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Informed by the resource mobilisation theory, this article conducts a case study on Christianity in Korea, in order to explore the nexus between religion and social movements, and how this nexus could contribute to peace, rather than violence. Given its geopolitical dimensions, involving nuclear weapons and the legacy of the Cold War, the role of religion in the Korean conflict has been under-researched. Nonetheless, Christianity has influenced the Korean conflict, with its association with anticommunism, as well as with peace movements. This article argues that Christian ecumenical organisations in the context of the Korean conflict utilised their social resources for peace and reconciliation, when they rediscovered the just peace tradition in Christianity. This article contributes to theoretical and practical discussions surrounding religion, war, and peace, by conceptualising just peace in the Christian tradition, and by adding empirical substance to the nexus between ecumenism and social movement for just peace.

Over the past decade, the small state of Mongolia has emerged as an important player in Northeast Asia through its mediation efforts. Driven by a desire for regional and global influence and presti...

The Korean conflict has been one of the most protracted in the world, lasting more than 70 years. Despite the heightened tension, there was no channel of communication between the North and the South. It was only on 22 September 1971, that the first hotline between the two Koreas was installed at the Panmunjom – 26 years after the telephone line between Seoul and Haeju was cut off by the former Soviet army immediately after liberation on 26 August 1945. Since 1971, a total of 50 lines were open, including a hotline between leaders of the two Koreas as well as military and intelligence communication lines. But North Korea suddenly cut off all communications with the South with the exception of that between the United Nations Command (UNC) and North Korea military. Nevertheless, they proved to be useful tools for confidence-building measures to improve inter-Korean communication, to facilitate exchanges and cooperation, including inter-Korean official talks, and to assist the promotion of humanitarian aid. More importantly, they have served as an effective mechanism for the prevention of accidental military clashes through a timely exchange of information. This paper presents a brief historical overview of hotlines between the two Koreas, examines their present status, and elucidates limitations and future tasks.

“The Unacknowledged War” is an inquiry into the phenomenon of Civil War revisionism, focusing on the tendency of white Americans to deny, against all available evidence, that the “war between the states” was waged over slavery. In doing so, the essay turns to Paul Laurence Dunbar’s grievously understudied 1901 novel The Fanatics, a historical fiction of the war years that focuses on the white North and argues that the Unionists who battled the Confederacy did so only because they wrongly believed that the war’s purpose had nothing to do with enslaved Black Americans. The essay also shows how Dunbar’s novel contributes to several fields of contemporary intellectual interest, among them Civil War studies, Afropessimist thought, and a cross-disciplinary investigation of negative epistemologies known as “ignorance studies.” Ultimately, the essay concludes that Civil War revisionism has yet to show signs of ebbing in American historical consciousness and that ignorance-oriented novels like Dunbar’s are indispensable partners for approaching this persistent problem.

Conflict is an event that often the pros and cons and both causalities and material causalities. Indonesia is a country that has diverse culture, religious, and political perspective as well as a variety of social status that can cause a variety of views among the community. Internet today has become one of the means to provide information to the public. Coverage of all events happening in the world today would be very easy to access via the internet with up to date from time to time. Topics of conflict will be a very interesting issue for everyone in any country it belongs, where one of them is the country of Indonesia. Some media have their own opinions in response to the impact of the conflict between North Korea and South Korea.Some experts argue that the conflict has a positive function and negative one. However, the mindset of conflict theory opposites with structural functional theory. Functional Theory and structural theory, both equally likely to focus on their own variables and ignore variables of concern to other theories. In an effort to reconcile these two theories, the conflict can contribute to the integration and reverse integration can also result in conflict (Bolter and Grusin, 2000). .This research uses discourse analysis to answer the problem. Its typically, the expansion of the meaning of the term is associated with a broader context which affects the meaning of the term is associated with a broader context which affects the meaning of a whole series of expressions.Internet gives impacts to the conflict between North – South Korean. They give an up to date information as long as the conflict has attended. The conflict news from internet can be able to access faster than other medias. It will influence the stabilization and continuing of its conflict. Internet has big playing role in communication politics among both country North and South Korean.

Advances in combat casualty care have improved combat survivability over the past two decades. However, these outcomes remain incompletely framed in the broader context of combat casualty outcomes over the past eighty years. We hypothesized that starting with World War II, combat survival worsened at the beginning of each new conflict but then improved over time. To evaluate long-term trends in combat casualty outcomes, monthly combat injuries and deaths during World War II, the Korean conflict, the Vietnam conflict, Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), and Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) were collated. From these numbers, we calculated the monthly case fatality rate (CFR), the killed in action rate (%KIA), and the died of wounds rate (%DOW). We analyzed these metrics for significant trends during and between each conflict using linear and Loess regression. We then simulated alternate outcome scenarios by eliminating outcome variability. In this comprehensive analysis, CFR decreased over the study period in parallel with a decrease in %KIA. When examining individual conflicts, however, several unfavorable trends emerged including a spike in all fatality measures at the end of Vietnam and a rise in %DOW over the course of Korea and OIF. In comparing CFR at the beginning of each conflict to the best CFR from the prior conflict, high mortality outliers occurred in every conflict after a period of relative peace, and a clear "peacetime effect" occurred in both World War II and Vietnam. Eliminating these negative trends and the attendant preventable deaths would have reduced combat fatalities over the course of eighty years by 107,256 (39.7%). In summary, although combat mortality rates have generally improved since World War II, closer examination indicates several unfavorable trends both during and between conflicts. Identifying factors behind these trends will reveal further opportunities to improve combat casualty outcomes in the future. LEVEL OF EVIDENCE: III, Epidemiological.

In this study, the researcher has mentioned the writers and their major works in Elizabethan age (1558-1603). The researcher has mentioned almost nineteen writers and their famous works. By reading this research paper, any general reader can easily understand that who are the major writers of the age and what are their famous works. The language and method of presenting the data are very easy. The researcher also has mentioned the major contributions of this era’s writers. As we know that University Wits also fall in this era, thus the researcher has mentioned them and their works too. S. Dutta (2014) declared that The University Wits is a phrase used to title a group of late 16th-century English pamphleteers and playwrights who were studied at the universities Cambridge and Oxford. They appeared famous worldly writers. This era has reminisced for its richness of drama and poetry. This era ended in 1603. Elizabeth turns out to be one of the greatest prominent royals in English history, mainly after 1588, when the English beat the Spanish Armada which had been sent by Spain to reestablish Catholicism and defeat England. All the way through the Elizabethan age, English literature has changed from a shell into a delightful being with imagination, creativeness, and boundless stories. It was not about mystery or miracle plays and the poetry was not nearby religion and the principles addressed in the Church.

Introduction. Socio-philosophical studies of the patterns of conflict being in modern discourse need to be clarified from the point of ontology. The analysis of the conflict specifics of a closed society in an ideological perspective allows us to discover the ontological foundations of self-conflict. In order to empirically reinforce conflict research, the relationship of conflict and ideology should be considered on the basis of specific cases. North Korean sociocultural realities are among the most visible forms of a closed society in modern discourse and provide ample opportunity to comprehend the conflicting reality modeled by ideological tools of influencing the mass consciousness.Methodology and sources. Methodologically, the work is based on social and philosophical reflection based on direct observations in North Korea during a visit to Pyongyang in the autumn of 2016 and a content analysis of Russian literature acquired in North Korea (works by Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il, fundamental scientific works by North Korean scientists and periodicals of an ideological nature).Results and discussion. Ideology is understood as a variety of views and ideas transmitted to the subject with the goal of reorienting or keeping his perception in a certain mode of sociocultural reality. The subject's ideological programming in modern discourse claims to be a leader in the field of modeling sociocultural life in general and, in particular, the “conflict reality” cluster. The author analyzes the ideological foundations of North Korean conflict reality, laid down by the founder of the state, Kim Il Sung, and continued by his heir Kim Jong Il in the militarized Songun doctrine.Conclusion. On the base of study of the ideological aspects of conflict reality in the DPRK, it can be concluded that in a closed society, the ontological boundary between the real and the apparent in everyday life is eliminated. At the same time, a closed society with a paramilitary ideology meets the criteria for a successful development for a third world country, as embodied in globalist dogma.

Amid a lull in the Korean conflict of early 1952, Chinese officials launched a sensationalized propaganda campaign against purported American germ attacks in Korea and China. To boost enthusiasm for the war, the Chinese government sought to foment popular anxieties about the strange specter of American insects and diseases raining down from the skies. Officials quickly capitalized upon public outcries and mobilized them toward the aims of the state. Using dramatized fears of an American germ war, propagandists combined the government’s aims of increasing popular anti-Americanism, developing the Patriotic Hygiene Campaign, and rallying the country for total war. As this article argues, Chinese leaders honed imagery of a microbial American invasion to teach the public about science and educate them about the threats of germs and diseases. In this fusion of state propaganda and pedagogy, the citizenry was mobilized to performatively confront fictional American germ attacks in ways that entrenched a dogmatic anti-Americanism into the banal constructions of everyday life.

This chapter presents an overview of interpreting during the Korean War by examining shifts in the positionality of interpreters during the preparatory, engagement, and conclusionary stages of the conflict. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory and Moira Inghilleri’s (The Translator 11 (1): 69–85, 2005) influential argument that interpreting takes place in a “zone of uncertainty,” this chapter explores how new interpreting habitus emerged as the communicational purposes and power dynamics within the military field were oriented, disoriented, and reoriented with the progression of the conflict. The variation in who was allowed to act as an interpreter, the tasks interpreters were assigned, and the norms that dictated how interpreters should act and react during interpreted events indicate a need to reconsider traditional notions of interpreting.

The demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 marked the end of a massive decades-long subsidizing of the DPRK economy. This by itself produced a major contraction in the DPRK-Russia bilateral relationship, from which it has not recovered, notwithstanding the 1999 Treaty and a brisk tempo of bilateral exchanges across a number of fields. Security and economics comprise the two most significant spheres of DPRK-Russia cooperation. Security issues, however, take precedence, as it is not until the Korean conflict ends, and with it much of the rationale for the DPRK’s self-imposed economic isolation, that the DPRK and Russia will be able to productively explore their joint potential.

This paper examined moral justification due to Juche's ideology in North Korea as the main reason for the survival of the authoritarian regime and caused violence. By using Moral Justification analysist from Psychology of peace and conflict, this paper explain how Juche Ideology affected to Violence, How intervention toward north Korean Conflict from international society, and possible scenario to implemented in North Korea. However, North Korean conflict not only affected their national issue, but also international level. High number of Human Right Violation in this country can be understood by psychological of peace and conflict studies.

There are diverging assessments of China’s role in resolving the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula. China’s role has been characterised variously as a bystander, arbiter, catalyst and mediator...

This article considers the immigrant store owner as spectacle, signifier, and actor in Korean-Black relations in Los Angeles during the late twentieth century, arguing that the “Black-Korean conflict” was an historical and cultural phenomenon in which events and their representations built upon each other. Members of these groups sometimes resisted and interrogated the framework of interethnic conflict which was projected onto them, but also incorporated it into their outlooks and organizing strategies. The article also reflects upon efforts to address intergroup tensions and conflict against a backdrop of widespread racial injustice and economic inequality in Los Angeles and the United States.

Seventy-five years after the creation of the United Nations at the Dumbarton Oaks conference, the secretary-general has become the de facto figurehead of the world organization and the office-holder is expected to take a proactive role in a whole range of global issues. Yet it remains unclear what powers the Allied planners intended for the secretary-general. By examining the discussions that took place on this issue before, during and after Dumbarton Oaks this article argues that despite the seemingly innocuous provisions relating to the secretary-general enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the office-holder was never intended to simply be a chief administrator. What is more, the first Secretary-General, Trygve Lie, controversially sought to resolve a number of issues that came before the United Nations, most notably the Korean War. The second half of this article thus demonstrates that while Lie did test the parameters of his office to the limits during the Korean conflict, none of his actions exceeded the powers granted to the secretary-general. Moreover, Lie’s role during the Korean War set the tone for his successor, Dag Hammarskjold, who is usually seen as the most proactive secretary-general to date.

The paper attempts to analyze conflicting Korean situation and find conflict resolution alternatives in application of international theories and models. In describing these, the paper focuses on theoretical review and its application related to conflicting Korean situation, mainly as concerns military issues. Then, the concern is to consider conflict resolution alternatives in application of the related international theories and models in the situation of Korean conflict. On the whole, the international theories - rational choice theory, game theory, theory of interdependent decision, negotiation theory, bargaining theory, and prospect theory - are analytically reviewed. The models of rational model, action-reaction process model, stimulus-response model, punishment model are also looked over. They are to contribute theoretically to find rational value-maximizing mode of behaviors and actions for producing cooperation and positive sum game in the action-reaction process based upon rationality and rational choice with an expectation of getting gains and benefits, and loss-averse at least in the situation of Korean conflict.

The demographics of the Veterans in our care are everchanging, we are currently seeing a major shift in our geriatric Veteran population. World War II (WWII) ended in 1945, meaning that the youngest WWII Veterans are no more than 93 years old. There are currently close to 300,000 WWII Veterans and this number is expected to drop to

The expectations for the role of civil society are growing due to an abysmal record of high-level political leadership in reaching an agreement and a sustainable peace process. How much impact can civil society have and what roles can it take in the peace process? This case study of South Korean civil society shows how the civil society was able to bridge the horizontal and vertical boundaries of the Korean conflict with the support of a global civil society, and created a hospitable public atmosphere for the peace process in the 1980s and 1990s. However, the space for the civil society to make a contribution in the Korean peace process required the interdependency of the roles of high-level and civil-society leadership in the interplay between the international and domestic political environments. The peacebuilding role of South Korean civil society demonstrates that the horizontal capacity of civil society alone cannot guarantee a breakthrough and sustainability in a peace process, but if it is ...

This chapter explores the broadly construed “last decade” of Elizabeth I’s reign and of the Tudor period as a whole, from the 1588 defeat of the Spanish Armada by, in the assessment of English contemporaries, a “protestant wind” and the triumphal reckonings of the realm’s strength and abilities that followed to the death of the queen in the early years of the 1600s. It demonstrates how prolonged war against a Catholic, Habsburg enemy empowered subjects, bolstered resolve, spread navigational knowledge, and produced a feeling of urgency to consolidate from within and grow from without, with new plots and participants, merging national and imperial means and ends throughout an expanding Atlantic world.

There has long been a debate about how South Korea should best manage the Korean peace and denuclearization process in order to resolve the Korean conflict. Previous research into South Korea’s strategy has focused mostly on comparing the progressive and conservative approaches, or on analyzing individual administrations. However, the first only helps to identify which of these broad approaches works better, not how either would best be applied, and the second does not allow for contrast in order to facilitate comparison. This dissertation compares the approaches to the peace and denuclearization process of two progressive administrations, Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in, thus providing a more nuanced insight into policies of engagement. Through qualitative analysis of a variety of sources it identifies three core differences in their approaches. Firstly, the terms on which Moon engaged with the DPRK were more conditional than those of Roh. Moon’s approach did provide the DPRK with better incentives to cooperate, but it also caused some frustration and loss of confidence for the DPRK later on. The second difference is that Moon has had a better working relationship with the US than Roh did. This is in part the result of Moon’s efforts to save US face and avoid actions that could lead the US to experience abandonment fear in the context of their alliance, both of which Roh was by comparison far less considerate of. These efforts gave Moon more influence over the US and better leverage over the DPRK through closer cooperation with the US. However, his decision to stand with the US on the issue of sanctions also led to a loss of momentum for inter-Korean relations in 2019. Lastly, more of the interactions between the ROK, US, and DPRK under Moon took place at the heads of state level compared to under Roh. This made developments under Moon more volatile, which was a disadvantage in some instances, particularly when a systematic, steady approach was needed. However, it also provided Moon with flexibility and direct influence over the development of the peace process, which in several instances enabled him to keep up momentum. This dissertation will discuss how these variations may have contributed to divergent results.

By drawing on the accounts of North Korean defectors, this article analyses the collective identity, historical narratives, views of outside groups, and means of narrative dissemination in North Korea. It finds that elements of North Korean identity at the exclusion of the South are more dominant than elements of inclusive, pan-Korean identity, indicating that efforts to appeal to shared Korean identity are unlikely to succeed. Another core finding is that the extent to which North Korean individuals are exposed to disparities between the top-down narrative and reality is a major determining factor of whether they abandon the top-down narrative or not. Relevant elements in this regard include family ties to the outside world, proximity to the northern border, and severe economic hardship. This indicates that the North Korean regime is less likely to be willing to enact political reform while the living standards for their citizens remain low, as this would threaten the regime’s survival by increasing visible disparities, risking mass disillusionment and political instability. This supports efforts to engage with North Korea rather than obstructing their economic growth.

This article examines the border wall and the image of fortress England in Robert Greene’s Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay and early 1590s nationalist discourse. While Greene recognizes the need for an international outlook in geopolitics, Bacon’s wall speaks to contemporary interest in coastal fortifications and brass ordnance in the wake of the Spanish Armada. Greene lampoons the wall as magical thinking, but the play clings to metaphorical walls as more cost-effective symbols of national security and autonomy. The play’s awkward combination of pan-European sentiment and strident nationalism offers a prophetic commentary on post-Brexit Britain.

Elizabeth I’s speech to the troops at Tilbury is arguably her most famous. The well-known line—“I know I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king”—is routinely included in cinematic and televisual depictions of Elizabeth’s reign. The speech, however, is seldom depicted in adaptations as it survives. This article argues that the depiction of the Tilbury speech reflects the way that Elizabeth’s gender is conceived of in the relevant adaptation, contending that the speech shows how writers have grappled with Elizabeth’s incongruous position as a female king. In analysing the depiction of the Tilbury speech in the films Fire Over England (1937) and Elizabeth: The Golden Age (2007), and in the television series Blackadder II (1986) and Mapp and Lucia (2014), this article concludes that while writers seem to have little issue with Elizabeth declaring that she has “the body of a weak and feeble woman,” they seem to stumble on her follow-up declaration that she has “the heart and stomach of a king.”

The name Joseph Smith, b. 23 December 1803, d. 27 June, 1844 invokes words like heretic, false prophet, con artist and fruitcake. No stranger to con artistry or the interior of a prisoner cell, Smith was arrested numerous times on legitimate charges, he also accomplished something no other Prophet did: developed the character and strategies for First Citizen of Humanity, Abraham Lincoln and helped start a War Between the States that enslaved men might be free. Though he never lived to see his Book of Mormon accomplish its ends, he, along with the Latter Day Saints were never given recognition, not even informally for this, humankind’s the most important task. The most important in human history. In this paper I detail important elements of Smith’s and his Church’s work and also illuminate his ties to Mr. Lincoln, and mourn the wayward Church of today. Perhaps revisiting Mister Smith’s Vision will reignite all of us and cause us to rise up and wage one more War against tyranny, weaponry, waste, abuse, neglect, and utter ignorance of our innate spiritual principals.

This article investigates the potential use of prospect theory to understand civil–military disputes over the use of force. Specifically, I argue that distinct realms of responsibility can lead civilian and military authorities to inhabit different frames of reference when confronting the same crisis. This divergence in perspective causes each to asses risk in fundamentally disparate ways and ultimately produces competing policy recommendations. To illustrate this theory, I analyze the case of the 1976 Korean tree cutting incident. During this crisis, American military authorities define the situation narrowly as pertaining to the Korean peninsula, whereas the civilian leadership viewed it as part of a global challenge to American resolve. As a result, each party weighed the risks of escalation differently and promoted conflicting policy prescriptions.

본 연구는 전쟁기념관에서 소장 중인 6.25전쟁 당시 사용되었던 방산장비 6종류의 도료에 대한 단면 관찰, 무기성분 분석, 적외선 분광분석을 실시하여 근현대 도료의 특성을 확인하고자 하였다. 도료의 단면은 9~20회 가량의 여러 층으로 이루어져 있고, 층의 두께는 $10{\sim}100{\mu}m$ 으로 일정하지 않으며, 도장 전...

This chapter examines one of the oldest and most difficult political problems: how to deal with conflicts that are so deeply entrenched that they seem virtually inevitable. Prospects for peace are particularly slim in societies that have experienced a major trauma, such as genocide or a war. From the Middle East to Afghanistan, from Sri Lanka to Somalia, from Iraq to East Timor and from Rwanda to Kashmir, years and often decades of conflict have left societies deeply divided and traumatized. New forms of violence constantly emerge, generating yet more hatred... Although the chapter illustrates the issues at stake through a case study on Korea it does not seek to provide an update on the most recent events. Doing so would be impossible, particularly in Korea, where politics is rapidly changing all the time. New events keep happening and the various actors involved regularly reposition themselves. Policy makers in North and South Korea, for instance, often alter their diplomatic attitudes depending either on strategic choices or domestic political struggles. Or look at how the stance of the United States, which plays a key role in Korea, has gone back and forth between an uncompromising confrontational position and a more tolerant attitude, reflecting respective policy debates in Washington. Rather than seeking to capture the latest stage of these ever changing political struggles, the purpose of this chapter is to illuminate the underlying dynamics that have shaped conflict in Korea for decades.

Language has been used as a tool of domination, conquest and colonization throughout history. This chapter reviews the types of language education programs that fit those categories and suggests that they fail to leverage the actual language practices of learners, called here translanguaging. The economic and military might of the Kingdom of England did not require the language named English to be protected by a prescriptive grammar or a language academy. In 1588 England defeated the Spanish armada, consolidating the might of British maritime power. The plan of the growing power was to acquire the many people and their riches in a territory over which the sun never set. As the powerful class of both the Spanish and British empires came into contact with Others who spoke differently, they legitimated only their own language practices, which were named Spanish in one case and English in the other, and these were carefully restricted.

In this paper, I develop a game-theoretic model to propose a desideratum for resolving the North Korean conflict, and promoting peace and security around the Korean peninsula. A political change in North Korea may be possible only with China's full support and cooperation with international sanctions against North Korea. The key to inducing China's cooperation is for the US to make a credible promise that respects Chinese security concerns in the northern part of the Korean peninsula in the event of political change.

This chapter presents the findings concerning what frames were prominent in the sampled news data. First, the frequency of news articles and the narrative analysis of the news coverage of the incident in national and international news outlets will be examined. The combined size of all related news texts is an important element in news framing analysis, and it is significant to interpret the media representation of the conflict by analyzing the employed news frames. In addition, this chapter analyzes the dominant news sources used in news articles since a news source is an effective element in news framing analysis. Moreover, to examine the international news flow, I attempted to determine the best way to visibly track the news flow and to compare and contrast the national and international news texts, together with the time that they were reported.

The years after World War II represent the origins of the Cold War era. This chapter argues that the study of Cold War diplomacy from the interpreter’s viewpoint can provide valuable insights into this period. It explores how interpreters at US and Soviet meetings managed their agency in making foreign policy and in adjusting their work to the different functions of diplomacy. It reviews several case studies which reflect different forms of diplomacy, strategically implemented with the help of diplomat interpreters: summitry diplomacy, public diplomacy, and military negotiations during the Korean conflict. We conclude with some examples that summarize the importance of personal factors in the understanding of international relations in general and in the early Cold War in particular.

“After five years of its independence from Japan, North Korea invaded South Korea on 25 June 1950. With China’s intervention, the Korean War became a brutal war between great powers in the Cold War era. Hence, the Korean War both brought about the division of the Korean peninsula as well as created a geopolitical power issue between the United States and China (Moon, 2018: 266)”.

This chapter discusses using aid for peacebuilding in the Korean peace process. For the past 20 years, South Korean NGOs’ aid cooperation in North Korea has fluctuated greatly, due to the process-structure gap in Korean peacebuilding. Building on a conceptual framework of conflict sensitive development and strategic peacebuilding, this chapter examines the background of the current humanitarian situation in North Korea, humanitarian and development aid to North Korea by South Korean NGOs in the context of the Korean conflict, and the challenges and opportunities for South Korean civil society in creating and implementing strategies for overcoming the process-structure gap in peacebuilding on the Korean peninsula.

This chapter describes the historical background of the Korean conflict, in order to provide context for analysis of the Korean peace process. The Korean War is studied as direct violence. The dictatorships in the Korean peninsula are examined as structural violence. The chapter also examines how both North and South Korean dictatorships justified their structural violence by using nationalism and the Korean conflict. Although negative peace has been sustained in the Korean peninsula since the Armistice Agreement of 1953, this chapter demonstrates why addressing structural violence is essential to building a just and sustainable peace on the Korean peninsula.

This chapter examines the ups and downs of high-level negotiations in the Korean peace process. The statements and agreements made during high-level negotiations, such as the July 4 Communique of 1972; the 1991 Basic Agreement; the June 15 Joint Declaration; the October 4 Joint Declaration; the September 19 Joint statement and the February 13 Agreement, were never fully implemented. To understand obstructions to the implementation of those agreements, this chapter analyses the state parties in the Korean conflict with reference to the concepts of peacebuilding gap theory. This chapter discusses the need to build a platform where diverse actors from multiple levels of society participate and cooperate.

This chapter introduces the concepts of peace process, peacebuilding, and civil society. This chapter then presents the relevance of these three concepts to the context of the Korean conflict. Korean civil society emerged in the resistance to Japanese colonial rule. Compared to the restricted civic space in North Korea, South Korea saw significant growth of civil society activities amid the struggle against the dictatorships, and since democratisation in the late 1980s, South Korean civil society has initiated diverse peacebuilding activities. During this time, the Korean peace process made several breakthroughs, but eventually broke down in 2010. This chapter suggests the needs to study the durability of the Korean peace process, and the possible contribution of civil society peacebuilding to the peace process.

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This article discusses the link between development and peacebuilding to analyze South Korean aid activities in North Korea in the context of the Korean conflict, where there are deep-rooted cycles of conflict episodes, and to explore the possibility of aid for peace on the Korean peninsula in the future. The Korean conflict is a large part of what makes South Korean aid to North Korea ineffective. For the past 20 years, South Korean aid to North Korea has fluctuated greatly, due to the context of the Korean conflict. The Korean conflict, once seemingly on the way to resolution, appears to have reverted to a time before the end of the Cold War. Many people in both the North and the South still see each other as the enemy. Most of the South Korean aid projects in North Korea have been suspended indefinitely and the fluctuation of aid to North Korea caused serious debates within South Korean society. At one point, the debates grew so heated that they were called the ‘South–South conflict’. Building ...

Cold War Crucible: The Korean Conflict and the Postwar World, by Masuda Hajimu. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2015. vi, 388 pp. $39.95 US (cloth). The time has long past when the 1950-1953 conflict in Korea could be called "the forgotten war." Of course, the war has never been forgotten on the Korean peninsula itself, where a heavily fortified armistice line still separates two mutually hostile regimes more than sixty years after the ceasefire. In China, the "Aid Korea, Resist America War," as it is called, remains a source of pride for the People's Republic even if relations with both Korea and America have changed radically since the war. In the West, including the United States that contributed by far the largest number of United Nations forces to the conflict (followed by Britain and Canada), scholarship and memorialization of the war has recently come into its own, after decades of being overshadowed by World War II and Vietnam. Masuda Hajimu's Cold War Crucible is a unique and valuable contribution to the historiography of the Korean War--or more precisely, to the history of the Cold War and the Korean War's central place in the emergence of that global conflict. Masuda Hajimu, a US-trained Japanese historian based in Singapore, admits that his book is not about the Korean War itself. Rather, it explores how the war "functioned as a catalyst in the crucible of the postwar world and contributed to the materialization of the Cold War world" (6). Hajimu reverses the usual logic about the relationship between Korea and the Cold War: rather than see the Korean War as an effect of the emerging Cold War, Hajimu argues that Korea in important ways produced the Cold War. As Bruce Cumings and others have long pointed out, the Communist invasion of South Korea in June 1950 justified the rapid and long-lasting expansion of US forces around the world and hardened the geopolitical lines of Cold War conflict between the Soviet Union and China, on the one side, and the United States-led "Free World," on the other. But Hajimu is not primarily interested in Cold War geopolitics. He focuses instead on the effects of the Korean War on domestic societies in Asia, North America, and Europe. The Korean War, Hajimu claims, turned domestic societies into "battlefields" in which people were forced to choose sides in a global conflict expressed at the local level. Cold War Crucible is interested less in geopolitical realities than in discursive imaginings. The Korean War created bipolarity within societies on both sides of the "East-West" divide, and the bipolar division of the Cold War became a simplified prism for seeing a postwar, decolonizing, post-imperial world whose realities were far more multi-dimensional and complex. …

Astronomy played significant roles in many of the important battles in military history. The author’s previous book (Olson 2014) discussed examples from World War II, and this chapter presents new results for events from that war and also from the Korean conflict.

Contents: Introduction. Part I Technology: The early provision of artillery armament on Mediterranean war galleys, John F. Guilmartin, Jr 'Many may peruse us': ribbands, moulds and models in the dockyards', Richard Barker The Dreadnought revolution of Tudor England, Geoffrey Parker In pursuit of the frigate, 1603-40, Andrew Thrush. Part II Policy and Administration: The evolution of the Ottoman seaborne empire in the age of oceanic discoveries, 1453-1525, Andrew C. Hess Economic aspects of the construction of warships in Venice in the 16th century, Ruggiero Romano Maturing of naval administration 1556-64, Tom Glasgow, Jr Spanish Armada guns, I.A.A. Thompson Armadas in an age of scarce resources: struggling to maintain the fleet in 17th-century Spain, David Goodman Prelude to power: the crisis of 1649 and the foundation of English naval power, James S. Wheeler. Part III Tactics in Battle: The development of broadside gunnery, 1450-1650, N.A.M. Rodger The action between Pater and Oquendo, 12 September, 1631, C.R. Boxer The 'military revolution' afloat: the era of the Anglo-Dutch wars and the transition to modern warfare at sea, M.A.J. Palmer The introduction of the single line ahead as a battle formation by the Dutch 1665-66, R.E.J. Weber. Part IV Strategy and Operations: The overrated adversary: Rhodes and Ottoman naval power, Palmira Brummett Herring Wars: the Habsburg Netherlands and the struggle for control of the North Sea, ca. 1520-60, James D. Tracy The recovery of St Andrews Castle in 1547: French naval policy and diplomacy in the British Isles, Elizabeth Bonner The Thirty Years' War in the Mediterranean, R.C. Anderson The Thirty Years' War in the Mediterranean, part II, R.C. Anderson The Straits of Hormuz fleets: Omani-Portuguese naval rivalry and encounters, c. 1660-80, Glenn J. Ames. Part V Trade Warfare and Privateering: The organization and effects of Flemish privateering in the 17th century, R. Baetens The Spanish Dunkirker