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A formal model reveals how the information environment affects international races to implement a powerful, dangerous new military technology, which may cause a "disaster" affecting all states. States implementing the technology face a tradeoff between the safety of the technology and performance in the race. States face unknown, private, and public information about capabilities. More decisive races, in which small performance leads produce larger probabilities of victory, are usually more dangerous. In addition, revealing information about rivals' capabilities has two opposing effects on risk: states discover either that they are far apart in capability and compete less or that they are close in capability and drastically reduce safety to win. Therefore, the public information scenario is less risky than the private information scenario except under high decisiveness. Finally, regardless of information, the larger the eventual loser's impact on safety relative to the eventual winner's, the more dangerous is the race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Safavid period, one of the main challenges for social order in Iran was the central government's control over tribes and nomadic groups, particularly the Kurdish tribes. At this time, Kurdish tribes, especially Kalhor and Zangeneh, operated independently and did not adhere to central authority. The Zangeneh and Kalhor tribes, as significant Kurdish groups in western Iran, had different approaches in their interactions with the Safavid state. The present research examined the role of these two tribes in the power balance of the Safavid government, aiming at explaining how this balance was established and what consequences it had for each tribe. The research hypothesis suggests that during the early Safavid rule, the Kalhor acted more independently, while the Safavid government relied more on the Zangeneh tribe. Findings indicate that the Zangenehs' proximity to the center of power increased their political influence and allowed them to bring the Kalhors under control. During Shah Ismail's reign, more attention was directed towards the Kalhor tribe; however, following their rebellion and the establishment of Kalhoristan in Baghdad, which distanced them from central authority, the balance shifted in favor of the Zangeneh tribe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book under review is a collective monograph by the Russian International Affairs Council ‘International relations: Facets of the present and the future’, published in 2023. The reviewer emphasizes the high relevance of this work since all leading states (including Russia) are facing a need for a deeper rethinking of current trends in the development of international relations and establishment of new strategic priorities. The book under review differs from numerous recent Russian and foreign publications on the matter by a truly broad thematic scope and comprehensive approach. The monograph touches upon both the ‘classical’ factors of international relations (military power, energy, trade) and a number of new ones, which have acquired particular importance as the international system entered a period of profound transformation. These new factors include artificial intelligence, education, digital security, the climate crisis, ‘soft power’, etc. The reviewer concludes that this monograph can serve as a beacon in the raging ocean of modern world politics and as such may be of interest to both international experts and diplomats, as well as to a broad reading audience.

The present study investigates the relationship between the components of the command and control system (command, communication and information) with the military power of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The statistical population of the study includes all Payvar employees employed and retired in specialties and trends related to command and control systems at the level of the Army of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Considering that the volume of the statistical population was equal to 400 people by applying a coefficient for classification, so using the Cochran's formula, the size of the sample population was calculated to be 252 people. The type of research is applied and the method of doing it is correlation, which is used for descriptive and inferential statistical analysis to analyze the data. A self-made questionnaire was used to collect data and the reliability of the questionnaire questions was calculated 88% using the halving method. The test of research hypothesis at the level of five percent error (α = 0.05) showed that there is a direct and significant relationship between the components of the command and control system with the military power of the Armed Forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Copyright of Arts Magazine is the property of Thamar University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established its own military force (People's Liberation Army [PLA]), it has always emphasised 'The Party Commands Gun' (dangzhihuiqiang, µ³Ö¸»Óǹ). However, the high-ranking CCP leaders who hold 'military power (junquan, ¾üȨ)' would also use their influence in the PLA to influence or even change the direction of Chinese politics. In addition, the meaning of 'The Party Commands Gun' also varies by period, and the meaning of it is also quite different in different eras in the CCP party history. In this article, the author aims to analyse the connotation changes of the CCP's political slogan 'The Party Commands Gun' from the perspective of historical evolution. Based on examples from the history of the CCP, the focus will be compared to the CCP's revolutionary era, the Mao Zedong era and the post-Mao era of 'The Party Commands Gun'. From the perspective of empirical analysis and historical evolution, the author reveals the evolution of the purpose of 'The Party Commands Gun' from the revolutionary era to Deng Xiaoping era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an article published by the author in Insight Turkey, the impact of economic power on international security was discussed with a detailed explanation of the connection between economic and military power. However, there was inadequate discussion of the links between military power and international security. This article aims to explain the impact of military power on international security and how a state can achieve its security objectives by employing military power. In addition to conceptual and theoretical ideas, the analysis contains a discussion of actual examples of the use of military power, especially by Türkiye in recent years, in achieving its international security objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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From 2014 until today, parts of the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhia regions of Ukraine are under international legal regime of military occupation. To realize one of its intentions - to change the territorial status quo by force of arms - Russia uses such tools as elections and referendums in the temporarily occupied parts of Ukraine. The article characterizes the legal regime of the military occupation, focuses attention on ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens and the legal regime on the temporarily occupied territory of Ukraine, emphasizes that the elections and referendums held by Russia have nothing to do with direct forms of democracy. These are legally invalid measures organized by the occupation administrations as an attempt to illegally annex Ukrainian territories by the Russian Federation. Their results do not have any legal consequences and cannot be accepted and recognized by the international community. Also focusing on the regime of military occupation, the authors of the article emphasize that occupation does not mean the loss of sovereignty of the occupied territory. Territorial supremacy of the state is directly related to state sovereignty and is one of its constituent elements. The occupation is characterized by the preservation of power structures and the continuation of resistance and military operations against the occupying state. The decisions of the UN International Court of Justice and the International Military Tribunal (Nuremberg) are analyzed. It is emphasized that the methods used by the Russian Federation to achieve the goal of including the territories of Ukraine, in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» and elections, were aggressive, the decisive factor was the military power of the Russian Federation, which came into force and met the resistance of sovereign independent Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that Russia commits war crimes and uses «means of terrorism», one of which is the financing of so-called elections and referendums in the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by Russia. Ukraine carries out armed resistance to the inclusion of the territories of Ukraine in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» («referendums» in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk and Luhansk regions), reacts negatively to manifestations of territorial sovereignty on the part of the Russian Federation, and Ukraine also demonstrates by its behavior, that the referendums held by the Russian Federation in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk, and Luhansk regions are unconstitutional, and their results and the acceptance of the territories of Ukraine into the Russian Federation do not have legal force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the research my aim will be to give an explanation on the response and actions of the European countries during the Ukraine war through a realist perspective. The Ukraine war is potentially the new case that has left space for interpretation on the realist interpretation as well as possibly giving room for arguments in criticism of the liberal or neoliberal thinking. Priority will be given to the time frames surrounding the annexation of Crimea and up until the Ukraine War. The conflict's origins and its effects will then be largely interpreted from a realism standpoint. The process of analyzing will be as mentioned priorly in explaining the occurrences during the Ukrainian revolution and the potential clash of interest between the major power or actors (USA, EU, Russia). Further explanation will be given in the approaches of the European country’s response to the threat of the Ukraine war, in which the majority of countries choose to increase their military capabilities. It must be noted in my findings that some of the diplomatic elements despite their presence throughout the conflict, the outcomes of them were not very successive, leaving again most of the countries to choose further rearmament rather than diplomatic language. The highlighted aspect in this case is the increase of importance in military power and military alliances as a form of balancing power and maintaining security as well as deterring potential aggression.

Purpose: The main purpose of this research is to examine the military threats of the United States and present the military strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran against them.Method: The type of research is applied, and the necessary information is obtained from the study of documents, interviews with experts and questionnaires, and a descriptive method with a mixed approach has been used. The overall statistical population of the research is 70 people and the sample size is consistent with the statistical population and all the numbers have been determined. In order to collect and analyze data, in addition to taking samples from library studies and conducting expert interviews, using document analysis and elite analysis methods, descriptive and inferential statistics methods have also been used.Results: The number of 7 main strategies was calculated based on 73 selected research factors (19 strength factors, 9 weakness factors, 10 opportunity factors and 35 threat factors) relying on the provided partial strategies.Conclusion: The result of the vector on the axis of Cartesian coordinates indicates that the competition of the Islamic Republic of Iran is more focused on strengths than opportunities.

One of the biggest European conflagrations after the World War II constitutes Russian's unprovoked attack on Ukraine which begun in 2014 and evolved in a full scale war in February 2022. Despite the fact that it represents an armed conflict between two actors, it is difficult to classify it as pure conventional or unconventional war. The main goal of the paper is to reveal the extent to which conflict can be classified as conventional since both sides have been using a long range of elements of unconventional war. Using the historical and analytical method, the paper emphasizes that the conflict cannot be classified fully conventional or unconventional as the actors use a mixture of both to reach their military and political objectives. The scope of our paper limits the research to the Russian military interventions unfolding during the last two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes and describes continuities of authoritarian regimes in Africa since the return to multipartism by classifying cases which have been stable in the authoritarian form in the last thirty years. Special attention is devoted to political successions, whether these are ruled by a party and/or the military or took the form of dynastic ones. In particular, the existence of collegial control on personal power is presented as an important way of ensuring continuities of party and/or military hegemony over the authoritarian regime. Collegial control may also strengthen the stability of the regime in its authoritarian form. However, it is not excluded that a moderate degree of personal power may also be helpful in ensuring stability if combined with collegial control as it helps in limiting factionalism.

How can polarity be used as a pertinent conceptual asset to inform the description of the distribution of military capabilities amongst the most powerful states in the international system today, especially in consideration of U.S.-China competition? Using the military power approach to polarity, this article analyses the literature that emerged in the 2010s to critically examine this concept. In order to enhance the analytical value of polarity and propose verifiable indicators of it, this study draws on Thompson's lead-sector model as well as Posen's and Lee and Thompson's research on the military foundations of polarity. When doing so, we distinguish latent enabling capabilities (as a secondary dimension of polarity) and the actual military power that primarily characterises polarity as a concept. When following this operationalisation of polarity, we show that the international system is still unipolar because the U.S. has unmatched global power projection capabilities and first-rate economic and technological might to sustain its military forces. In other words, the current distribution of military capabilities in the system reflectsthat the contemporary international system is still U.S.-led and unipolar and that China's rise is still too confined by regional dynamics to constitute a preface of a military-hegemonic rivalry at a global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We wished to validate a very general agent-based model we had built concerning the rise of hegemony in different domains of international relations (https://doi.org/10.1155/2018/9306128). Our model focussed on the new domain of cyberspace, where the data are thin and the time series short. But with parameter changes it also spoke to the land, sea, air and space domains. So we sought validation in a time series from the land domain where the data are richer and the time series longer. We wished to compare the model’s results – the emergence, power accumulation, and behaviour of hegemons vis-à-vis the power accumulation and behaviour of the remainder of the international order – to empirically observed historical hegemonic behaviour. To this end, we built an exhaustive and novel database of the Roman Empire’s accumulation and application of power – represented by the proxy of military power in terms of force size and deployment – over the seven centuries of Rome’s undoubted hegemony. This historical record comfortably validates the main results of the model.

The study presents a meritorious view of the traditional operational factors of space, time and force. On the background of the first and second phases of the War in Ukraine, it examines how the relevant factors shape the use of military force in operations, clarifies their mutual correlation, interference, application connections and also causality. The results of the study demonstrate the necessity of a correct and holistic perception of operational factors for effective deployment and employment of military forces in the contemporary operating environment. The main benefit of the study, applying the heuristic and inventive function of analogy from the open sources of available identified knowledge from the deployment of military forces in the War in Ukraine, is the mediation of model examples of a comprehensive vision of the effects of how operational factors shape the use of military force in contemporary high-intensity warfare operations.

The purpose of the article is to highlight the basic methodological and methodical approaches to the construction and calculation of ratings (indices), which allow to assess the military capabilities of individual countries of the world, to conduct correct international comparisons of the military power of countries and to determine Ukraine’s place in the system of these indicators. The publication defines methodological and methodical approaches to comparing the military power of individual countries and the combat capability of their armies, as proposed by various international organizations and institutions. In particular, an analysis of the database provided by the International Institute for Strategic Studies was carried out in terms of the number of military personnel. The ranking of world countries in terms of budget expenditures for military needs is analyzed, which is provided by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), as well as ratings of world countries for certain types of military equipment, such as: aviation equipment, tanks, naval vessels, etc. Measurements and international comparisons of multidimensional militarization processes are based on indicators of international ranking systems: the military power of countries and the combat capability of armies – based on the Global Firepower (GFP), the military burden on the economy and society as a whole – based on the Global Militarization Index (GMI). Methodological aspects of the formation of these international rankings are also considered; the results of positioning in the rankings of top countries and of Ukraine are given.

The purpose of the article is to analyze and evaluate the structures and condition of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the aggressor country of russia, as well as to develop a methodological approach that will allow to assess and compare the military forces of countries. The article assesses the state and structure of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the aggressor country of russia by types and branches of the armed forces. Attention is paid to the assessment and comparison of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and russian federation by such indicators as the number of military personnel, the number and quality of tanks, armored personnel carriers, airplanes and helicopters, ships and boats of the Navy, and anti-aircraft warfare systems of the Air Force of Ukraine. The authors substantiate a methodological approach to assessing the military power of countries based on the following provisions: when assessing the military power of the world countries, it is necessary to carry out both a general assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces and the types and branches of the armed forces; when assessing the military power of the types and branches of the armed forces of the world countries, it is necessary to take into account both the number of weapons and military equipment belonging to them and the quality of their structure; assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces should be carried out for countries between which a military conflict or a full-scale war is possible; assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces of the world countries should take into account the possibility of their participation in a particular generation of war. A formula for an integrated assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces of a country is proposed. On the basis of the developed methodological approach and the proposed formula, the military power of Ukraine and russian federation is estimated and compared

The purpose of the article is to define the essence of the concept of «economic potential» and analyze the existing methodical approaches to its assessment, also to determine the features of the use of the economic potential of the world countries during the formation of their military power. The article considers the approaches of various authors to the definition of the concept of «economic potential». Using the comparison method, similar and distinctive features between the above interpretations are determined. The authors’ own interpretation of the concept of «economic potential» is proposed, which is considered as the available resources of the country, ensuring the achievement of the maximum possible volume of production of military products and products of the defense-industrial complex, which can be used to support and develop the armed forces of the country, to comprehensively ensure the training, prevention and participation in various types of military conflicts. The approaches to determining the structural components of economic potential and methodical approaches to its assessment are analyzed. The carried out analysis proved the lack of a clear methodical approach to assessing the economic potential, which can be used to develop the military power of the countries of the world. It is defined that the methodical approach to assessing the economic potential of the world countries, which is aimed at determining the country’s ability to resist and prevent possible wars or military conflicts, should take into account the resource-based, scientific and innovative readiness of the country. In addition, the main attention should be paid to the possibility of financial support for the country to resist and prevent possible wars or military conflicts, as well as to form the potential of the armed forces capable of withstanding a strong enemy in the conditions of war. It is substantiated that the economic potential of the country should form the following: production capabilities of enterprises producing final products for military purposes; basic branches of military production, supplying in the mode of cooperation components, raw materials, fuel; infrastructure engaged in maintenance of the defense industry (transport, finance, communications, management); export-import potential and the system of foreign economic relations for the supply of military products, in particular weapons, military equipment; conditions for the scientific activity of the country, which is associated with the production of innovative products for military purposes.

This study explores seven decades of development and evolution in China's defense industry (DI) policy since 1949 via Systems Thinking methodology; to construct the issue interlinked by dynamic, complex, domestic and international factors; and to propose a dynamic model for the construction of China's armament systems. Furthermore, this study will attempt to elaborate how China, based on its traditional philosophy of "army integrated into civilian support and sustained through the people," establishes a win-win-win situation of DI development. This study finds that China uses DI development to lead civil industry upgrades and, with its colossal economic scale, helps to boost overall macroeconomic growth. China then applies its economic and industrial advantages to support defense building. In this way, a positive feedback cycle mutually supported by defense building, technological and economic development is created. With the trend toward the commercialization of global armaments, this dynamic model is worthy of reference for developing countries, newly industrialized countries, and those countries which are facing the issue of DI transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Knowledge: International Journal is the property of Institute for Knowledge Management and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the research my aim will be to give an explanation on the response and actions of the European countries during the Ukraine war through a realist perspective. The Ukraine war is potentially the new case that has left space for interpretation on the realist interpretation as well as possibly giving room for arguments in criticism of the liberal or neoliberal thinking. Priority will be given to the time frames surrounding the annexation of Crimea and up until the Ukraine War. The conflict's origins and its effects will then be largely interpreted from a realism standpoint. The process of analyzing will be as mentioned priorly in explaining the occurrences during the Ukrainian revolution and the potential clash of interest between the major power or actors (USA, EU, Russia). Further explanation will be given in the approaches of the European country‘s response to the threat of the Ukraine war, in which the majority of countries choose to increase their military capabilities. It must be noted in my findings that some of the diplomatic elements despite their presence throughout the conflict, the outcomes of them were not very successive, leaving again most of the countries to choose further rearmament rather than diplomatic language. The highlighted aspect in this case is the increase of importance in military power and military alliances as a form of balancing power and maintaining security as well as deterring potential aggression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Afghanistan, Libya, Liberia and beyond, armed rebellions have begun when armies fell apart. When does this occur? This paper conducts a large-N analysis of these army-splinter rebellions, distinct from both non-military rebellions from below and from coups, using new data. It finds that they follow a logic of state breakdown focusing on regime characteristics (personalist regimes and the loss of superpower support at the end of the Cold War) rather than drivers of mass mobilization from below. In contrast, these regime-level factors matter much less for the non-military rebellions from below that dominate theorizing about civil war origins. This paper also shows that one option for military rebels lies in not attempting a coup but instead heading straight into a rebellion. This paper thus distinguishes highly different paths to armed conflict, validates the state breakdown approach to why armies fall apart, and extends the well-known tradeoff between coups and civil wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Smart weapons represent a key element of military power for countries around the world, and nothing symbolizes them more than smart bombs—the guided aerial bombs that the United States debuted in the Vietnam War. Yet, international relations scholars know little about these weapons and what explains their proliferation. In this paper, we theorize about the key drivers of smart bomb proliferation, including an interaction between the security environment, regime type, and the interest of states in precision to help them follow the law of war. We then introduce a new dataset on smart bombs from 1960-2017. The results show that internal and external security threats make countries more likely to acquire smart bombs. These effects interact with regime type and whether countries are more likely to ratify treaties related to the law of war. GDP per capita and economic capacity also appears fundamental to explaining smart bomb adoption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the question of human agency in military targeting. Targeting is one of the key drivers of war. When studied by academic disciplines, much interest has been devoted to the ethics and effects of military targeting. Less debated, but focused here, is the question of the conditions of human agency within military targeting. In the literature that does exist on this topic, there is a questioning of the traditional conception of human agency but at the same time a lack of closer conceptualisation of different kinds of articulations of human agency in the targeting process. In this article, we propose a recentring of human agency in critical scholarship on military targeting. With inspiration from Theodore Schatzki's work on 'practice', by analytically approaching targeting as a practice, and through various examples from Operation Iraqi Freedom, the article develops and illustrates a framework for the conceptualisation of human agencies in targeting. This framework distinguishes articulations of agency based on whether they furthered the (temporary) ordering of the targeting practice or challenged its internal organising elements. The study of military targeting is significant not least since the phenomenon is one of the key 'engines' and drivers of war's constant becoming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to analyze and evaluate the structures and condition of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the aggressor country of russia, as well as to develop a methodological approach that will allow to assess and compare the military forces of countries. The article assesses the state and structure of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the aggressor country of russia by types and branches of the armed forces. Attention is paid to the assessment and comparison of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and russian federation by such indicators as the number of military personnel, the number and quality of tanks, armored personnel carriers, airplanes and helicopters, ships and boats of the Navy, and anti-aircraft warfare systems of the Air Force of Ukraine. The authors substantiate a methodological approach to assessing the military power of countries based on the following provisions: when assessing the military power of the world countries, it is necessary to carry out both a general assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces and the types and branches of the armed forces; when assessing the military power of the types and branches of the armed forces of the world countries, it is necessary to take into account both the number of weapons and military equipment belonging to them and the quality of their structure; assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces should be carried out for countries between which a military conflict or a full-scale war is possible; assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces of the world countries should take into account the possibility of their participation in a particular generation of war. A formula for an integrated assessment of the military power of the Armed Forces of a country is proposed. On the basis of the developed methodological approach and the proposed formula, the military power of Ukraine and russian federation is estimated and compared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate about how to defend NATO’s northern flank is closely connected to geographic particularities, the demanding Arctic climate, as well as to ever-evolving technological developments. This research article aims at investigating the role land power plays in this region, with a special focus on northern Norway. Through investigating how structure and composition of land forces matter at the political-strategic level, as well as the role played by allied land forces in Northern Norway, this article seeks to better connect the ongoing debate about the structure of land forces in northern Norway to the political-strategic level. The article seeks to answer the research question by using historical sources and official military documents, as well as qualitative interviews.

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This article focuses on the phenomenon of global rivalry between China and the United States in terms of power transition theory, which is scientifically new and relevant due to the increased attention to the so-called Thucydides trap, in which, as some experts claim, both states have fallen. This paper presents a different vision of the global rivalry for leadership in the shaping of a new world order, which has already taken the form of overt non-violent confrontation and manifests itself in technological and trade wars as well as scientific and cultural rivalries. Nevertheless, despite the non-violent nature of the rivalry, this process is followed by an increase in the military capabilities of states, mainly projected in the basins of the Pacific and Indian Oceans (Indo-Pacific region). The methodological basis of the paper is power transition theory, which has been developed over the past 60 years by A.F. Organsky, J. Kugler, D. Lemke, R. Tammen and other researchers, united in the TransResearch Consortium. The authors argue that the analytical prism of this theory is more relevant to the analysis of current global rivalry than the classical neorealist balance of power approach. Through the prism of the theory the issues of rebalancing the global system of economic governance are analyzed. Also, a comparative analysis of the US-Japanese and US-Chinese trade and technological wars is carried out. Both the military and aggregate capabilities of two countries on a global scale and in the Indo-Pacific region are examined. The conclusion contains findings and comments on the impact of U.S. - China rivalry on the system of international relations.

What drives soldiers to risk death on the battlefield? Scholars have suggested that battlefield participation is driven by ideology, coercion, and cohesion while overlooking the importance of confidence in tactical success. On contemporary battlefields, training in effective, modern-system tactics will increase initial confidence and create a positive feedback loop of battlefield participation and combat effectiveness. I test this theory through the as-if random assignment of Peshmerga (Kurdish soldiers) to modern-system training by Western countries. One third of the Peshmerga had no formal training, one third had non–modern-system training from other Peshmerga, and one third had been trained in the modern-system. While non–modern-system training slightly increased unit confidence, it did not impact battlefield participation; coalition training in modern-system tactics dramatically increased confidence and, more importantly, led to higher levels of self-reported battlefield participation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some states possess more advanced military technologies than others? Our study explores the vertical proliferation of land-attack cruise missiles (LACMs), seeking to understand which demand- and supply-side factors best explain why some countries acquire more sophisticated LACMs. We theorize that states' security environments, regime types, possession of related strategic technologies, and membership in the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) influence the possession of more sophisticated cruise missiles. Our analysis employs a unique new global dataset with granular data on every LACM national militaries have deployed. We use this dataset to evaluate the proliferation of LACMs across the international system from 1991–2015. Using a selection model that first controls for the horizontal proliferation of LACMs, we find that insecurity, scientific and technical expertise from related technologies, the possession of highly authoritarian and highly democratic regimes, and MTCR membership all have positive effects on the sophistication of LACM-possessors' arsenals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines Russia's political goals and military scenarios for Ukraine, as well as options for supporting Ukraine that are available to the United States, its allies and partners in the event of an invasion. New developments and information need further analysis to better understand Russia's intentions and consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the problematic issues of determining the strategy of using military and non-military forces and means to counter "hybrid" aggression. The principles, goals, forms and methods of integration of military and non-military forces and means of counteraction are defined. The article proposes the Concept of integrated use of military and non-military forces and means to counter "hybrid" aggression (threats of "hybrid" type) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate about how to defend NATO's northern flank is closely connected to geographic particularities, the demanding Arctic climate, as well as to ever-evolving technological developments. This research article aims at investigating the role land power plays in this region, with a special focus on northern Norway. Through investigating how structure and composition of land forces matter at the political-strategic level, as well as the role played by allied land forces in Northern Norway, this article seeks to better connect the ongoing debate about the structure of land forces in northern Norway to the political-strategic level. The article seeks to answer the research question by using historical sources and official military documents, as well as qualitative interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)