Search

Peace and human rights serve as a check on the dominant or majoritarian culture. An absence of human rights is conducive to weak democratic forms, unequal social and political relations, marginalisation, oppression and, in some cases, criminalisation of communities. Such a scenario can be found in Sri Lanka. This paper expands upon a principal research project which found that the marginalisation of participants arose from aspects of their particular identities, including diverse sexualities and genders, races, ethnicities, religions and youth. The principal research was informed by intersectionality, social interactionism, interviews and interpretative phenomenological analysis. This paper was composed out of the research results and was further structured by literature review. People’s marginalisation, oppression and exclusion are related directly to the absence of peace and human rights manifested through injustices and structural barriers that frustrated social and political participation.

Purpose: There are inadequate resources available to support lesbian, gay, bi + , trans and gender diverse, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) people experiencing family violence in Australia. Government funding agencies and mainstream family violence service providers regularly state that there is insufficient evidence to justify investment in more inclusive services. This article explores practitioner perceptions of such claims. Method: 21 practitioners from mainstream and specialist LGBTIQ family violence services were interviewed about structural challenges associated with implementing LGBTIQ-inclusive family violence services. Participants' accounts highlight the political tensions and material repercussions of epistemic definitions of 'evidence' as they pertain to LGBTIQ individuals' experiences of violence within policy environments. Utilizing Carol Bacchi's feminist policy analysis framework, we ask 'what is the problem represented to be?', examining participant perceptions about how evidence is currently positioned in policy and resourcing decisions pertaining to LGBTIQ family violence, and discuss its implications. Results: Participants overwhelmingly called for more investment in research and data gathering about family violence against LGBTIQ people and provision of effective supports. Even allowing for this, participants indicated that there is also already enough existing knowledge to justify urgent expansion of LGBTIQ-inclusive services. Conclusions: Expanded provision of services and generating a more robust evidence base about LGBTIQ family violence service needs are critically important and intertwined issues. However, the way that they are currently sequenced in policy and broader sector conversations, where 'enough' evidence is required in order to justify increased services, is inhibiting progress on both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Queer asylum seekers and refugees (QASaR) are more likely to have poor mental health compared to non-QASaR. This paper examines key priority areas for refugee services to improve mental health outcomes of QASaR in Australia. The key priority areas were identified through a modified Delphi method (DM), comprised of two stages: a scoping review of literature and three rounds of consensus building process. In the second stage, twenty-one participants were involved, including QASaR, health/social care professionals, and people in policy/funding-related roles. Drawing on Farmer's understanding of structural violence, our consensus suggests QASaR's poor mental health is primarily produced by the asylum system, further exacerbated by the lack of safe queer-inclusive refugee services, and can be improved by supporting QASaR-led organizations. Greater investments in QASaR-led organizations and initiatives are needed to improve cultural safety of refugee services and achieve systemic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ+) persons have been and continue to be highly contested in different contexts all across the world. Their realization is an on-going struggle beyond the national scope. This article's main interest is to unpack how the rights of LGBTIQ+ persons are negotiated and fought for in different governance arenas. Towards this end, I examine activist strategies concerning rights of LGBTIQ+ persons in southern Africa. The analysis zooms in on the strategies of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the national (Botswana) and regional (Southern African Development Community, SADC) level. The analysis is structured along the concept of contextualization. As an advocacy strategy in a highly contested field, contextualization is employed by national and transnational NGOs on two levels. They contextualize their strategies within a multilevel governance system; and they contextualize their activism practices to foster the human rights of LGBTIQ+ persons on these governance levels. With this approach, we can explain why some entities, such as the African Union, are targeted as agents of change for the human rights of LGBTIQ+ persons, whereas some are not even perceived as relevant platforms to engage, such as the SADC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Queer cultures have long been transnational and in times of rapid technological advancements, large migration flows, and intense cross-cultural exchanges, queer connections are evolving in new forms and meanings. These developments occur at the intersection of various intertwined geopolitical scales: urban, regional, national, continental, and global, as well as physical and digital. This introduction synthesizes various theoretical and methodological discussions to highlight the ambivalences of contemporary queer cultures, focusing on their intrinsic transnational and digital conditions. The authors contributing to this issue demonstrate that understanding queer cultures in the digital age requires examining the roles of various actors, including big tech employees, online platform volunteers, queer influencers, audiences, and migrants. They also highlight how queer digital cultures transcend national borders and challenge oppositional binaries, such as local vs. global and the West vs. the Rest, all while maintaining a critical perspective on the ambivalences of digitality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the audiovisual translation of queer language, elements, and themes through a contrastive analysis of the Italian reception of the movie “If These Walls Could Talk II”, created by HBO in 2000 and the British series “Sex Education”, first released in January 2019 on Netflix. Several scholars have investigated the role of queer topics in translation, highlighting the tendency to censor potentially problematic or ideologically marked concepts in the target culture. The aim is to call attention to the level of censorship, the strategies related to the period of production and distribution, genre, and reception throughout a diachronic analysis which accounts for audiovisual products circulating with almost twenty years of distance. The research’s findings highlight a strict relationship among prevailing ideology, temporality and censorship in the Italian rendering of queer language and offer some new perspectives to manage the language of queer related issues.

El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar los resultados del proceso de construcción y validación del Cuestionario de percepciones y prácticas educativas de los estudiantes de educación hacia la inclusión del alumnado LGBTIQ+. Para ello, se han considerado diversas dimensiones: conocimientos, percepciones y actitudes, prácticas educativas y autoeficacia. La investigación se inscribe dentro de los estudios instrumentales. La población de referencia está formada por estudiantes de los grados de educación de facultades de ciencias de la educación españolas. La muestra del pilotaje del cuestionario es de 334 personas. En este trabajo se presentan los resultados de la validación de contenido por juicio experto (10 expertos). Para establecer la fiabilidad se ha utilizado el coeficiente Alpha de Cronbach. La validez de contenido por juicio experto ha permitido depurar y ajustar el cuestionario inicial a 95 ítems, generando 4 subescalas, además de 12 ítems de datos identificativos sociodemográficos. Tras el proceso de diseño y validación desarrollado, el cuestionario se constituye en un instrumento robusto, fiable y válido para conocer las percepciones y las prácticas educativas en la formación de los profesionales de la educación en relación con la diversidad sexo-genérica y su inclusión en el perfil académico-profesional.

Indigenous LGBTIQSB+ individuals occupy a unique intersection of identities that inform their lived experiences and the ways in which they navigate colonial settler educational institutions. Despite a considerable body of evidence demonstrating the importance of inclusion, educational policies in Australia remain outdated. These policies are frequently informed by a deficit approach that justifies the absence of Indigenous and gender/sexuality diverse content within school curricula. This further acts to shore up discriminatory practices and policies. Using interviews and workshops held with young Indigenous LGTBIQSB+ people, this article reports on the ways participants experienced educational institutional settings. First, participants reported on the kinds of policies and curriculum content that discriminated against and marginalised them, as well as highlighting some positive aspects of school and university. Participants also revealed the potentialities for Indigenous and LGBTIQSB+ inclusivity that could be facilitated within educational spaces. The article demonstrates the need for safer and more inclusive educational environments, which could be achieved through the decentring of settler knowledges and heteronormativity, transforming educational spaces at an institutional level to facilitate safety at interpersonal and collective levels.

Abstract Background Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer, and other sexual and gender identities (LGBTIQ+) individuals face health inequities. Additionally, medical students report a lack of confidence in providing specific health care to LGBTIQ + individuals, and medical schools do not offer the breadth and depth of coverage needed to fully prepare and make them comfortable in caring for these individuals. This study aims to characterize the teaching of curricular content related to LGBTIQ + health issues in medical schools in Chile. Methods This was a cross-sectional descriptive mixed-methods study based on a 15-question survey sent to school directors of the 24 medical schools in Chile, conducted between October 2020 and July 2021. The questions included in the study were mostly based on two pre-existing questionnaires covering content, assessment methods, and identification of barriers to teaching this content. Results The validated questionnaire was answered by 14 of 24 Chilean medical schools, with 11 schools (78.9%) declaring that they included some training in their curriculum. The predominant range of time allocated to LGBTIQ + training in medical programs was between 1 and 5 h. The most addressed topics were HIV (92.85%), sexual orientation (78.57%), and chronic disease risk in LGBTIQ + populations (78.57%). Most schools, accounting for 71.5%, considered the content they delivered to be “moderately insufficient” or “insufficient”. Regarding the teaching methodologies, the most used were lectures (92.8%), clinical cases (42.9%), and clinical simulation (28.6%). Conclusion Most surveyed medical schools reported curricular spaces dedicated to teaching health issues of LGBTIQ + individuals, primarily during the pre-internship training period. However, the time allocated is insufficient, and there is little approach to topics beyond the patient’s sexual history or sexual orientation. Given the crucial role of medical schools, they must adopt both local and national strategies to enrich training focused on the care of LGBTIQ + patients.

The rise of the far right is a defining feature of our time. With nationalism and racism as its hallmarks, it is more opportunistic towards Jews and LGBTIQ people than in the past. Yet antisemitism and heteronationalism are still strong on the far right. A Marxist analysis founded on social-reproduction theory can help explain this, given Jews' prominence in such fields as the media, and the potential threat posed to the heteronormative family by queers. Far-right hostility to Jews and queers is present among not only neo-fascist but also post-fascist forces. Yet Jews and LGBTIQ people can be inhibited from mobilising against the far right by presuppositions they share with it, particularly homonationalist and Zionist ones. Despite this, the potential exists for radical resistance to the far right by Jews and queers, as manifest in the growing ranks of Jews and queers organising against racism and for internationalist solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Research suggests that microaggressions detrimentally impact the mental health of members of marginalized social groups. Aims: The aim of this systematic review was to assess the exposure to microaggressions and related implications on mental health of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex, and Queer (LGBTIQ) people. Method: Medline, Scopus, PsycINFO, CINAHL, and EMBASE were searched until January 2023. Studies reporting data on the exposure to microaggressions toward LGBTIQ people were identified. Meta-analyses of rates of exposure to microaggression and of the association between microaggressions and mental health outcomes were based on odds ratio (OR) and standardized mean difference (SMD) with 95% confidence intervals (95% CI), estimated through inverse variance models with random effects. Results: The review process led to the selection of 17 studies, involving a total of 9036 LGBTIQ people, of which 6827 identifying as cisgenders, and 492 as heterosexuals, were included in the quantitative synthesis. Overall, LGBTIQ people showed an increased risk of microaggression (SMD: 0.89; 95% CI [0.28, 1.50]), with Transgender people having the highest risk (OR : 10.0; 95% CI [3.08, 32.4]). Microaggression resulted associated with risk of depression (SMD: 0.21; 95% CI [0.05, 0.37]), anxiety (SMD: 0.29; 95% CI [0.17, 0.40]), suicide attempts (OR : 1.13; 95% CI [1.08, 1.18]), alcohol abuse (OR : 1.32; 95% CI [1.13, 1.54]), but not to suicidal ideation (OR : 1.56; 95% CI [0.64, 3.81]) and cannabis abuse (OR : 1.44; 95% CI [0.82, 2.55]). The quality of the evidence was limited by the small number of studies. Conclusions: LGBTIQ people are at higher risk of microaggressions compared with their cisgender/heterosexual peers, which may lead to mental health consequences. This evidence may contribute to public awareness of LGBTIQ mental health needs and suggest supportive strategies as well as preventive interventions (e.g., supportive programs and destigmatizing efforts) as parts of tailored health-care planning aimed to reduce psychiatric morbidity in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este estudio profundiza en las experiencias de agresión y estrategias de evasión en la movilidad cotidiana de las personas LGBTIQ+ en Barcelona, una ciudad conocida por su mentalidad abierta y descrita como socialmente progresista. La investigación ayuda a reconocer a las personas LGBTIQ+ como sujetos dentro de la urbe y contribuye a realizar los estudios sobre movilidades disidentes, haciendo de portavoz de las vivencias de agresión potencial y experimentada en el espacio público durante los desplazamientos cotidianos. Además, amplía el enfoque de los estudios de movilidad y género —centrado principalmente en las limitaciones de las mujeres cuando experimentan sus movilidades— a otros grupos minoritarios. Mediante 15 entrevistas a sujetos pertenecientes al colectivo LGBTIQ+, se ha identificado un alto nivel de vulnerabilidad de las personas con sexualidades no normativas a incidencias de acoso, lo que fuerza el uso de distintas estrategias que moldean la manera en la que se desplazan por la ciudad. Los resultados de esta investigación pueden informar futuras actuaciones de planificación de la movilidad o modificar las existentes, integrando las necesidades de todos aquellos individuos que confluyen en los distintos espacios que componen los soportes de las movilidades cotidianas.

Background: It is reported that the marginalised and underprivileged sections suffer bitter consequences in the event of calamities and pandemics. The present study aims at assessing the level of anxiety, depression and social support of the LGBTIQ communities during the COVID-19. Since the 'LGBTIQ' community is an integral part of society, it is necessary to study these psychological dimensions in the face of multiple waves of the pandemic in the country. Aim: The study aims to measure the anxiety, depression and social support of LGBTIQ during COVID-19 in Kerala. Method: The study followed descriptive research design and using snowball sampling, total of 106 respondents were interviewed from the urban and rural areas of Kerala. The researchers used the 'DASS21' to assess anxiety and depression and the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support to assess social support. Results: Approximately half (44.3%) of the participants were experiencing severe or extremely severe levels of depression. At the same time, many of them had episodes of anxiety disorder at much higher levels (41.5%) than the other members of society. Perceived social support was negatively correlated with depression, anxiety and stress, while depression, anxiety and stress showed a positive correlation with each other. Conclusion: Common mental health problems such as anxiety, depression and stress were largely prevalent in the LGBTIQ community during COVID-19, who found the social support inadequate and suffered from other social and economic problems. There is a need to address these issues among this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender identity, sexual characteristics and sexual orientation are fundamental dimensions of human life, and we must understand how they relate to organisational and work processes to address workplace inclusion. This special issue was conceived to showcase contemporary research about approaches to accelerate gender and sexuality inclusion in organisations. Here, we introduce the five papers included in this special issue – outlining their logic, variety of methods and contributions. Then we present an agenda of academic work across research, teaching and leadership to further our knowledge of what works and facilitate the translation of that knowledge into inclusive organisational practice. JEL Classification: M14, M12, J16, D23, O15 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El deporte, especialmente el futbol —desde su génesis—, ha sido un territorio hipermasculinizado, caracterizado por la fuerza, el vigor y la rudeza. Esto no solo dejó durante mucho tiempo a las mujeres fuera de su práctica, sino que también aquellos hombres que no encajaban en la masculinidad hegemónica fueron excluidos por décadas de una práctica oficialista. En términos de la interseccionalidad, el vocablo alude a los hombres de la comunidad LGBTIQ+ que, por no cumplir con el estereotipo físico y actitudinal, fueron estigmatizados y orillados a buscar prácticas deportivas estereotipadas, o donde los estándares no marcaran una diferencia o confrontación con la identidad sexual. Los movimientos sociales para el reconocimiento de la diversidad sexual impactan en el ámbito deportivo al reconocer las distintas manifestaciones del ser humano más allá del género binario. El objetivo del artículo es contar la trayectoria de 19 años del equipo Monarcas, en el estado de Colima (México), y por qué marca un hito al constituirse como un conjunto de jugadores de fútbol que no entran en el esquema binario del género y que promueven los derechos a la libertad, la vida sana y el deporte, para hacerse un lugar como campeones en un territorio heteronormativo. La metodología utilizada es etnografía feminista, apoyada por fuentes documentales y entrevistas semiestructuradas como fuentes primarias para la construcción del entorno espacial, histórico e influencia del club en los movimientos deportivos LGBTIQ+ de la región y el país.

Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh adanya perbedaan pandangan antara kaum revisionis dan pemahaman secara tradisional dalam interpretasi Roma 1:26-27. Teks dalam Roma 1:26-27 secara tradisional dianggap dan diterima sebagai teks yang melarang bahkan mengutuk praktek LGBTIQ. Namun, kaum revisionis memandang bahwa tindakan yang dikecam dalam Roma 1:26-27 tidak merujuk pada orang-orang dengan orientasi homoseksual, tetapi homoseksual yang dilakukan oleh orang heteroseksual. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk meninjau kembali ajaran Alkitab tentang LGBTIQ sebagai suatu evaluasi atas interpretasi kaum revisionis atas Roma 1:26-27. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah hermeneutik dan kajian pustaka. Dalam pandangan kaum revisionis Roma 1:26-27 membahas tentang kecaman terhadap penyembahan berhala, kecaman bagi kaum heteroseksual, bukan pada homoseksual, membahas tentang hubungan yang tidak seimbang dan didiorong oleh rasa nafsu yang berlebihan. Namun berdasarkan Roma 1:26-27, LGBTIQ adalah dosa yang melanggar hukum Allah dan bukan hanya sebagai hukuman atas penyembahan berhala. Paulus memandang LGBTIQ sebagai dosa dan pantas untuk menerima hukuman yang setimpal atas kesalahannya. Karena itu, kaum revisionis lebih dipengaruhi oleh presuposisi dalam mereinterpretasi Roma 1:26-27.

Trans and intersex individuals are often not considered in obstetric care—neither in practice nor in research. This quantitative study used an online survey to compare the experiences of pregnant trans men, non-binary individuals, and intersex people with those of endosex cisgender individuals who received care in obstetrics. Trans men and non-binary individuals reported discrimination during pregnancy and childbirth on the interactional, institutional, and structural level: for example, they reported more unsatisfactory encounters with health care personnel and more barriers in the structure of health care services and facilities. Trans and intersex individuals had less access to information relevant to them concerning pregnancy and birth compared to cisgender endosex individuals. Although it happened less frequently, cisgender endosex individuals also reported negative experiences, such as discrimination or violence during birth in a hospital. Our findings indicate a need for change concerning several aspects of the obstetric care spectrum—especially, but not exclusively, for trans, non-binary, and intersex people. Some suggestions for improvement include the following: On the hospital level, measures should be implemented to reduce structural discrimination and to ascertain one-on-one care during active labor. Inclusive information material should be developed and disseminated and health care institutions should raise awareness among their staff regarding care for their LGBTIQ patients. More studies on obstetric issues concerning queer, trans, and especially intersex people should be conducted and diversity and inclusion should be implemented as core topics in the training curricula for midwives, physicians, and nurses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) people's housing experiences are under-explored in Australia. Previous Australian and international research in social geography and housing studies suggests that this group experiences a range of barriers to secure and affordable housing, confirming the need for further insight in the Australian context. This article examines LGBTIQ housing tenure and satisfaction, drawing on data from two Australian surveys. Our analyses of nationally representative data from the Housing, Income and Labour Dynamics Australia (HILDA) survey, and state-specific data from The Tasmania Project, identify significant differences in housing tenure, and housing satisfaction between LGBTIQ and non-LGBTIQ Australians. We find LGBTIQ Australians are more likely than non-LGBTIQ to rent their homes and less satisfied with their housing overall. We also identify novel differences in housing patterns within LGBTIQ communities. The experiences and needs of LGBTIQ people must be considered for housing policy and services, as well as efforts to address housing stress and homelessness in Australian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this Forum, six scholars reflect on Rahul Rao's recent book Out of Time: The Queer Politics of Postcoloniality from other geographies, themes and radical possibilities. Part I offers dialogues with Out of Time from Trump's USA and Brazil's 'hetero-military' dictatorship and Portuguese colonial roots. Emerson Maione and Renan Quinalha explore how Rao's elaborations of homonationalism, homocapitalism, homoromanticism and 'pink-washing' more generally travel in new contexts and how the 'fetishization of law' can mislead investigations of queer-, homoand transphobias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the eve of the 2023 Polish general election, the conflict between the incumbent PiS (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość – Law and Justice) party and the European Union on the LGBTIQ issue can be framed as a clash of two biopolitical projects – the EU's (which follows democratic principles and refers to LGBTIQ rights as human rights) and Poland's (which accepts the EU's paradigm of human rights but tries to establish its own biopolitical vision of the LGBTIQ community) – that went through four stages. At each stage, PiS created new zones of biopolitical exclusion: normative, in a kind of 'biopolitical conservatism'; spatial, as in the case of the establishment of 'LGBT-free zones'; and legislative, such as issuing the Charters of Family Rights and opening court cases against the LGBTIQ community. The 'battle' between Brussels and Warsaw, which resulted in the adoption of the European Commission-Poland Partnership Agreement 2021-27, can be a demonstration of the power of the EU against illiberal backlashes. Yet this 'war' is hardly close to an end. Brussels' criticism of PiS's anti-LGBTIQ policy has not led the incumbent party to abandon its anti-LGBTIQ agenda during the election campaign but has rather brought nuance to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nos últimos dez anos, as estratégias utilizadas pelos grupos conservadores, especialmente de base religiosa, para impedir ou reverter a existência de regulamentações sobre direitos sexuais e reprodutivos e igualdade com base na orientação sexual e identidade de gênero, mudaram substancialmente. Passaram do uso do discurso religioso — — que não desapareceu — — para o uso de discursos supostamente científicos, proferidos simultaneamente, ainda que aparentemente separadamente, por organizações não governamentais em prol a vida, certos grupos feministas e algumas organizações políticas. Este artigo visa esclarecer essa evolução para tratá-la adequadamente.

Trans and gender diverse (TGD) people are disproportionately criminalised and face unique vulnerabilities when interacting with the criminal legal system. However, very little is known about TGD people’s experiences of criminalisation in Australia or the strategies TGD people and their advocates use to navigate the criminal legal system. Based on survey responses from TGD people with lived experience of criminalisation and lawyers with experience representing TGD clients, this article identifies several critical issues with the criminal legal system’s treatment of TGD people and outlines the strategies TGD people and their representatives suggest to address these issues. On this basis, we argue that criminologists and criminal legal practitioners urgently need to interrogate and work towards ameliorating the criminal legal system’s treatment of gender diversity. These insights will be crucial in informing future advocacy efforts and reform agendas, given that knowledge in this area is severely lacking.

En este trabajo se analizó la constitucionalidad como un canal para el logro de la igualdad de derechos. Se concluyó que las cartas fundamentales pueden conllevar a la armonización de los sistemas jurídicos internos con respecto a los estándares internacionales de derechos humanos aplicados sobre la población LGBTIQ+.

The literature on lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) politics has established the interplay between domestic and transnational norms and political tactics. However, knowledge about how local LGBTIQ activists understand, negotiate, and employ transnational LGBTIQ campaigns and tactics over time remains limited. This article builds on literature on the dynamics between national and transnational LGBTIQ politics. Based on interviews with Cypriot LGBTIQ activists, it examines how they adapt their perceptions and employments of LGBTIQ activism and politics when the transnational LGBTIQ movement interacts with local norms around gender and sexuality, and what the impact of this interaction is on the boundaries of LGBTIQ in-group exclusion and inclusion. The analysis of the interview material identifies three approaches toward transnational LGBTIQ politics that participants express over time: Ambivalence toward, acclamation of, and resistance toward transnational LGBTIQ politics. I argue that these different approaches show that the dynamics between national and transnational LGBTIQ activism and politics are not static and that the relationship between "norm" and "queer" is both messy and productive. I further argue that activists' understandings, negotiations, and employments of transnational LGBTIQ campaigns and tactics in contentious contexts may reinforce and/or challenge national LGBTIQ politics' normativization and queer emancipatory politics. Therefore, beyond contributing to discussions about the national–transnational relationship in LGBTIQ politics, the article demonstrates the importance of studying LGBTIQ activists' views for gaining a well-rounded understanding of this issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ido Movement for Culture. Journal of Martial Arts Anthropology is the property of Idokan Poland Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, we connect illiberal populism in Hungary with the instrumentalizing of genderphobia through state policies starting from 2010. This became especially salient during the COVID-19 pandemic when a contentious state of emergency laws enabled the government’s ruling by decree. Analyzing relevant pieces of legislation and policy documents, we show how genderphobia became a fundamental feature of an expanding far-right agenda that has been playing out in practice since the System of National Cooperation was established in 2010. Genderphobia is the aversion to disrupting dominant gender and sexual hierarchies, by addressing and critically interrogating gendered differences and gender as a social construct. Genderphobia is both an ideology about the fearfulness of gender as well as the action of fear-mongering for political effect. State institutions are gendered and sexualized in that they have been structured on dominant gender and sexual norms that reinforce male and heterosexual dominance. We argue that genderphobia is evident in the rise of anti-LGBTIQ policies and contributes to the weakening of democratic and liberal institutions in Hungary. We will also present examples of the Hungarian government’s attempts to monopolize the definition of “the family” and hollow out the social representation of child protection. In addition, we will explore resistance against the recent anti-LGBTIQ policies through children’s literature. Our aim is to demonstrate how the Hungarian genderphobic policies ultimately deny not only LGBTIQ human rights but the existence of LGBTIQ youth and children who could benefit from social support as well as representation in education and literature.

The objective of the study is to analyze the impacts of spaces of violence in the case of LGBTIQ+ immigration. The qualitative methodology includes a set of theoretical reflections on the migration of LGBTIQ+ subjects and the conjuncture of violence against the LGBTIQ+ population in Brazil, as well as semi-structured interviews with ten LGBTIQ+ immigrants and refugees living in the city of São Paulo. The analysis focuses on how spaces of violence can affect the migratory experience of these subjects. The results demonstrate that spaces of violence are mainly related to the institutional scope and the appropriation of physical and symbolic spaces in the city.

La aceptabilidad de las demandas de protección de asilo por razones de orientación sexual e identidad de género se ha consolidado recientemente tras un largo proceso de dudas e incoherencias. A pesar de ello, todavía hoy persisten ciertas interpretaciones que se basan estereotipos y que dificultan un procedimiento sensible a la complejidad de las situaciones que viven estos demandantes de asilo. Con el propósito de identificar estos estereotipos, que suelen darse en relación con la prueba de la identidad y la constatación de la persecución, se analizan las sentencias del ordenamiento español en esta materia y se proponen otras interpretaciones que eviten dichos estereotipos.

The increased family diversity is a major global trend. Although family configurations are also diverse in contemporary Finland, it has been argued that Finnish family policies and institutional understanding of family life continues to focus on the heteronormative two-parent family with a native Finnish background. To address this issue, we analysed Finnish family discourses through qualitative interviews with early childhood education and care administrators (n = 47), applying a discourse analytic framework. Our results suggest that families are discussed through two divergent but interwoven discourses, i.e. the discourse of ordinary families and that of diverse families. The former focuses on heteronormative two-parent native-born Finnish families, perceived as 'ordinary' and familiar, and the latter on, especially, LGBTIQ and immigrant families, perceived as 'new', confusing and strange. We demonstrate how diversity is produced discursively by othering families that diverge from the 'ordinary'. These discourses, reflecting wider cultural understandings of family, may have implications for both families and institutional practices. We conclude by arguing that the conventional and heteronormative understanding of family remains entrenched in Finnish family discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To report on implementing a workforce education and development initiative to enhance LGBTIQA+ literacy and responsiveness. An instrument of 7 questions was administered to staff who attended a 1-hour introductory training session on LGBTIQA+ literacy and responsiveness held across an Australian inner metropolitan clinical mental health service. In total, 113 questionnaires were received. Overall 68% of staff agreed, or strongly agreed that they had adequate knowledge and attitudes to meet the support needs of LGBTIQA+ people. There were 75% who felt confident working with LGBTIQA+ people. A strong 91% reported the training to be useful to their clinical practice. Overall, 45% neither agreed nor disagreed their service was set up clinically and culturally for LGBTIQA+ persons, with 18% disagreeing or strongly disagreeing. Organizational commitment in the form of training and education supports staff to become equipped with knowledge and skills in providing inclusive and responsive practice to LGBTIQA+ people. Training and education are reported to contribute to service improvement and staff capacity to better respond to community needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At present, there is limited research on the intersection of sex work, takatāpui/LGBTIQ+ communities, and experiences of homelessness in Aotearoa New Zealand. This paper helps to bridge this gap, exploring how takatāpui/LGBTIQ+ people who had been failed by the welfare state engaged in sex work during periods of homelessness, and expressed agency in difficult circumstances. Specifically, we look at sex and sex work as a means to secure basic needs, and in the context of exploitative relationships; the emotional effects of sex work; and safety and policing. A stronger welfare state is needed to provide sufficient support for people to realise an adequate standard of living and treat them with dignity and respect.

El manuscrito aborda el problema de los resultados negativos que arrojan distintos indicadores sobre sexualidad y enfermedades de transmisión sexual en Chile. La comunidad LGBTIQ, género femenino, niños, niñas y adolescentes, por ser grupos vulnerables en materia de bienestar biopsicosocial y sexual, se ven especialmente afectados y representados por este problema y sus efectos. Las causas de base más importantes son las barreras culturales, de género y de acceso a la información. Por esto, el contar con una política de educación sexual integral (ESI) basada en estándares internacionales se propone como medio para solucionar el problema desde la raíz. El artículo analiza los factores que influyen en la implementación de la ESI como asunto público, mediante la revisión de la literatura y el estudio comparativo de los casos de Costa Rica y Chile, permitiendo inferir que el rol de los movimientos sociales feminista y LGBTIQ constituye un factor relevante.

Abstract In this Forum, six scholars reflect on Rahul Rao’s recent book Out of Time: The Queer Politics of Postcoloniality from other geographies, themes and radical possibilities. Part I offers dialogues with Out of Time from Trump’s USA and Brazil’s ‘hetero-military’ dictatorship and Portuguese colonial roots. Emerson Maione and Renan Quinalha explore how Rao’s elaborations of homonationalism, homocapitalism, homoromanticism and ‘pink-washing’ more generally travel in new contexts and how the ‘fetishization of law’ can mislead investigations of queer-, homo- and transphobias.

During six years in Sri Lanka, I sought to understand the struggle for peace with justice through the voices and experiences of marginalised communities. I researched democracy, human rights and the civil society space available for such voices to be heard as constitutive elements of peace. Yet I also faced many structural barriers in my attempts to undertake the research. These barriers arose through my early attempts to engage people from within state and quasi-judicial authorities and my misplaced hope in their ability or willingness to participate. The institutional structural barriers I faced became instructive in creating the research journey. They served both as benchmarks and inflection points against and around which I learnt to navigate my way forward, to adequately prepare myself to listen to the participants' experiences, and to recount and interpret their own journeys. This article discusses those barriers and the construction of a set of methods enabling the research outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malta has become the world's leading country for LGBTIQ rights while also being one of the few places in the world where abortion remains illegal under any circumstance. Building on studies which focus on Latin America, this article analyses why this small EU country has become socially liberal in many aspects while abortion remains taboo with a majority of the population holding anti-abortion views. First, we outline the Maltese political system, a two-party system where single-party governments have enjoyed absolute control over parliamentary business for 60 years and where the Catholic Church is obliged, under the Constitution, to teach what is right and wrong. We then analyze whether issue networks, framing and timing provide an adequate framework within which to explain this difference in public policy before concluding on the short-term prospects of Malta changing its ban on abortion, especially as political support remains for the ban to be incorporated into the constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trans and gender diverse (TGD) people are disproportionately criminalised and face unique vulnerabilities when interacting with the criminal legal system. However, very little is known about TGD people's experiences of criminalisation in Australia or the strategies TGD people and their advocates use to navigate the criminal legal system. Based on survey responses from TGD people with lived experience of criminalisation and lawyers with experience representing TGD clients, this article identifies several critical issues with the criminal legal system's treatment of TGD people and outlines the strategies TGD people and their representatives suggest to address these issues. On this basis, we argue that criminologists and criminal legal practitioners urgently need to interrogate and work towards ameliorating the criminal legal system's treatment of gender diversity. These insights will be crucial in informing future advocacy efforts and reform agendas, given that knowledge in this area is severely lacking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersexual and queer (LGBTIQ) individuals are often stigmatized due to their minority status. Sexual-minority stress is often discussed as a risk factor for the increased mental health problems reported in this population. Objective: The current study (1) investigated eating attitudes and depressive symptoms in a sexual minority sample from Turkey who identify themselves as LGBTIQ and (2) explored the role of sexual minority stressors beyond the potential predictors of eating attitudes and depressive symptoms in this population. Methods: Recruitment was supported and streamlined by several Turkish NGOs and LGBTIQ community networks. Sociodemographicmeasures, eating attitudes, depressive symptoms, sexual minority stressors (e.g., heterosexist experiences, internalized homophobia), and the potential predictors of eating attitudes and depressive symptoms were assessed with an anonymous online survey between February 2022 and June 2022. The sample consisted of 440 participants. The mean age was 31.92 (SD = 11.82). The majority of the participants reported their current gender identity as male (64.3%; n = 440) and their sexual orientation as attracted to men (62.8%; n = 439). For 79.7% of the participants, the assigned sex at birth was man (n = 439). Results: Two separate three-stage multiple hierarchical regression analyses were conducted, controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and the risk and protective factors of eating attitudes and depressive symptoms. Disturbed eating attitudes were predicted by assigned female sex at birth, higher scores for depression, social isolation, and the total number of heterosexist experiences, and lower distress related to heterosexist experiences. Depressive symptoms were predicted by assigned female sex at birth, lesbian sexual orientation, disturbance in eating attitudes, increases in generalized anxiety, and distress related to daily heterosexist experiences. Conclusion: The current study demonstrated the significant role of sexual minority stressors in the prediction of disturbed eating attitudes and depressive symptomatology beyond the general psychosocial vulnerability factors. These findings emphasize the need for developing strategies to reduce prejudicial attitudes at the societal level and to enhance the skills of LGBTIQ individuals in coping with sexual minority stressors in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]