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This service activity aims to increase legal knowledge about money politics for high school students as an effort to create intelligent voters. This activity was carried out at SMA Negeri 2 South Konawe and Madrasah Aliyah DDI Nurul Qalbi Ranomeeto. The method of implementing this community service used interactive counseling with evaluation instruments, namely pre-test and post-test. Furthermore, the data analysis technique for this community service was analyzed descriptively. The results of this community service showed that there was an increase in students' understanding of the criminal law aspect of money politics practices. Through insight into criminal regulations on money politics practices, it could guide students in acting in society in accordance with legal provisions so that it has implications for the realization of smart voters.

This study examines the perceptions of Civic Education students regarding money politics in the context of the 2024 Elections, focusing on the analysis of moral values and integrity. Using a qualitative approach, this research involves in-depth interviews with 56 students selected through purposive sampling. The results indicate that students have a critical perception of money politics practices, viewing them as a serious threat to democratic integrity. They identify the negative impacts of money politics on public trust, political participation, and economic-political equality. From a moral perspective, students firmly reject money politics as an ethical violation. In the context of the 2024 Simultaneous Elections, they are aware of logistical challenges and the importance of voter education. This research reveals a gap between students' critical awareness and their opportunities for participation in the political system, highlighting the need for systematic efforts to empower students as agents of change in strengthening the integrity of Indonesian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The practice of handing out money before voting or dawn raids is still the choice of some legislative candidates to gain votes from citizens. Dawn attacks as a practice of money politics are an act of malpractice that can damage the democratic essence of holding general elections, because dawn attacks use money as a reciprocal tool to buy votes. This research uses qualitative methods, data is obtained from various literature, such as media, books, journals and reports related to the phenomenon of dawn attacks in the implementation of post-reform elections. The data obtained was then validated using source triangulation techniques. This research sees that several political actors who are running in the election are still carrying out dawn attacks as a political step to gain victory, however dawn attacks which are a form of money politics endanger democratic values in Indonesia, because they involve vote buying. With the dawn attacks activity, voters followed the political games of elites who only cared about getting votes without put on their capacity and capability. Once the elite who use dawn attacks are elected, then they are will be not paying attention to the public interest, corruption will continue to occur and the policies made will not be in favor of the public interest.

Money politics continues to pose a significant challenge in Aceh, notably among populations less acquainted with political processes and facing urgent economic needs. This study aims to explore the influence of religious and ethical values in countering money politics among Acehnese women. Employing a qualitative phenomenological approach, this research gathers primary data through interviews and supplements it with secondary data from existing literature. The findings reveal that although financial and material incentives are compelling, they do not invariably secure women's votes. Adherence to religious teachings, ethical considerations, and personal life philosophies significantly influence their decision-making processes. Although women in Aceh are highly susceptible to money politics, they are more likely to decline such offers compared to men, primarily due to their strong religious and moral convictions. To combat money politics effectively, strategies should emphasize political education and economic empowerment, reinforced by robust religious and ethical instruction, aiming to cultivate a more equitable and healthier democratic environment in Aceh.

Money politics has damaged the democratic system throughout the nation; handling the problem of money politics is not enough to be charged to law enforcement and all elements of society. The seriousness of the government and political parties in tackling the problem of money politics can be done by legal and political means. The results of this study show that political policies in preventing money politics in the 2019 elections in Banyumas Regency where political parties have made several efforts in at least three ways: 1) implementing pacta integrity and providing debriefing to cadres and legislative candidates. 2) All parties tend to follow only the existing rules, especially those issued by the KPU and Bawaslu. 3) It turns out that all parties do not require this, relating to the competency requirements of legislative candidates that are more stringent, intellectual, managerial skills, experience, and morality. Legal policies in the prevention and handling of money politics have carried out prevention strategies through legal policies, namely prevention at the level of legislation policy and judicial policy. In contrast, the execution policy has yet to be well realized.

This study aims to analyse the comparison of buying and selling voting rights in general elections from the perspective of Islamic law and Indonesian national law. The buying and selling of voting rights is an act that involves the exchange of voting rights for a certain reward, which is often considered a form of ethical and legal violation. In the context of Islamic law, this practice is viewed through the principles of sharia that emphasise justice, benefit, and the prohibition against buying and selling that contains elements of usury and gharar. Meanwhile, in the perspective of Indonesian national law, the buying and selling of voting rights is regulated by the law governing general elections, which confirms that the practice is illegal and subject to criminal sanctions. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach to outline the views of the two legal systems on the buying and selling of voting rights. The results show that in both Islamic law and Indonesian national law, the buying and selling of voting rights is viewed as illegitimate and violates the principles of justice. This research provides recommendations for increasing public understanding and awareness of the importance of maintaining the integrity of voting rights in general elections as well as stricter law enforcement to prevent the practice of buying and selling voting rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of elected representatives ditching the political party on whose ticket they were elected for another party constitutes a problem for representative democracy. Especially in settings where identity politics is reportedly common, it is important to interrogate whether voters simply follow their politicians to a new party. This article examines public responses to party switching in Nigeria, drawing from a nationwide representative survey of 1,023 participants against existing debates on ethno-religious and money politics. The author argues that while identity and money politics do have some influence on electoral choices, Nigerian voters generally disapprove of party switchers, except those with a prior track record of good performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elections in Nigeria are increasingly turning democratic practice into a bazaar for the highest bidder. Preparations for the 2023 General Election, especially the purchase of statements of interest and nomination forms, as well as party primaries, threaten to squeeze non-super-rich candidates out of participation. This study examines how Nigerian democracy is being manipulated into a business of the highest bidder by examining the costs of the entire process of nomination and party primaries in the All Progressives Congress and the Peoples Democratic Party. The study draws on face-to-face in-depth interviews selected on the basis of criteria such as accessibility, relevance, and quality of information. The informants were classified into different categories. The data obtained from the interviews were analyzed using thematic content analysis. Clientelism is adopted as a framework to explain this phenomenon. The study found that APC and PDP deliberately drive up the cost of nomination to displace poor and non-rich competitors. The impact is evident in the reckless use of money during the parties' primaries where the process was conducted in dollars. Transparency is being circumvented and to restore integrity to nomination and party primaries in Nigeria, reforms that go beyond politics to include civil society, the electorate, international partners, and other stakeholders are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This year saw efforts by Japan's government, led by prime minister Fumio Kishida, to tackle problems such as the need to arrest the declining birthrate, increase defense spending, deepen security ties with the US and other nations, and safeguard the rights of sexual minorities. Yet despite being in an enviable position domestically, with no national election looming, a decimated opposition, and a coalition partner with the votes to underwrite his administration, Kishida was unable to rally the public behind a tax hike to fund defense spending. Japan's prime ministers remain sensitive to public opinion, likely due to the precariousness of their position as leader of the Liberal Democratic Party rather than electoral considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper clarifies how youth political engagement in electoral democracy is understood and the activities that constitute challenges for successful democratic process in Kogi State. The paper further explains youth participation in electoral democracy and they desire for equal representation and good governance. These desire were punctuated by money politics, electoral financing and electoral violence. The electoral series held between 2015 and 2023, revealed political violence and outrageous elections expense at all tiers of electoral contest, which infiltrate to produce declared winner without integrity. It is proof that cost of registration and administration of campaigning hinder youth participation in politic. Sadly, previous empirical studies failed to indicate the derogatory implication of money politics and how has electoral expenditures overtaken the place of merit. This situation further introduces youth as instrument of destruction that crept Nigeria political event. The paper explained how this perception affects electoral integrity in Kogi State. This paper examines youth participation in electoral democracy, and how electoral expenditure has hindered youth participation in electoral democracy, a signals to poor political culture. The paper adopted descriptive methods. This approach relies on both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources rely on copies of questionnaire. Secondary sources rely on textbook, journal, conference proceeding and Nigeria daily. The study adopted Marxist theory of Democracy. The finding indicates huge electoral expenditures, political inequality and compromised political space overtaken the place merit, which restrict youths from electoral contest. The paper recommends youth sensitization on political culture, with the view to exposing the risk associated with money politics and electoral violence in Nigeria.

The legislative elections using an open-list proportional system always generate identical controversies during general election season. This, mainly involves the prevalence of misconduct by both the prospective legislative candidates themselves and their campaign teams. This issue has become a latent problem in every general election season, resulting in several adverse effects, including high campaign costs leading to corruption practices and poor political education to the public. The closed proportional system is once again considered as a solution to prevent vote-buying practices, also known as money politics. This research is a normative legal study using the statute approach, conceptual approach, and case approach. There are two types of legal materials used in this research. First, primary legal materials, namely Law No. 2 of 2011 Regarding Amendments to the Political Parties Law and Law No. 7 of 2017 Regarding General Elections. This study focuses on the importance of reconsidering the implementation of the closed proportional system in legislative elections as an effort to prevent the ongoing issue of money politics, which has been a latent problem in every general election in Indonesia. This research aims to reevaluate the use of the closed proportional system as the most suitable system to combat money politics practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional head election (Pilkada) encompasses various intriguing phenomena, with political actions and voting decisions influenced by multiple factors. This study examined the impact of three key factors--Gus Ali's figure, Party Identification (Party ID), and Money Politics--on voters' decisions in the 2020 Sidoarjo Regional Head Election (Pilkada), specifically focusing on the Ahmad Muhdlor Ali-Subandi candidate pair. Utilizing quantitative methods with an explanatory approach grounded in voting behavior theory, the research found that Gus Ali's figure did not significantly influence voting decisions. In contrast, party identification and money politics showed a significant moderate correlation with voters' choices. Additionally, the study revealed that voters who identified with Gus Ali, had an emotional bond with Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB)-Partai Nasdem, and received monetary incentives were more likely to support the Ahmad Muhdlor Ali-Subandi pair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Bombana district, Southeast Sulawesi Province on February 20, 2022 a democratic party was held through the simultaneous general election of village heads throughout Bombana district which was attended by 109 villages as stipulated in Bombana Regent Decree No. 449 of 2021 Concerning Schedules and Stages of Simultaneous Village Head Elections in 2022. In the implementation of local democracy through simultaneous village head elections, there are many practices of money politics carried out by village head candidates, success teams, and the community itself. The purpose of this research is to find out the factors causing the practice of money politics in the simultaneous village election. The method used in this study is a qualitative method by describing the facts that occur in the field to be explained more deeply through primary data sources, namely interviews, and secondary data, namely books and journals. The results of this study indicate that several factors cause money politics in simultaneous village elections in Bombana district, including the habitual factor that continues to occur at every election moment at all levels of democracy that occurs in Bombana district, and economic factors due to the Covid-19 outbreak that hit Indonesia. nationally 2 years ago, the factor of the absence of a special supervisory agency for village head elections, the factor weak laws and regulations on all hierarchies governing villages, and the absence of political education carried out by the local government and stakeholders in building village community intelligence about the dangers money politic.

Introduction: The practice of monetary politics in all political events makes it impossible to distinguish the implementation of the mechanism of legal politics from monetary politics. Purposes of the Research: In summary, there is a general assumption that money politics in any political competition is natural, even unavoidable. The detention of monetarism can be done through crime prevention theory from the point of view of proper justice theory. Methods of the Research: The type of research used is legal research. The phenomenological method is a study that aims to determine the nature of a phenomenon experienced by several individuals. Results of the Research: Bawaslu's efforts against money politics in holding legislative elections take two forms, namely prevention efforts and law enforcement efforts as a form of monitoring parliamentary elections.

This study aims to analyze the determinants of vote buying preferences among female voters in local head elections. We identify eight independent variables (education, income, welfare, happiness, risk-taking attitude, place of residence, age, and marital status) as a predictor of Y. This research used the 5th Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS) data, which was collected by Rand Corporation, Ltd., during 2014 – 2015 in 13 (thirteen) provinces in Indonesia. The data were analyzed by logistic regression technique using STATA 15. The results showed that only four independent variables had a statistically significant relationship with Y: education level, risk-taking attitude, income level, and marital status. These four independent variables can explain Y by 2.48% significantly, X2 (4) = 357.23, p < 0.01. At the variable level, all variables have a negative relationship with Y, except for marital status (142%) which has the largest contribution to explain Y. The effect of income, risk-taking attituted, and education on Y respectively is 90.62%, 80.90%, 31.11%. The final model of logistic regression produces the characteristics of female voters who tend to choose candidates local head election due to money politics: education below senior high school/equivalent, married, poor, and not willing to take risks. The author recommends all governments at all levels continue the modernization process in all aspects of the social life of Indonesian citizens.

ABSTRACT. Money politics conducted by political actors has inadvertently harmed the order of democratic civilization, which seeks to produce exemplary leaders with competence and morality. The practice of money politics is still prevalent in the local community of Singkil Regency, where it is considered pervasive. This is evident in every political contest for the Pileg and Pilkada, where candidates distribute cash, goods, and basic necessities. Observations on the ground indicate that there is a strong suspicion that the people there are extremely pragmatic in their political choices; they do not see the potential figures of the candidates but rather candidates who can give money to the people they favor. For the analysis of the aforementioned issues, a qualitative method involving observation, interviews, and documentation was employed. The study’s conclusion demonstrates that money politics is a form of buying and selling votes, which is one of the issues that must be addressed in general elections. However, state election supervisors in the regions, such as Panwaslih, continue to have limited manpower, time, and resources to oversee the practice of money politics during elections. As a result, the establishment of Gampông Politik as a socio-political institution is an important strategy for eradicating money politics by instilling democratic values, providing political education, and enforcing the law.

General election is a form of democratic system implementation. This democratic system is carried out to the lowest level in the government system, namely in the general election of village heads. However, in practice, the village head election process is still not optimal due to various forms of fraud. One of which is the practice of money politics. Money politics aims to influence the voters' votes so that they are influenced to choose a candidate who provides them with assistance in the form of money or goods and services. The case of money politics is getting stronger in the run-up to the election, and the targets of money politics are not only voters who have held elections before but also beginner voters. This study aimed to determine the practice of money politics in the election of village heads and its effect on the level of participation of novice voters. The research method used is descriptive quantitative. Data were collected through questionnaires and interviews. The research used data interpretation assisted with statistical applications, SPSS, to analyze the data. The results showed that the money politics practices that occurred in the election of the Village Head in Gampong Gunong Meulinteung were in the form of money that is 64 people (76%), goods that is 46 people (57%), and services that is 47 people (58%). The correlation test results show a value of 0.276, where the influence of money politics on novice voters in the Gampong Gunong Meulinteung Village Head Election in 2019 is 7.6%. It means that it has little effect on novice voters. The rest, amounting to 92.4% of novice voters, chose the Village Head candidate based on other factors such as age, education, and the candidate’s personality. Therefore, all forms of money politics should be eliminated in the general election so that the implementation of democracy in Indonesia can run well. In addition, it is also necessary to provide political education for novice voters, and it is hoped that the village government will form a task force that acts to eradicate cases of election fraud.

Vote-buying and other forms of electoral inducements are common phenomenon in Nigerian politics. This is so because the average voter is not only poor but also illiterate and unable to resist the alluring effects of uncontrolled electoral gratifications that come in cash or kind or both. Vote-buying is inherently a derivation of election fraud. Vote buying is the root cause of bad governance and a facilitator of the imposition of the incorrect and incompetent group of individuals to fill positions in governance. This study examines the menace of vote buying in Nigeria electoral system with focus on the issues, possible causes and solution within a defined period. The study revealed that the ripple effects of vote-buying which sterns from bad governance includes the insecurity of lives and properties, wide spread corruption and general lack of accountability by the ruling elite. It further revealed that the menace breeds incompetent leadership, and incompetence breeds illiteracy, unemployment, and poverty. The paper suggests among other things that the deployment of modern technologies to enable prospective voters vote from their homes using their phones would be the game changer for future elections in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) on 2020 have a positive effect on the implementation of a constitution and at least democracy for measuring political participation, the elections that were held after reform started from a Regional Head who was elected by the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD), then elected directly by the community (one man one vote). The direct election then became a simultaneous election in all parts of Indonesia. Until the latest development, namely the presence of a single candidate. The Single Candidate then implies the Empty Box as a companion because there are no candidates or no eligible candidates. This consequence must be accepted due to the Direct-Simultaneous Election system with the threshold record regulations as full of regional head nominations. This gave birth to various interests of political elites and party elites playing in it so that party elites inevitably intervened to whom the letter of recommendation would be given, or consolidation at the elite political level had agreed on a political dowry which then gave birth to a single candidate. This research uses qualitative methods with comprehensive analysis through data collected from the General Election Commission (KPU) and previous research. This paper examines the main factors that gave birth to a single candidate and the political elite’s role in compiling the party’s recommendation letter. The hypothesis that can be seen from the phenomenon of fighting empty boxes is the political dowry factor and the party cadre system’s ineffectiveness in producing leader candidates.

This study aimed to study the massive and systematic extent of money politics in the 2017 elections of the Bireuen District. This study used a qualitative method with the participant-observer approach. Data were collected through FGD at Al-Muslim University in Bireuen and in-depth interviews with the relevant parties. The practice of moneypolitics in the Bireuen election was very immaculate and well-coordinated. It started by collecting the photocopies of ID and family registry cards and ended with distributing the money before and after the voting. The campaign teams in each village helped to assist this process to the villagers. The study found five major causes of money politics in the Bireuen District. First, the public confidence in the political elections has declined. Second, the political orientation of the community was pragmatic. Third, several candidates had the same power in the election; thus, they had no other choices but to give away money to the public in the hope of being elected. Fourth, the prevention of money politics in the local elections of the Bireuen regent was somewhat weak. The elections supervisory committee does not have the authority to punish the political money perpetrators but could only give recommendations to the District Independent Elections Commission (KIP). These recommendations are subject to being processed or neglected. Lastly, the regulation of money politics was also weak in the Bireuen regional election. This massive money politics in Bireuen could be prevented by establishing a concept and formulating policies in the form of qanun (Islamic bylaws) in Aceh. The qanun could cancel or disqualify the regent candidates if they are proven to have committed money politics based on convincing and legally binding evidence. The political parties could also be deprived of their political rights to carry the regional head candidates for a term of office. Aceh, through its self-government, has a special authority to produce regulations that do not contradict the higher regulation in Indonesia. The function of the qanun is to break the chain and the money politics system by imposing punishment on the regent candidates and political parties. This research has never been investigated before, especially the regulation potential to break the chains of money politics by establishing a qanun to be applied in Aceh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The election of the Regional Head of Padang Pariaman Regency as a form of democracy must be carried out in accordance with the provisions of the legislation, but in the process of its implementation it cannot be separated from various actions that can harm a lot of people, and the integrity of the implementation of the Regional Election. In this case, the integrated law enforcement center (Gakkumdu) enforces the law on the crime of regional head elections. The research method used in this study is empirical juridical. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded: Law enforcement against criminal acts of integrated law enforcement centers in handling criminal acts for the election of the head of Padang Pariaman region is ineffective because of the 3 (three) findings of criminal cases handled there are no cases has reached the court level, all cases stop on the second discussion of Sentra Gakkumdu. The obstacles faced in law enforcement of criminal acts are associated with factors that affect law enforcement consisting of 5 (five) namely legal factors, law enforcement, facilities and facilities, society, and culture. To overcome obstacles by the integrated law enforcement center in law enforcement of regional election crimes is to carry out its duties as a law enforcement holder without any internal and external influence of a policy with the aim that the democratic process runs with the creation of justice, safely, and peacefully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The aim of the paper is to analyse the prevalence of corruption in Malaysia since 2004 in relation to political leadership, implementation of anti-corruption measures and the political and business culture based on money politics. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws from the information and data provided by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, the Malaysian government, international organisations, media reports, and academic papers. Findings – The paper analyses the perceived extent of corruption in Malaysia by examining how successive governments have dealt with the problem through a wide range of measures. Corruption remains widespread because of ineffective implementation, a culture of money politics based on mutually beneficial crony associations between political actors and business leaders, political interference to frustrate enforcement against corruption offenders, especially prominent personalities, and the mixed impact of corruption prevention measures. The paper concludes that the political and business culture and the nature of political leadership have eroded the political will to combat grand corruption in Malaysia. Originality/value – This paper builds on previous research on corruption in Malaysia and highlights the combined negative impact of political leadership and a business and political culture that tolerates and espouses corruption, especially through money politics, and the consequent weak political will for tackling grand corruption.

This article aims to determine the factors that cause money politics in the general election in Ponorogo Regency, in addition to knowing how law enforcement is carried out by law enforcement officials against money politics in general elections and the appropriate regulations to overcome money politics. Problems with the factors that cause money in Ponorogo Regency, in addition to law enforcement carried out in general elections and appropriate regulations to overcome this. To approach these problems, empirical juridical research is used with a conceptual approach and the provisions of the law. Data collection was done by interview and observation and literature study. Data were collected and analyzed descriptively qualitatively by reducing data, displaying data and verifying data. This study concludes that the factors that cause money in the implementation of general elections in Ponorogo Regency are: the existence of tradition, community economic factors, lack of knowledge from the community and law enforcement that has not been optimal. Money politics law enforcement is regulated by Law Number 1 of 2015 concerning Supervision of Government Nets, replacing Law Number 1 of 2014 concerning the Election of Governors and Regents. Even though there are laws that regulate, money politics still happens. Therefore, to overcome this, it is necessary to evaluate the rules in elections..

Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) on 2020 have a positive effect on the implementation of a constitution and at least democracy for measuring political participation, the elections that were held after reform started from a Regional Head who was elected by the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD), then elected directly by the community (one man one vote). The direct election then became a simultaneous election in all parts of Indonesia. Until the latest development, namely the presence of a single candidate. The Single Candidate then implies the Empty Box as a companion because there are no candidates or no eligible candidates. This consequence must be accepted due to the DirectSimultaneous Election system with the threshold record regulations as full of regional head nominations. This gave birth to various interests of political elites and party elites playing in it so that party elites inevitably intervened to whom the letter of recommendation would be given, or consolidation at the elite political level had agreed on a political dowry which then gave birth to a single candidate. This research uses qualitative methods with comprehensive analysis through data collected from the General Election Commission (KPU) and previous research. This paper examines the main factors that gave birth to a single candidate and the political elite’s role in compiling the party’s recommendation letter. The hypothesis that can be seen from the phenomenon of fighting empty boxes is the political dowry factor and the party cadre system’s ineffectiveness in producing leader candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain the debate about money politics from an istishlahy perspektif. Money politics is an effort to influence the electoral masses in exchange for certain materials that someone does not exercise their right to vote or exercise their rights in a certain way. This practice make the stability of the political climate is disrupted. That is why, positive law prohibits the practice of money politics. The discourse on money politics is very interesting in the fiqh literature, if there is a concern that not giving money in a contestation of positions will fall to the wrongdoer. So the majority of scholars give privileges to do this practice, and this is not included in the category of bribery. The researcher is interested in examining more deeply the discourse on the debate about the provisions of the practice of money politics. This qualitative research using the ushul fiqh approach aims to examine methodologically more deeply the discourse on the debate about the provisions of the practice of money politics.This debate will be examined using the istishlahy method. The result of this article is: First, this practice can be applied to risywah. Due to the similarity ‘illat (logical ratio), namely khauf al-mail. Second, there is a privilege in conditions that are very far from idealism in practicing money politics, as long as the indicators which are the prevailing factors of money politics practice are found in the socio-political reality.

Election rules have been regulated in Law no. 7 of 2017 where this rule contains imperative norms. The imperative norm talks about the rules that prohibit the practice of money politics during the electoral process. A rule is made to implement the function of controlling behavior in social and political life, when the rules are violated, the perpetrator will face legal proceedings and receive appropriate sanctions. Money politics and elections in Indonesia are commonplace for all people and are even considered to be cultured and inseparable. This research was made with the aim of reviewing imperative norms in the implementation of ineffective elections in preventing money politics practices. This study uses a qualitative research approach with triangulation technique analysis. From this study the authors found that the power of normative law in election activities in Indonesia is still relatively weak and a number of political practices continue to occur so that they can tarnish the democratic process

This study seeks to examine the implications of vote-buying on the electoral credibility of Kogi state 2019 gubernatorial election in Lokoja Metropolis. This study adopted the Survey method because of the nature which requires people's opinion. The population of study is 137,301 registered voters, and a sample of 400 voters were used for this study. Meanwhile, stratified random sampling was adopted for the study. Out of the 400-questionnaire given to respondents, 387 were filled and returned. Mean was used for the analysis of data. The study revealed that vote-buying has negative implications on the credibility of the 2019 gubernatorial election in Lokoja Metropolis. Lastly, this study recommends among other things that since the research revealed that there is a relationship between income (economic position) and voters' decisions, political parties should provide excellent governance when elected and improve the situations of electorate who voted them into office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains how money politics and ethnic politics work at the same time, and which one of them is more influential when the two are confronted. By examining the 2017 regional election in the city of Kendari, this paper finds that both ethnic politics and money politics were used by contestants running in the election to gain voter support. Nevertheless, ethnic politics failed to maintain voter loyalty when contested with money politics that was designed carefully, massively, right on target, well-structured, and was supported by a solid and militant team.

Research on students' perceptions about money politics, hoaxes and sara issues in the 2019 elections in Tulungagung Regency is motivated by the high practice of money politics in various political events, from local elections to elections, on the basis that researchers try to photograph how students' understanding of money politics, hoaxes and the issue of sara, this study uses a qualitative method that is collecting data obtained from the results of interpretation in the field, this study also portrays the implications of money politics, hoaxes, sara issues to influence the choice of students in Tulungagung Regency in the 2019 Election, it is seen from the results Researcher's interviews with a number of informants resulted in students' understanding of money politics, hoaxes and sara issues being very good, students understanding the understanding of money politics in detail, even when in the construction of student money politics understanding in Tulungagung Regency almost approached the existing understanding in the law of the government. You do not stop their students also understand various phenomena of money politics and their modes, students' understanding of hoaxes with content issues is also quite good because almost all students define hoax details with examples and models of their stories, students also assume that spreading the issue of care in the general election contestation is considered to be very dangerous and for the continuation of democratic life in Indonesia which causes divisions and disintegration.

Penelitian ini bertujuan memaparkan upaya kandidat perempuan mematahkan praktik politik uang dan pengaruh dukun dalam pemilihan kepala desa (pilkades) tahun 2018. Peneliti menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan studi kasus pemilihan kepala Desa Sriharjo, Kabupaten Bantul. Peneliti mengumpulkan data primer melalui wawancara, diskusi kelompok mendalam dan observasi. Adapun data sekunder dikumpulkan melalui studi literatur, internet, foto dan video proses pilkades. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan adanya penggunaan politik uang dan terindikasi melalui serangan fajar yang dilakukan oleh ‘sniper’ yang bertugas membagi-bagikan amplop dari rumah ke rumah penduduk pada malam hari (H-1), Selain itu kandidat dalam meraih simpati memberikan bantuan sarana dan prasarana kepada masyarakat. Selaras dengan hal tersebut, tim sukses juga menggunakan jasa kekuatan spiritual (dukun) melalui medium penebaran kembang di setiap padukuhan - tujuannya agar masyarakat di pedukuhan tersebut tidak memilih kandidat lain. Menyikapi strategi pesaing tersebut, kandidat perempuan menggunakan politik hati nurani untuk memberdayakan masyarakat, melakukan pengawasan ketat terhadap para ‘sniper’, membangun jejaring dan pemutusan kekuatan spiritual.

Although money politics contributes significantly to democracy, it also has negative impact on sustaining democracy in developing democracies such as Nigeria and other African countries. Due to this, the study examines the antecedents of money politics with a view to establishing the reasons responsible for money politics, the strengths and shortcomings of money politics and the implications it has on sustaining democracy in Nigeria. Making use of secondary sources of data, the study found out that increase in population cum high value of money, increase in number of political parties, high intensity of electoral contests and desperation to control government by political class are the factors responsible for money bag politics. Despite the fact that money politics hasthe strengths, it has implications of encouraging looters, eroding competence of the candidate, weakening political participation and undermining democratic governance in Nigeria. The study concludes that unregulated money politics in elections by political parties and politicians has debilitating impact on sustaining democracy and that it is only the hostile stance of government that can completely root out the pervasive money bag politics in Nigeria. The study recommends that government should redesign the framework of money bag politics in order to ensure strict compliance by the political parties and other stakeholders in the conduct of election in Nigeria.

Studies of electoral clientelism—the contingent exchange of material benefits for electoral support—frequently presume the presence of strong parties. Parties facilitate monitoring and enforcement of vote buying and allow brokers to identify core voters for turnout buying. Where money fuels campaigns but elections center around candidates, not parties, how do candidates pitch electoral handouts? The authors analyze candidates' distribution of cash during an Indonesian election. Drawing upon varied data, including surveys of voters and brokers, candidates' cash-distribution lists, and focus-group discussions, they find heavy spending but little evidence of vote buying or turnout buying. Instead, candidates buy brokers. With little loyalty or party brand to draw on, candidates seek to establish credibility with well-networked brokers, who then protect their turf with token payments for their own presumed bloc of voters. The authors find little evidence of monitoring of either voter or broker behavior, which is consistent with their argument that these payments are noncontingent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the traditional populist issue of money politics within Indonesian general elections, using Meranti Islands Regency, Riau Province, as its concrete case. Several previous studies indicate that money politics have been integral in the general elections at both local and national levels. This study thus discusses the practice of money politics in the case of Meranti Islands Regency general elections. This study was conducted from July to August 2017 using qualitative methods. The data collection was carried out by interviewing 22 informants who were selected purposively. They were matched with observations and document data followed by qualitative analysis. This research found that the region has complicated problems such as: (1) a high poverty rate, (2) a lack of public understanding of money politics and its effects, (3) a lack of a monitoring system, and (4) a weak justice system. To address these issues, formal and non-formal institutions should be systematically enhanced and empowered. This should begin with election committees, which must be held accountable from the state to the village levels. It is also recommended to establish anti-money politics villages as a means of stimulating political education and ensuring the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local elections (Pilkada) still face problems, both technical and substantive. Efforts to improve have been made several times by revising the law regulating local elections (Pilkada). In the simultaneous local elections in 2020, money politics arose again. The issue of cukong democracy practices depicted capital owners' power to finance local leaders candidates to contest local elections (Pilkada). This study explores and structures the problems underlying money politics in local elections (Pilkada), which formulate alternative solutions based on logical reasoning. The exploration and formulation of issues and the preparation of alternative solutions are carried out using strong arguments to ensure the conclusions' plausibility. The practice of money politics can occur in two main areas, namely in ​​the nomination process in the form of political dowries paid by candidates to political parties. In the campaign area, the condition of buying and selling votes carried out by candidates with voters. The practice of political dowry occurs due to the limited alternatives that a person can use to run for regional head elections. The nomination mechanism is much more difficult and costly through individual channels, so paying political dowries to political parties is the easiest and more specific option. The practice of money politics occurs because of voters' mental attitudes who are not rational, and the system of sanctions still supports the way of buying and selling votes. Alternative solutions to money politics in these two areas are compiled by doing a simulative analysis that can eliminate the practice's root causes. Decreasing the threshold for candidate submission by political parties, adopting the maximum point for political party support, reducing the number of voter support requirements for individual candidates, eliminating political dowries in local leader nominations, and simultaneously reducing costs for individual candidates. Adopting criminal sanctions for givers in the practice of buying and selling votes is an alternative solution in preventing the way of buying and selling votes in local elections (Pilkada).

Money politics is a serious problem for the improvement in the quality of democracy in Indonesia. In every election, there has been a shift or variation in the pattern of money politics. This article answers the important question of what pattern of money politics applied in the 2014 elections was. This study found that the pattern was more complex and that it involved more actors between not only candidates and voters, but also the election organizers. A case study had been used to view the pattern of money politics in the legislative elections in Surabaya and Sidoarjo during the 2014 election. This study explains the connectivity between the emergence of pragmatic-rational voters, the engagement of the party oligarchy in moving the political party machinery and the covert dealings with the election organizer.

Money politics in a democratic party has been considered common in the community, although this is considered contrary to applicable law norms. the problem is the reality of money politics in the Kuwu elections in Cirebon regency always happens and how money politics can be a demoralizing democracy. The research method that used in this research is qualitative research, with a sociolegal approach, data obtained from "primary data and secondary data". How to get it is by jumping into the field, through interviews. The results of this research into the reality of the occurrence of money politics in the election of kuwu are strongly influenced by the low awareness of the law community, the lack of political education in social environmental factors, and the lack of consistency in law enforcement. Such conditions ultimately impact on the demoralization of democracy. The community should be changed their image by counseling and socializing about the prevailing law norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]