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Copyright of Analisi e Diritto is the property of Edizioni ETS s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay investigates the organisation and plans for cross-border police surveillance during the 1960s and 1970s in the key border area of South Tyrol, in Northern Italy. At a time when political and ethno-nationalist terrorism appeared, the threats it posed took on an international character. This study seeks to understand the re-organisation of police surveillance and the militarisation of borders in peacetime, investigating continuities and ruptures in the history of policing in Republican Italy; it focuses on the exchange of knowledge between security experts and the transformation of organisation and practices of police officers with the task of monitoring borders. This leads on to propose conceptual reflections on the formats, effects and boundary-setting in transnational police actions, as well as on the spaces of interaction between transnational actors in the recent past. Which of these are devices of police border surveillance? How were areas of competence assigned to different Public Security bodies? What did they represent for the history of the police of Republican Italy? How was cross-border surveillance negotiated and how was it organised? How did the exchange of knowledge develop police cooperation and how did this influence diplomatic relations between Italy and Austria during the cold War? Cross-border surveillance took on an important role in the relations between states in negotiating areas of surveillance and legitimate competencies. This study is based on unpublished documents created by the Ufficio Affari Riservati (U.A.R.) of the Italian Ministry of the Interior, which make it possible to reconstruct an organisation chart of the civilian and military corps engaged at the border and to investigate the cross-border Italian–Austrian police cooperation in its theoretical and technical-scientific aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Constitutional History / Giornale di Storia Costituzionale is the property of Giornale di Storia Costituzionale (Journal of Constitutional History) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the last year of the World War I, the Prince-bishop Mihael Napotnik of Lavant already entered his 30th year as leader of the Lower Styrian diocese with its seat in Maribor. Although he had justly been regarded one of the most active members of the Austrian episcopate during the last pre-war decades, his remarkable absence from the greater political stage was the most obvious feature of his tenure in 1918. This circumstance already puzzled bishop's contemporaries, particularly in comparison with Napotnik's Ljubljana counterpart, Anton Bonaventura Jeglič who played a pivotal role during the separation of Slovenes from Habsburg monarchy. On the other hand, Napotnik himself took virtually no part in this process, although he did nothing to prevent his diocesan clergy from assuming (or only consolidating) their lead in it. His priest, Anton Korošec, even served as the more or less undisputed leader of these efforts. It is indeed almost impossible to answer the question, whether Napotnik was only unable to prevent his priests in their political actions (or was not interested in doing so, due to his preoccupation with theological writing), or there was a deeper antagonism between his public appearance as a typical Austrian ecclesiastical prince and his personal opinions and desires. It is pretty clear that Napotnik indeed represented a rather common bishop by standards of the Habsburg Austrian church, still deeply permeated by a sense of the necessity of union between throne and altar. So, it couldn't be expected that the Prince-bishop of Lavant would take any public action in the direction of breaching the long preserved political framework. It is therefore characteristic that the Catholic newspaper of Styrian Slovenes, Slovenski gospodar, felt compelled to "mobilize" the bishop of Krk, Anton Mahnič, as a proponent of change in early August 1918, when it became clear that the old certainties were shaken beyond repair. Mahnič was known as staunch champion of legitimism himself, but was on the other hand strongly opposed to the Josephine foundations of Austrian church system. Such opposition can't be traced in Napotnik, who even at the end of 1918 published his collection of speeches and sermons, dedicated to late emperor Francis Joseph I and his wife empress Elisabeth. But he obviously found some form of modus vivendi with the new state framework, since he both sent his representatives to the king Peter I's funeral (what Jeglič didn't do) in 1921 and shortly before his own death in spring 1922 warmly accepted a state decoration awarded to him by the king Alexander I. Regarding the life of Napotnik's diocese in the year 1918, many aspects offered some appearance of normality. The Prince-bishop conferred rite of confirmation to more than 10.000 children. He also ordained eight new priests. But on the other hand, a major part of his flock endured ever increasing hardships due to war efforts of the ailing monarchy. Many priests and seminarians were part of this efforts on the battlefield. The bishop led many processions and prayers for peace. Particularly his sermon, delivered on the Laetare Sunday in the wake of the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, gives us an insight in his thinking at the time. In the sermon Napotnik underlined a deep wish for peace, but also interpreted the Great war as a God's punishment for transgressions of humanity in the decades leading to it. Similarly, he singled out the emperor Charles I and the pope Benedict XV as great peacemakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scienza & Politica is the property of University of Bologna, Department of Political & Social Sciences Alma Mater Studiorum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L’articolo analizza le modalità attraverso cui la sovranità statale fonda la propria legittimità sul controllo della mobilità umana. Lo fa attraverso il caso dei visti di entrata, con particolare riferimento ai visti europei, Schengen e non, nella gestione delle frontiere esterne europee con l’Africa Occidentale. Il regime dei visti esprime in forma diretta ed esplicita il potere sovrano dello Stato nei confronti del movimento di persone. Discutendo casi etnografici concreti, il saggio decostruisce, tuttavia, il rapporto tra esercizio effettivo e legittimazione del controllo. L’amministrazione dei visti dipende, sia direttamente che indirettamente, dalla capacità regolatrice di altre istituzioni e attori, come le famiglie dei richiedenti. Si mostra pertanto come il lavoro consolare costituisca anche una performance legittimante dello Stato nei confronti di questa situazione di controllo diffuso.

Copyright of Journal of Constitutional History / Giornale di Storia Costituzionale is the property of Giornale di Storia Costituzionale (Journal of Constitutional History) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Other Modernities / Altre Modernita / Otras Modernidades / Autres Modernités is the property of Altre Modernita and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annuario di Antropologia is the property of Ledizioni-LediPublishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text was published in n. 1/1987 of «Filosofia politica». We thank the authors, the director of the journal and the editor il Mulino for giving permission to republish it.

Copyright of Journal of Constitutional History / Giornale di Storia Costituzionale is the property of Giornale di Storia Costituzionale (Journal of Constitutional History) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay studies the Venetian patriciate's enforcement of its exclusiveness and superior status by focusing on the purity and social standing on the women of the class. It begins by reviewing legislation that through the early Cinquecento laid down status requirements for wives of male nobles in order for their sons to be eligible for membership in the ruling class. It then examines two marriage trials before the ecclesiastical court in the mid-Quattrocento in which marriages contracted by young nobles were disputed by their families alleging the inferior status and questionable chastity of the wives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]