ISBN: 9781469627748. Myths of Demilitarization in Postrevolutionary Mexico, 1920–1960. By Thomas Rath. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 256. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780807839294.

Twenty-five years have passed since Haiti’s first free and fair elections. In that time, democratization has been slow and there have been many setbacks. This article offers some observations regarding Haiti’s democratization journey by examining how the government introduced a massive industrial park that required the displacement of a large number of farmers. In a departure from historical practice, when faced with opposition, the government deployed its security forces sparingly. Also, the levels of transparency and civil society engagement were not terrible. Although it is insufficient and superficial, movement is in the right direction. In contrast, local government officials may have lost status and legitimacy during the process, which could hinder future democratization. Finally, the footprint of outsiders in this project was massive, confirming how profoundly Haiti’s democratization is transnationalized. This makes tracking its democratic development extremely challenging and yet necessary given the country is not alone in this predicament. Resumen Han pasado veinticinco anos desde las primeras elecciones libres y justas en Haiti. Desde entonces, la democratizacion ha sido lenta y ha sufrido muchos contratiempos. Este articulo ofrece algunas observaciones con respecto al proceso de democratizacion en este momento. Al hacerlo, examina como el gobierno ha introducido un extenso parque industrial en el noreste del pais, el que requirio el desplazamiento de un gran numero de campesinos. Los resultados son mixtos. En una divergencia de la historia, cuando se enfrento con la oposicion, el gobierno envio sus fuerzas de seguridad con moderacion. Por otra parte, los niveles de transparencia y el compromiso de la sociedad civil no eran pasables. Aunque puede resultar insuficiente y superficial, el proceso democratico parece ir avanzando en la direccion correcta. Por otro lado, puede ser que los oficiales del gobierno local hayan perdido posicion y legitimidad durante el proceso, lo que puede impedir la democratizacion. Finalmente, el involucramiento de extranjeros en este proyecto era masivo, lo que confirma que la democratizacion de Haiti es transnacional. Asi, seguir el desarrollo democratico es algo extremadamente desafiante pero necesario ya que este pais no esta solo en esta situacion.

Resumen Se presenta un analisis tematico de tres debates parlamentarios claves para el tema de la libertad de expresion en el ambito mediatico en Chile desde la vuelta a la democracia: la discusion en torno a la Ley de Prensa 1993–2001, el Informe de la Comision Especial sobre las Libertades de Pensamiento y Expresion 2007–2010 y el debate de la Ley de Television Digital 2008–2014. En todos ellos, la batalla principal se ha librado por el significado mismo de la libertad de expresion, por su contenido meramente negativo —como la libertad de “injerencia” estatal— o el positivo que supone un Estado activo. Los ganadores de los debates argumentaron en contra de la regulacion viendola como una intromision estatal limitante para el mercado, y reduciendo asi la nocion de la libertad de expresion a la libertad de empresa. Abstract This article presents a thematic analysis of three parliamentary debates that are key to the topic of freedom of expression in the Chilean media since the return of democracy: the debate on the Press Law, 1993–2001; the Report of the Special Commission on Freedom of Thought and Freedom of Expression, 2007–2010; and the debate on the Digital Television Law, 2008–2014. In all three cases, the debates turned fundamentally on the central issue of the very meaning of the concept of freedom of expression: whether it should be understood in a merely negative sense—as freedom from state “interference”—or as a positive right to expression (presupposing an active state). These debates were all won by those who argued against regulation, viewing it as state intrusion against the market and thus reducing the notion of free expression to that of free enterprise.

This essay reviews the following works: Worldly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman. By Jeremy Adelman. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013. Pp. xv + 740. $39.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780691155678. Kalman Silvert: Engaging Latin America, Building Democracy. Edited by Abraham F. Lowenthal and Martin Weinstein. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2016. Pp. vii + 195. $24.50 paper. ISBN: 9781626375550. Disciplinary Conquest: U.S. Scholars in South America, 1900–1945. By Ricardo D. Salvatore. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016. Pp. xii + 329. $94.95 cloth. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822360957.

This essay reviews the following works: Del proceso de paz a la masacre de Alaska: Guatemala 1994–2012. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 1. Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar; Editorial Universitaria de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 2013. Pp. xvii + 424. ISBN: 9789929663022. Cuadros sueltos que prefiguran el siglo XXI: Honduras 1993–2001. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 2. Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar, 2014. Pp. xxxi + 448. ISBN: 9789929663046. Ixcán: el campesino indígena se levanta: Guatemala 1966–1982. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 3. Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar; Editorial Universitaria de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 2015. Pp. xxxviii + 600. ISBN: 9789929663053. Ixcán: Masacres y sobrevivencia: Guatemala 1982. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 4 (a and b). Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar; Editorial Universitaria de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 2016. Pp. xxxix + 703. ISBN: 9789929663077.

This essay reviews the following works: Chavez’s Legacy: The Transformation from Democracy to a Mafia State. By Ari Chaplin. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2014. Pp. vii + 230. $35.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780761862659. Dragon in the Tropics: Venezuela and the Legacy of Hugo Chavez, 2nd ed. By Javier Corrales and Mark Penfold. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 237. $27.00 paper. ISBN: 9780815725930. Poder, petroleo y pobreza. By Jose Antonio Gil Yepes. Caracas: Libros Marcadores, 2015. Pp. 367. Paper. ISBN: 9789804080395. Venezuela: What Everyone Needs to Know. By Miguel Tinker Salas. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 241. $16.95 paper. ISBN: 9780199783281. We Are the State! Barrio Activism in Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution. By Cristobal Valencia. Tucson: University of the Arizona Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 229. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780816531561. Barrio Rising: Urban Popular Politics and the Making of Modern Venezuela. By Alejandro Velasco. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 344. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520283329.

This essay reviews the following works: Rethinking Race in Modern Argentina. Edited by Paulina Alberto and Eduardo Elena. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xviii + 373. $120.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107107632. Reimagining Black Difference and Politics in Brazil: From Racial Democracy to Multiculturalism.By Alexandre Emboaba Da Costa. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. vii + 233. $105.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137386335. Racial Subordination in Latin America: The Role of the State, Customary Law, and the New Civil Rights Response. By Tanya Kateri Hernandez. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 247. $35.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107695436. The Color of Love: Racial Features, Stigma, and Socialization in Black Brazilian Families.By Elizabeth Hordge-Freeman. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 311. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781477307885. Blackness in the Andes: Ethnographic Vignettes of Cultural Politics in the Time of Multiculturalism. By Jean Muteba Rahier. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. ix + 243. $110.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137272713. Land of the Cosmic Race: Race Mixture, Racism, and Blackness in Mexico. By Christina A. Sue. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 234. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780199925506. Pigmentocracies: Ethnicity, Race, and Color in Latin America. By Edward Telles and the Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Pp. xiii + 320. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781469617831.

This essay reviews the following works: Sons of the Mexican Revolution: Miguel Aleman and His Generation. By Ryan M. Alexander. Albuquerque: University of Mexico Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 239. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780826357397. A Sentimental Education for the Working Man: The Mexico City Penny Press, 1900–1910. By Robert M. Buffington. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 287. $25.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822358824. Radio in Revolution: Wireless Technology and State Power in Mexico, 1897–1938. By J. Justin Castro. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 270. $30.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780803286788. Working Women, Entrepreneurs, and the Mexican Revolution: The Coffee Culture of Cordoba, Veracruz. By Heather Fowler-Salamini. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2013. Pp. vi + 403. $45.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780803243712. Industry and Revolution: Social and Economic Change in the Orizaba Valley, Mexico. By Aurora Gomez-Galvarriato. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013. Pp. 351. $49.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780674072725. For God and Revolution: Priest, Peasant, and Agrarian Socialism in the Mexican Huasteca. By Mark Saad Saka. Albuquerque: University of Mexico Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 177. $50.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780826353382. Pesos and Politics: Business, Elites, Foreigners, and Government in Mexico, 1854–1940. By Mark Wasserman. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015. Pp. viii + 249. $55.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780804791540.

This essay reviews the following works: Reflections on Uneven Democracies: The Legacy of Guillermo O’Donnell. Edited by Daniel Brinks, Marcelo Leiras, and Scott Mainwaring. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. viii + 422. $34.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421414607 . Problems Confronting Contemporary Democracies: Essays in Honor of Alfred Stepan. Edited by Douglas Chalmers and Scott Mainwaring. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2012. Pp. xii + 487. $75.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780268023720. The Resilience of the Latin American Right. Edited by Juan-Pablo Luna and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. xi + 377. $34.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421413907. Democracies and Dictatorships in Latin America: Emergence, Survival, and Fall. By Scott Mainwaring and Anibal Perez-Linan. Pp. xiv + 353 pages. $35.99 paper. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. ISBN: 9780521152242. Democracy in Latin America: Between Hope and Despair. By Ignacio Walker. Translated by Krystin Krause, Holly Bird, and Scott Mainwaring. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2013. Pp. xvi + 262. $38.00 paper. ISBN: 9780268019723.

This essay reviews the following works: Rhythms of the Pachakuti: Indigenous Uprising and State Power in Bolivia. By Raquel Gutierrez Aguilar. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 284. $25.24 paperback. ISBN: 9780822356042. State Theory and Andean Politics: New Approaches to the Study of Rule. Edited by Christopher Krupa and David Nugent. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015. Pp. v + 328. $56.56 hardcover. ISBN: 9780812246940. Embodied Protests: Emotions and Women’s Health in Bolivia. By Maria Tapias. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 160. $21.67 paperback. ISBN: 9780252080746.

This article examines the clandestine connections between participants in the illicit drug trade and members of state security forces to understand how they impact everyday understandings of the law. Drawing on a unique combination of long-term ethnographic fieldwork in a poor, high-crime district in Argentina and wiretapped conversations drawn from a court case involving a drug trafficking group active in the same area, we find that traffickers use illicit relationships to maintain economic control of the territory, and that collusion fosters widespread cynicism about law enforcement among residents. This article expands the literature on the covert relationships between drug trade participants and agents of the state by detailing the inner workings of collusion. Furthermore, it analyzes residents’ perceptions of police complicity as an underexplored source of legal cynicism. Finally, it offers a methodological blueprint of how to access and analyze data that capture state actions usually hidden from public view. Resumen Este articulo examina las conexiones clandestinas entre participantes en el trafico de drogas ilegales y miembros de las fuerzas de seguridad del estado a los efectos de entender como esas relaciones impactan en la manera en que la ley es entendida en la vida cotidiana. Combinando trabajo etnografico en un barrio pobre con altos niveles de criminalidad y escuchas telefonicas registradas en un expediente judicial que involucra a un grupo de traficantes de la misma zona, encontramos que: a) los traficantes utilizan esas relaciones clandestinas para mantener control economico del territorio, y b) la colusion entre agentes del estado y traficantes alimenta un cinismo legal generalizado entre los residentes de la zona. Este articulo hace tres contribuciones. En primer lugar, expande la literatura sobre relaciones encubiertas entre participantes en el mercado de drogas ilicitas y los agentes del estado al detallar el funcionamiento de la colusion. En segundo lugar, analiza las percepciones sobre la complicidad policial como una fuente no estudiada de cinismo legal. Por ultimo, ofrece una estrategia metodologica para acceder y analizar datos sobre acciones del estado que suelen estar ocultas.

This essay reviews the following works: The Strange Career of William Ellis: The Texas Slave Who Became a Mexican Millionaire. By Karl Jacoby. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2016. Pp. xxvii + 304. $27.95 hardcover; $16.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780393239256. Jalos, USA: Transnational Community and Identity. By Alfredo Mirande. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 221. $27.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780268035327. How Race Is Made in America: Immigration, Citizenship, and the Historical Power of Racial Scripts. By Natalia Molina. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 207. $27.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780520280083. Latinos in the United States: Diversity and Change. By Rogelio Saenz and Maria Cristina Morales. Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2015. Pp. vi + 265. $26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780745642727. Indian Given: Racial Geographies across Mexico and the United States. By Maria Josefina Saldana-Portillo. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016. Pp. ix + 336. $26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822360148. Mestizaje and Globalization: Transformations of Identity and Power. Edited by Stefanie Wickstrom and Philip D. Young. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 284. $55.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780816530908.

This article analyzes how the narrative of Bolivia construcciones, a novel by Sergio Di Nucci (under the pseudonym Bruno Morales), takes up the debate about the concept of plagiarism, and points to rewriting and copying as important elements in contemporary literature. In addition, the narrative calls into question some traditional concepts of modern literature and criticism, like originality and author as creative foundations aspects of literary creation. I also consider the ambiguity in the narrative language associated with the changes in enunciation during the discursive event put forward by Di Nucci in the novel. The disputes over plagiarism in Bolivia construcciones are associated with the ambivalence of writing and reading mechanisms, which brings Di Nucci’s novel up to date with the shifts and frequent indecision in the arts today. Resumen Este articulo analiza como la textualidad de la novela Bolivia construcciones, del argentino Sergio Di Nucci (seudonimo Bruno Morales), trae a colacion el debate en torno al concepto de plagio, asi como apunta a la productividad de la reescritura y de la copia en la literatura contemporanea y, ademas, pone en tela de juicio ciertos supuestos modernos de la literatura y la critica, como los conceptos de originalidad y autor, en tanto fundamentos creativos. Asimismo, se investigan los procesos de opacidad del lenguaje en la narrativa de la novela, relacionados con los cambios de la enunciacion en el evento discursivo promovido por Di Nucci. Se sostiene que la querella en torno al plagio en su textualidad se asocia a la ambivalencia de mecanismos escriturales y de lectura que ponen la novela de Di Nucci al tanto de los desplazamientos y la indecidibilidad frecuentes en las artes del presente.

On March 14, 2008, 'Granma' started publication of a new section entitled 'Cartas a la dirección', which printed letters to the editor containing complaints, criticisms, and suggestions. The section rapidly grew in popularity and became the most closely read portion of the Friday paper. This essay engages with three related questions that have theoretical relevance beyond the specific case of Cuba. First, why would the flagship newspaper in a communist regime solicit citizen letters? Second, why would some of these letters be printed? And third, why would news media seek out responses to the letters and comment on unsatisfactory responses? This essay argues that in Cuba, as in other communist regimes, published complaint letters have two functions: the simple printing of select letters facilitates the collective letting off of steam, whereas the publication of responses to the letters by the authorities that were responsible for the infractions outlined in the initial complaint allows the regime to demonstrate that it takes popular input seriously. Therefore, 'Cartas a la dirección' serves as a nonelectoral mechanism of accountability. Resumen El 14 de marzo de 2008, 'Granma inició' la publicación de una nueva sección titulada 'Cartas a la dirección', que publicaba cartas conteniendo quejas, críticas y sugerencias. La sección rápidamente creció en popularidad y se convirtió en el segmento más leído del periódico del viernes. Este ensayo plantea tres preguntas que tienen relevancia teórica más allá del caso específico de Cuba. Primero, ¿por qué el periódico oficial en un régimen comunista solicitaría cartas a los ciudadanos? Segundo, ¿por qué se publicarían algunas de estas cartas? Y en tercer lugar, ¿por qué los medios de comunicación responderían a esas cartas y comentarían las respuestas insatisfactorias? Este artículo argumenta que en Cuba, al igual que en otros regímenes comunistas, las cartas de queja publicadas cumplen dos funciones: la simple publicación de cartas seleccionadas facilita la descarga colectiva de tensión, mientras que la publicación de las respuestas de las autoridades responsables por las infracciones señaladas en la queja inicial permite al régimen demostrar que toma en serio la opinión del pueblo. Por lo tanto, 'Cartas a la dirección' sirve como un mecanismo no electoral de rendición de cuentas.

This essay reviews the following works: Spectacular Mexico: Design, Propaganda, and the 1968 Olympics. By Luis M. Castaneda. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 293. $35.00 paper. ISBN: 9780816690794. Religion and State Formation in Postrevolutionary Mexico. By Ben Fallaw. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xx + 329. $27.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822353379. Deco Body, Deco City: Female Spectacle and Modernity in Mexico City, 1900–1939. By Ageeth Sluis. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016. Pp. ix + 396. $35.00 paper. ISBN: 9780803293823. Portrait of a Young Painter: Pepe Zuniga and Mexico City’s Rebel Generation. By Mary Kay Vaughan. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 279. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822357810.

En abril del ano 2015 se promulgo la ley que creo el acuerdo de union civil en Chile. Este articulo investiga las principales ideas discutidas en el debate legislativo y del rol que cumplieron profesores de derecho de familia invitados como expertos al mismo. Proponemos que la participacion de estos abogados fue marginal dentro y fuera del Congreso. Como consecuencia, la ley que creo el acuerdo de union civil presento serias falencias. En este articulo proponemos considerar las batallas intra-profesionales por el reconocimiento de un saber experto, como un factor clave en la formulacion de politicas en materia de genero y sexualidad. Y de paso, esperamos abrir un debate desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que reimagine al derecho de familia desanclado de relaciones diadicas, centradas en la atraccion sexual y orientadas a la procreacion. In Chile, a bill recognizing civil unions for same-sex and opposite-sex couples was signed into law in April 2015. In this article, we analyze the parliamentary debate on the civil union’s law and the role of law professors invited as experts in the debate. We conclude that their position as experts was marginal inside and outside the Congress. As a result, the parliament approved the law with several shortcomings. The contribution of this research is twofold. First, we propose that intraprofessional battles over expertise are a crucial factor to understand better the formulation of gender and sexual policies in Latin America. Second, from an interdisciplinary approach, we propose to reimagine family law decoupled from norms centered on dyadic and romantic relationships and oriented to procreation.

This essay reviews the following works: Private Wealth and Public Revenue in Latin America: Business Power and Tax Politics. By Tasha Fairfield. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. viii + 333. $99.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107088375. Evo’s Bolivia: Continuity and Change. By Linda C. Farthing and Benjamin H. Kohl. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 227. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780292758681. The State and the Private Sector in Latin America: The Shift to Partnership. By Mauricio A. Font. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Pp. vii + 291. $100.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780230111400. Partisan Investment in the Global Economy: Why the Left Loves Foreign Direct Investment and FDI Loves the Left. By Pablo M. Pinto. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Pp. xi + 288. $34.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107617360. Enduring Reform: Progressive Activism and Private Sector Responses in Latin America’s Democracies. Edited by Jeffrey W. Rubin and Vivienne Bennett. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 261. $15.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822963165. Reinventing the Left in the Global South: The Politics of the Possible. By Richard Sandbrook. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 294. $34.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107421097. Democratic Chile: The Politics and Policies of a Historic Coalition, 1990–2010. Edited by Kirsten Sehnbruch and Peter M. Siavelis. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2014. Pp. vii + 375. $69.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781588268730.

This essay reviews the following works: In Harm’s Way: the Dynamics of Urban Violence. By Javier Auyero and Maria Fernanda Berti. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 239. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780691164779. Violence at the Urban Margins. Edited by Javier Auyero, Philippe Bourgois, and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 323. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780190221454. Bruno: Conversations with a Brazilian Drug Dealer. By Robert Gay. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 219. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358497. The Spectacular Favela: Violence in Modern Brazil. By Erika Robb Larkins. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 231. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520282773. Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America. By Eduardo Moncada. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 219. $65.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780804794176. Living with Insecurity in a Brazilian Favela: Urban Violence and Daily Life. By R. Ben Penglase. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2014. Pp. ix + 197. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780813565439.

This essay reviews the following works: Mobilizing Democracy: Globalization and Citizen Protest. By Paul Almeida. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 191. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421414096. Nicaragua: Navigating the Politics of Democracy. By David Close. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2016. Pp. vii + 254. $59.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781626374355. The Politics of Modern Central America: Civil War, Democratization, and Underdevelopment. By Fabrice Lehoucq. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Pp. viii + 193. $29.99 paper. ISBN: 9780521730792. A History of Violence: Living and Dying in Central America . By Oscar Martinez , translated by John B. Washington and Daniela Ugaz. London: Verso, 2016. Pp. xv + 257. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9781784781682. Enabling Peace in Guatemala: The Story of MINUGUA. By William Stanley. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2013. Pp. xx + 325. $25.00 paper. ISBN: 9781588266811. Women in War: The Micro-Processes of Mobilization in El Salvador. By Jocelyn Viterna. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Pp. xvi + 288. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780199843657. Captured Peace: Elites and Peacebuilding in El Salvador. By Christine J. Wade. Athens, OH: Ohio University Research in International Studies, 2016. Pp. ix + 273. $27.96 paper. ISBN: 9780896802988.

Este ensaio resenha os seguintes filmes: Justica/Justice. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Jan de Ruiter, Luis Vidal, Niek Koppen, and Renee Van Der Grinten. Brazil/Netherlands, 2004, 107’. DVD. Film is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qUWZHNWcj7U. Juizo/Behave. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Diler Trinidade. Brazil, 2007. 90’. DVD. Film is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UymNRVuilnA. Morro dos Prazeres/Hill of Pleasures. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Eduardo Ades and Daniela Santos in association with Imagem-Tempo. Brazil/Netherlands, 2013, 90’. DVD. Film is available by contacting the distributor at atendimento@bretzfilmes.com.br. O Processo/The Trial. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Leonardo Mecchi. Brazil, 2018, 100’. Not yet released in DVD. Contact the distributor at http://www.vitrinefilmes.com.br/site/.