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This study incorporates moral panics as a lens for investigating discussions in US news reports and on social media surrounding anti-transgender youth sports legislation. A total of 210 newspaper articles and 6,405 Twitter posts from January 2022 through November 2022 were analyzed to highlight the proportion of content that incorporated moral panic elements of concern, hostility, consensus, and disproportionality within the discussion. While the frames advanced on the two platforms largely mirrored one another, social media posts were more likely to incorporate aspects of moral panic escalation (concern and hostility) than were news reports. Escalation elements stayed high on both platforms over the course of time. Pro-ban protests significantly rose on social media while equity/fairness arguments cross-state comparisons diminished as content moved closer to election day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alarmist narratives about the flow of misinformation and its negative consequences have gained traction in recent years. If these fears are to some extent warranted, the scientific literature suggests that many of them are exaggerated. Why are people so worried about misinformation? In two pre-registered surveys conducted in the United Kingdom (N study_1 = 300, N study_2 = 300) and replicated in the United States (N study_1 = 302, N study_2 = 299), we investigated the psychological factors associated with perceived danger of misinformation and how it contributes to the popularity of alarmist narratives on misinformation. We find that the strongest, and most reliable, predictor of perceived danger of misinformation is the third-person effect (i.e. the perception that others are more vulnerable to misinformation than the self) and, in particular, the belief that "distant" others (as opposed to family and friends) are vulnerable to misinformation. The belief that societal problems have simple solutions and clear causes was consistently, but weakly, associated with perceived danger of online misinformation. Other factors, like negative attitudes toward new technologies and higher sensitivity to threats, were inconsistently, and weakly, associated with perceived danger of online misinformation. Finally, we found that participants who report being more worried about misinformation are more willing to like and share alarmist narratives on misinformation. Our findings suggest that fears about misinformation tap into our tendency to view other people as gullible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large body of work has examined the relationship between population composition and risk of victimization. Past research has also suggested that the nature of political rhetoric may have profound impacts on perceived threat, fear of crime, and moral panic. This study constitutes the first attempt to examine the relationships between the negative political articulation of both immigration and multiculturalism by extreme right-wing parties and the perception of unsafety risk in European countries. We employ data from the 2018 European Social Survey (ESS), which we merge with data from the Manifesto Project Dataset, a comparative dataset on political statements. The results reveal that individuals who reside in countries with higher levels of negative political articulation of immigration and multiculturalism express greater perceived unsafety. The results also show that higher levels of perceived immigrant threat amplify the relationship between negative political articulation of immigration and perceived unsafety. Finally, news exposure amplifies the effect of the negative political articulation of immigration on the perception of unsafety when perceived immigrant threat is higher. Our findings underscore the importance of the political context and the potential of political elites to shape public perceptions, including the perception of unsafety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racialization of the drug trade has been an ongoing feature of drug‐related moral panics for over a century. In the latter part of the twentieth century, public anxieties about ongoing economic changes made immigrants and Mexican drug cartels convenient scapegoats in the context of moral panics about cannabis and cannabis growers. In this research, I focus on the social construction of cannabis growers in the Emerald Triangle of Northern California, with a particular focus on the cartel grower construct. Through a content analysis of news media coverage, government and law enforcement reports, and field notes from personal communications with law enforcement officers and government officials, I identify racialized constructions of growers in the region. I also explore the relationships between local narratives and the broader cannabis discourse. In this “post‐prohibition” moment, this discourse impacts U.S. cannabis policy conversations and fuels anti‐immigrant rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the unique relationship between panic, technology, and sexuality using a sex panic framework. Sex panic, a derivative of moral panic theory, focuses on fears related to or because of sexuality or sexual practices. Inextricably tied to emotion, sex panic events are often scripted and based on performativity. In Texas, a sex robot “testing center” attempted to open as a storefront in the suburbs of Houston. Local officials and community leaders condemned the brothel announcement. A critical discourse analysis of sixty news articles and videos, Houston City Council meeting minutes, and the subsequent city ordinances were evaluated to explore the controversy of the ultimately banned brothel. Through this analysis, prevalent discursive themes on the protection of women and children, fears about sex robot users, and concerns over how the Houston community would be viewed were found. Discursive tactics centered on creating panic around issues of rape, dehumanization, and moral standards. This study contributes to the critical scholarship on sex robots and their effects on public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the presence of a subliminal thesis—with conspiratorial and apocalyptic content—in the discourse of the Seventh-day Adventist tradition based on a documentary analysis of Adventist publications from the 1900s to the 1990s. The history of the development of this thesis is classified into three periods: (1) Proto-Adventist Subliminal Thesis, from 1900s to 1940s, with a discourse of anti-spiritualist emphasis; (2) Adventist Subliminal Thesis' First Wave, from 1950s to 1960s, with a discourse of anti-media emphasis in the context of James Vicary's experiments in the 1950s; and (3) Adventist Subliminal Thesis' Second Wave, from 1970s to 1990s, with a discourse of conspiratorial emphasis in the context of the satanic panic of the 1980s and 1990s. The Adventist subliminal thesis is configured in a way of thinking that considers (1) the human being as a "mass-man" and culture as "mass culture"; (2) the media as having the power of manipulation and mental control; (3) adherence to moral panic phenomena as reactions to media threats to traditional values; and (4) the cosmic narrative of the Great Controversy as a worldview for understanding media messages and products as part of a satanic conspiracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is an editorial from the Journal of Communication Inquiry, discussing the importance of studying sex and sexuality in communication research. The author highlights the lack of coverage of sex in media discourse, despite its prevalence in the media. The special issue of the journal explores the intersection of sex and the press, covering topics such as FOSTA-SESTA legislation, magazine empires like Playboy, and issues related to race, transgender identity, and sexual orientation. The author emphasizes the need for scholars to engage with these topics and challenges the societal restrictions on discussing sex and sexuality. [Extracted from the article]

Between 1900 and 1918, New Zealand sent its least cooperative girls and young women into a single state-run reformatory. Te Oranga's inmates included girls raised in industrial schools, thieving domestic servants, and sexually active adolescents. Using a collective biography approach, this study examines these "incorrigible girls" to test their negative portrayal in contemporary reporting. Comparing girls' life courses shows little difference in either precipitating factors or life outcomes. This research suggests that the moral panic about youthful sexual activity exaggerated the social dangers and that girls grew out of their troublesome tendencies during lengthy preventative detention rather than being reformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractBackgroundMethodsResultsConclusionThe Philippines has one of the must punitive drug regimes in the world, as evidenced not just by Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war but previous anti-drug campaigns. This article examines the place of ‘the youth’ in the longstanding moral panic around drugs and drug policy in the Philippines.This article uses critical discourse analysis to analyze figurations of young people across three distinct periods in the Philippines’ contemporary history: Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s early dictatorship (1972–1975), Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s presidency (2001–2010), and Rodrigo Duterte’s administration (2016–2022).In all three periods, young people were simultaneously invoked as a group that needs saving) and as a group that needs surveillance and discipline. Further, across the three periods, both the youth and drug use were enfolded into larger socio-political discourses (e.g. Martial Law; corruption and poverty; anti-elite politics).The ambivalence in the ways in which young people are treated in drug policy reflects and reinforces their societal construction as passive victims. Interrogating and challenging the ways in which young people figure in ‘morality politics’ can pave the way for meaningful youth engagement in drug policies and programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of "woke" and its re-coding in contemporary political discourse. The author argues that the re-coding of "woke" by powerful political figures is a form of destructive abstraction, which extracts meaning and significance from marginalized populations to reinforce anti-Black racial hierarchy. The article explores the roots of anti-"woke" rhetoric and its use as a strategy to legitimize anti-Black overtures without explicitly using racist language. The author also examines the ambiguity and symbolic reasoning behind anti-woke rhetoric and its impact on power dynamics and social consciousness. [Extracted from the article]

This paper takes a political sociological look at the knee-taking in football (or soccer) inspired by the Black Lives Matter campaign. Based upon a study of the new elites, it explores the essence of this performative act and situates it within the 'obsession' with racism and anti-racism. Based less on the reality of the problem of racism than upon the emerging values of this new 'class', the celebration and promotion of taking the knee is understood as a new type of political etiquette that combines a sense of shame-awareness with a certain contempt for the 'masses' who attend football matches. The confusion about whether the support for Black Lives Matter was political or not is discussed with reference to the idea of the changed and to some extent incoherent nature of the modern elites whose values, it is suggested, are more a form of anti-matter than a clear projection of ideas and beliefs. As a result, the quasi-religious nature of the sentiment expressed in modern anti-racism and the action of taking the knee are considered in relation to the ideas of 'raising awareness' and of 'educating yourself', both of which have an implicitly elitist quality but also lack precision or clarity about either the problem being addressed or any solution to it. Often more therapeutic than overtly political, elite anti-racism is almost by necessity performative, but also comes with a disciplinary dimension for those who refuse to 'take the knee' to it. Ultimately, it is suggested that the contestation over the knee-taking gesture reflects a growing cultural divide between the disconnected globalist elites and the more grounded and situated masses who often opposed those who demand their acquiescence towards this performative form of anti-racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most policies to combat gang criminal behavior are rooted in deterrence and punitive strategies. This is fueled by moral panic, a get tough on crime rhetoric, and a lack of understanding for the psychological factors that may influence this behavior. Further, the extant literature has consistently observed that gang membership is associated with increased criminal behavior. In an effort to promote and shift away from punitive approaches in response to gang delinquency, the current study investigates the role psychopathic traits have in violent and property offending, longitudinally, in a sample of gang-involved youth. The study implemented count mixed effect models to investigate the topic longitudinally in waves 3, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11, while controlling for other variables with violent and property offending frequency. The current study found that some psychopathic traits are associated with offending behavior, longitudinally, in gang members and youth with a history of gang involvement. The findings suggest that gang intervention strategies should include empirically supported programs for treating psychopathic traits in gang identified youth to reduce involvement in delinquent behavior. Further, practitioners, researchers, and policymakers should collaborate to develop more empirically supported strategies to reduce and prevent gang delinquent behavior from an empathetic lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article revisits my older work on moral panics over "Muslim homophobia" and youth crime to make sense of the arrival of a new criminalized figure: the Palestinian school kid who becomes prone to terrorism and antisemitism after consuming "fake news" on social and Arabic-language media. It addresses the current outbreak of anti-Palestinian racism in Germany as the latest expansion of an archive of criminalization that targets young people who, far from innocent and deserving of care and education, are constructed as folk devils that require heavy-handed punishment, segregation and deportation. While former panics have singled out the problematic heterosexualities of Muslim populations that fail to catch up with women-and-LGBT-friendly communities that care about diversity, the debate about the "Middle East conflict in Berlin schools" foregrounds media use as a central determinant of cultural pathology. This departure from languages of care and diversity, the article argues, reflects a dehumanizing tendency in racial capitalism that appears increasingly undisguised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine a recent incident involving Gülşen, a Turkish singer who was brutally attacked on Twitter (now X), and demonstrate how moral panics translate into misogynist e-bile and violent cyber-attacks, both of which reinforce a polarized political environment. We analysed tweets posted 24–August 30 2022 and show that e-bile was used distinctly more often by opponents of Gülşen who are characterized by religiously conservative norms and values. We suggest that Gülşen’s subsequent criminalization by state institutions (she was detained and arrested in the aftermath of #arrestgülşen) effectively validated the violent attacks of Gülşen’s opponents while leaving her supporters intimidated and paralysed. Our study contributes to the understanding of e-bile by suggesting that cultural intelligibility and political hegemony make space for and legitimize the graphic language of online communities. By the same token, misogynistic and homophobic invective turns into an instrument of symbolic violence that is exercised by culturally and politically privileged segments of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moral panics have regularly erupted in society, but they appear almost daily on social media. We propose that social media helps fuel moral panics by combining perceived societal threats with a powerful signal of social amplification—virality. Eight studies with multiple methods test a social amplification model of moral panics in which virality amplifies perceptions of threats posed by deviant behavior and ideas, prompting moral outrage expression. Three naturalistic studies of Twitter (N = 237,230) reveal that virality predicts moral outrage in response to tweets about controversial issues, even when controlling for specific tweet content. Five experiments (N = 1,499) reveal the causal impact of virality on outrage expression and suggest that feelings of danger mediate this effect. This work connects classic ideas about moral panics with ongoing research on social media and provides a perspective on the nature of moral outrage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes the case that electric micromobilities (EMMs) are the site of a moral panic and employs the lens of mobility justice to explain it. Through analysis of scholarly and media discourse, interviews with, and social media content produced by, EMM riders (eriders), and the auto ethnographic experiences of the lead author as an electric unicycle rider in daily life, as a participant in online and offline "erider" communities, and as a food delivery worker, we reinforce the conclusion that alternate mobilities face an uphill battle in gaining legitimacy and inclusion in transportation policy and infrastructure. While this is not a new finding—alternate mobilities have a long history of being demonized and excluded—this article offers insight into how individuals who find themselves unwitting scapegoats in conflicts over public space consciously engage in deliberate actions to resist EMM panic and achieve greater mobility justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece takes its cue from a pair of incidents – a not unfamiliar theme in game studies – relating to game scholarship and its engagement with right-wing politics. In the first case, well-known game scholar Bonnie 'Bo' Ruberg called on editors and reviewers to stop insisting that scholars include a reference to a certain online campaign of harassment, doxing and threats of physical violence. In the second case, I had a reviewer insist that I had to include a reference to the 'Fortnite to alt-right pipeline' because clearly games were causing alt-right lunacy. To be sure, these both constitute genre criticism – among others – at its most reductive and cynical, deciding what the institutional and audience expectations entail based on an assumption of the industrial ones. Then, biographical criticism and assertions about authorial intent or the necessary 'touchstones' began to appear. There seems to be a consistent and persistent insistence that somehow even the best and most accomplished scholars should forget decades of scholarship because 'games are different' and this tendency has been conditioned and shaped by reading games through the 'lens' of the Trump presidency. This is important because it confirms that essays about games still tend to fit into one of the two boxes Ruberg ticks: game scholars who are not necessarily adept at the specific content area or specialists in a given field who are not really game scholars. It is telling and symptomatic of the centripetal and centrifugal movements in game studies; that is, from within and without. Admittedly, games are different, but not so different that we should forget or ignore decades of scholarship or worse, do not bother to find out if it exists at all. Not only are many of these positions ahistorical – ignoring the fact that, as some much maligned games quite cleverly point out repeatedly within, the same things have been said about the corrupting power of soap operas, romance novels, comic books, wrestling, rap and hip hop, backwards masking in heavy metal and plain old rock 'n' roll – the positions are also tacitly or unwittingly ageist, classist and/or occasionally racist, homophobic and transphobic even as the author purports to be concerned with inequitable representations. Moreover, there are peculiarly US American concerns that are transposed onto ostensibly universal ones. These reveal that even the most 'woke' of the American left can be a cultural imperialist and that American exceptionalism is inescapable if not ineluctable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 5 years the UK has seen a significant rise in the prominence of trans-exclusionary feminism. What was once termed TERF (trans-exclusionary radical feminism/feminist) is now more often referred to as gender critical feminism/feminist. In this article I argue that this new moniker represents more than a renaming. Instead, it can be interpreted as a rebranding for a present-day where the explicit transphobia of earlier trans-exclusionary feminism is no longer tolerated. I will map two telling changes that I argue currently separates gender critical from TERF, this involves (i) the linguistic pivot from 'anti-trans' to 'pro-woman' and, (ii) the nascent questioning of the traditional theoretical underpinning of trans-exclusionary feminism. Through this mapping I will explain the rebranding as an attempted claim to legitimacy with an aim of accruing mainstream support. However, exploration of the two changes will show that, despite efforts to obscure the point, gender critical feminism continues to rely on transphobic tropes, moral panics and essentialist understandings of men and women. These factors also continue to link trans-exclusionary feminism to anti-feminist reactionary politics and other 'anti-gender' movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth as a category that informs international interventions in conflict-affected settings has gained currency in the past decade. This article traces the rising rhetoric of youth in UN Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) discourse and demonstrates how changes in its dominant representations have implications beyond the matter of semantics. Drawing on post-structuralist traditions, the article highlights how the DDR discourse delineates problems through particular framings that call forth certain solutions, which in turn reinforce the very (mis)understandings that underlie the interventions. A case study from the Central African Republic illustrates how the hegemonic representation of youth-as-troublemakers in UN documents, together with a compelling narrative that naturalized the link between youth, unemployment and violence, made possible and conferred legitimacy to the proliferation of projects with an overwhelming economic focus. The article discusses how the resource landscape, such as opportunities to unlock earmarked funding, incentivizes the reproduction of certain constructions of youth that align with today's policy panic around violent extremism. In so doing, it puts into question the instrumental approach towards discourse by pointing to surprising ways in which discourses become appropriated by both international peacebuilders and the 'subjects' of these interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1980 a book appeared which caused a considerable stir across the globe: Michelle Remembers by Lawrence Pazder and Michelle Smith. This book helped set in train what was later referred to by scholars as the "Satanic Panic" or the "Satanism Scare". While the book became infamous, little analysis by scholars has been given to the authors' Roman Catholicism, or more importantly to the wider way in which Catholicism contributed to this moral panic. While the influence of Christians more generally has been noted, sparse attention has been given to the ways in which a variety of distinctly Catholic vernacular beliefs and subcultures fed and spread this panic. This article seeks to map some of the contours of the specifically Catholic contribution to the wider Satanic Panic mythology, contextualising this against the backdrop of a wider ecclesial shift in a conservative direction during this period and the Church's longer history of demonology. The paper concludes by suggesting that this Satanic Panic mythology persists and forms one important reservoir of ideas drawn on in contemporary demonology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A considerable amount of research in Western countries during the past 30 years has found a strong tendency to associate Muslims with violent acts. This has resulted in an increase in Islamophobia. This article examines Lithuania's media, politicians, and public perceptions on terrorism-Muslims in order to understand the correlation between Lithuanian media and political discourse on Muslims and their connection with public discourses. I propose that the weaker the linkage between media and political portrayals associating terrorism with Muslims is with public perceptions of terrorism and Muslims, the less likely the latter will see Muslims as folk devils. My analysis of the data supports this hypothesis and conclusively shows that media and political discourse do not have a hegemonic power to control the portrayal of Muslims and to create a sense of moral panic among Lithuanians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is an introduction to a special issue of the journal Critical Criminology titled "The Criminalization-to-Deportation Pipeline in the United States." The issue aims to challenge traditional approaches to immigration enforcement and deportation by examining the processes and impacts of the criminalization of immigrants with non-immigration-related criminal records. The articles in the issue draw on critical criminology frameworks to explore the structural inequalities and racial inequities that shape crimmigration outcomes, as well as the resistance and responses of impacted communities. The issue also highlights the limitations of sanctuary policies in protecting noncitizens targeted by the criminal legal system. [Extracted from the article]

Since the passage of the Homeland Security Act in 2002, the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has used police and carceral power to entrench its operations against criminalized immigrant communities in New York City. This article argues that to understand this process, homeland security actions must be seen as a form of symbolic and physical violence that ascertains legitimacy through an internal dialogue within the very bureaucracies of the state itself, and are sanctified by broader historic structural relations, as per Bourdieu's understanding of the state manifesting in bureaucratic and discursive ways. Through an examination of 148 federal documents, this article will conduct an institutional ethnography-informed intertextual analysis of how ICE has expanded into New York City, arguing that through the courting of broader moral panics concerning race, national security, and crime, a Homeland Security State has converted migration management into security management, reifying a binary between the "good" and "bad" immigrant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how young people – specifically teenagers between thirteen and nineteen years of age – choose to use the digital video-sharing app TikTok. A framework is proposed that moves away from discourses of media panic and toward understandings of media practice, analysing two videos created by teenagers to develop a vocabulary for identifying the diverse and nuanced ways in which young people negotiate their social lives through the use of TikTok. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Islamophobia controversy over the Nussa dan Rarra cartoon film (NRCF) on Twitter (X). This controversy was initially triggered by two influencers that became a trending topic. The study employed a qualitative method with a moral panic theory approach. The primary data was tweets on Twitter containing comments on the NRCF. Data analysis was done through five stages of the moral panic process. The trigger tweet's main issue in the NRCF was the figure behind the scenes, Felix Siauw, with his Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). The pro and contra responses went back and forth to debate the themes of NRCF's negative labels, such as costume, manner, Taliban, and radicalism, as a threat to society. This study found that the effort to evoke Islamophobia has not succeeded in causing panic because the majority of society and authorities do not support it, making the film still survive to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I adopt the theoretical lens of authoritarian neoliberalism coupled with the concept of performativity to analyse post-transition Tunisian counterterror politics. In doing so, I argue that "securing the state" from discursively constructed "threats" such as terrorism, political Islamism and the associated instability they are perceived to engender can be understood as a performative enactment of statehood in the context of reduced sovereignty associated with neoliberal deregulation, as well as a crisis of legitimacy faced by successive post-transition governments in Tunisia. However, performative counterterror discourses and practices are aimed not only at "flexing the muscles" of the state. They also seek to construct moral panic surrounding certain groups and thus justify the roll out of repressive policing of already marginalised communities rather than merely suspected terrorists. This performance is intended to distract from some of the root causes of radicalisation in contemporary Tunisia: economic inequalities and dispossession linked to failed neoliberal deregulation. Thus, through the exploration of the Tunisian case between 2014 and 2021, I contend we can best understand (in)security in the MENA when adopting an analytical approach bringing together security studies and International Political Economy (IPE). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Getting it wrong" by Ros Gill, which explores the relationship between young women and social media. The book highlights the pressure for young women to be authentic on social media and the judgment they face if they are perceived as faking it. It also examines the complex dynamics of agency and victimhood in the context of social media use. The article emphasizes the need to understand agency as a mechanism for exploring inequality rather than simply a choice. It also touches on issues such as harassment, the surveillance of women, and the culture of canceling voices and practices. Overall, the book offers a nuanced perspective on the experiences of young women on social media. [Extracted from the article]

The objective of this article is to analyze an online news story and the comments made by readers regarding a teacher who taught a class set up as a drag queen in relation to the curriculum and cultural pedagogy of masculinities. Methodologically, the data were collected from digital ethnography carried out on a journalistic website on which it was published. The theoretical perspective adopted is post-critical in Education. It was understood how much the positive and negative criticisms of his professional performance indicated, curriculumpedagogically, the masculinity that has been produced in contexts of moral panic and anti-Human Rights agendas. At the same time, the deterritorialization of gender through the prosthetic performance of drag in a school institution allowed expanding processes of recognition beyond a hegemonic expectation in terms of sexual difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political forces such as Vox consider squatting a serious problem for Spanish society. They highlight its dangers, promote measures such as «anti-squatting offices», and demand legislative modifications to speed up evictions. This study examines whether the media, specifically «El Programa de Ana Rosa» (Telecinco), share this perspective and to what extent it fits with the moral panic theories. We identify the discursive frames about squatting deployed by the party during the 2023 general election campaign and compare them with the frames of the TV show. We analyze how these squatters are represented and how the TV show relates this problem to the housing market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The belief that consuming violent media will lead someone to commit violence is a longstanding societal concern. This concern manifests in the phenomenon of 'antis' within fandoms, which began to emerge around 2016. Initially driven by shipping conflicts, the issue of social justice and the increasing use of social media have allowed this phenomenon to spread easily across various fandoms worldwide. Antis' behavior can be seen as a form of moral panic in several ways: by associating pro-shippers-those who do not agree that consuming violent content will turn someone into a perpetrator or supporter of violence-with sexual offenders and pedophiles, antis use an 'us versus them' mentality to uphold their moral standards and portray themselves as the most moral group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the widescale impact of 212 Action's anti-blasphemy campaign in 2016, there has been a spike in Islamic moral panic discourse and religiously driven vigilante attacks targeting LGBTQ citizens in Indonesia. Simultaneously, gender nonconforming citizens who have gained social recognition, like a segment of transwomen communities called waria , have continued to carve out alternative spaces and subvert anti-LGBTQ discourse. Waria activists in Yogyakarta, for instance, created the world's first trans-led Islamic boarding school in 2008. Despite suffering attacks from Front Jihad Islam members in 2016, the school has managed to reopen and even to expand its services further for waria communities. In capturing the recent trajectory of activism at the waria Islamic boarding school, this article highlights the multifaceted conditions of precarity faced by Muslim waria in Yogyakarta in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Presenting ethnographic data from the summer of 2022, this paper argues that since the pandemic, in addition to demanding the right to practice Islam, Muslim waria activists have increasingly focused on wellbeing (e.g., food sustainability and emergency shelter) in their rights advocacy in Yogyakarta. Merely perceiving the Islamic boarding school as a site of religious activism diminishes a fundamental aspect of its current grassroots efforts, which is to gain access to basic welfare — a key strategy for the survival of LGBTQ citizens in Yogyakarta and beyond. With greater socioeconomic and psychological uncertainties sparked by COVID-19, human rights for waria and what holistic security means for Indonesian LGBTQ citizens, must also be carefully understood through a lens of health, welfare, and wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious studies scholars invested in something called "method and theory" seem intent on remaining stuck in a conversation dictated by proving our political worth in the world. That desire to move outside the walls of the academy ironically keeps us trapped inside one of its smallest and most unfortunate corners, where a theory/praxis binary is manufactured and propagated, kept alive by our personal anxieties about our professional value. My comments here aim to address this proliferating anxiety that continues to have an overdetermined presence in the field – an anxiety that manufactures a moral panic out of critical theory, limiting our intellectual possibilities and keeping us talking in circles in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Privatization of public education in North America has long been influenced by two schools of conservative thought: neoliberalism, which seeks to create a marketplace for public services in which individuals choose the option they judge to be in their best interests and government's role is limited as much as possible to simply funding these choices; and neoconservatism, which believes that education should seek to uphold traditional religious and social values. These two strains are divided in terms of their view of how much control government should seek over education, but united in their agreement that funding should "follow the student" to the option of the parents' choice. Recently, far-right conservative groups in the U.S. and Canada have been inciting a moral panic over "gender ideology" in schools, and in particular transgender students. Under cover of this moral panic and the accompanying call to recognize "parent rights," the right is organizing to gain greater influence over public education through legislation and through the election of conservative candidates to school boards, even as it seeks greater privatization options for families who wish to opt out of public education. While this trend has been noticeable in Alberta for some time, it appears to be spreading to the rest of Canada as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The out-of-school time (OST) field in the United States has a complex history. The push to offer programming reflects a legacy rooted in moral panics about racially minoritized youth. However, this field is populated by community spaces that act as multipurpose sites of culturally sustaining educational practices supporting positive youth development. We report findings from interviews with OST leaders, youth workers, policy influencers, and youth about how to create, sustain, and protect more liberatory and humanizing practices, demonstrating that racism and deficit-based thinking continue to inform programmatic practices and youth experiences. Furthermore, this study reveals that programs with expansive ideas of youth voice, healing justice, and whole-child approaches to youth development create better opportunities for connection and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates about the risks of sharenting (the practice of parents or guardians sharing information about their children online) are gathering storm in global media reports and academic discourse. This paper analyses media representations of the practice and its risks to examine whether the attributes of a moral panic can be detected. Results reveal the presence of the attributes and the reductive depiction of sharenting risks and harms as the products of situational factors, specifically the sharenters' agency. The paper critiques this finding and argues that a consideration of broader structural conditions marked by the power and ability of social media platforms to structure information flow and diffusion is required. This is necessary to contextualize and advance understanding of risks associated with new and emerging digital cultures such as sharenting which do not necessarily constitute criminal acts but are depicted as transgressive or deviant by the media due to the capacity of embedded practices to produce crimes and broader harms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study is a corpus-based discourse analysis of the metaphorical framing of Covid-19 in American political discourse. Drawing on data from a corpus of the White House briefings and statements, the study investigates the corpus profile of war and virus and illustrates how the Coronavirus is primarily represented as an enemy to go to war with, rather than a public health crisis to control and mitigate. The study further situates the militaristic framing of Covid-19 within the theoretical framework of moral panic and examines the discursive features that ultimately bridge the metaphorical representation of the pandemic and the construction of moral panic. The study points to nuanced discourse strategies used in the White House press briefings that reconstruct the enemy and regroup the Coronavirus with other so-called enemies of the United States, such as the Communists, as well as the Islamic radicals and the Latin gangs and cartels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sudden outbreak of COVID-19 and consequent quarantine policies have substantially altered family lives worldwide. Potential associations between parental negative emotional expressions towards the pandemic, family factors, and child psychological adjustment remain under-explored. Accordingly, the goal of the present study was to examine the relation between maternal panic over COVID-19 and children's depressive symptoms, with a focus on the potential moderating role of children's daily routines during a period of strict quarantine. Participants were N = 1,589 children (Mage = 13.13 years, SD = 1.54; 50.7% girls) and their mothers, from Zhengzhou, Henan Province, in Mainland China. Data were collected in April of 2020, when school closure policies were in effect. Mothers reported their panic over COVID-19 and children reported their depressive symptoms and daily routines during the quarantine period. Overall, results indicated a significant positive association between maternal panic over COVID-19 and child depressive symptoms. However, maintaining regular daily routines was found to be a significant moderator of this association, with higher levels of daily routines attenuating the link between maternal panic reactions and child psychological distress (i.e., buffering effect). The results highlight the protective role of regular daily routines in promoting psychological adjustment among Chinese children during the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the initial outbreak of COVID-19 in China in 2019 and 2020, the Wuhanese suffered tremendous public stigmatization. Why and how did the general public in China develop such strong feelings against the Wuhanese? To address these questions and understand the social forces underlying this phenomenon, a moral panic analysis was conducted. Using a mixed-method design, this research examined the scale and mechanisms of the public stigmatization of the Wuhanese as 'the folk devil' of a moral panic and identified the social factors (social media, the collective memory of SARS, and the influence of close relations) which produced and facilitated the initial panic and subsequent public stigmatization. Through its presentation and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data, this article explains how public stigmatization has served as an effective social control instrument in China during the COVID-19 outbreak, used to contain the disease, garner strong public support for the government authorities, legitimize extreme methods used to implement containment policies, and monitor and restrict the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The greatest conceptual challenge that moral panic studies has struggled with over the past half century is the problem of disproportion. Since the field's inception, moral panics have been conceptualized as disproportionately conservative overreactions to ostensibly insignificant problems. It did not take long for critics, many of whom were working in moral panic studies or related fields of inquiry, to point out that disproportion is construed in a normative rather than empirical manner, and to supplement the conventional focus on conservative overreactions by drawing attention to either conservatively conditioned underreactions (missing panics) or socially progressive overreactions that are cultivated on the political left rather than the right (good moral panics). This article explains how the dynamics of disproportionate social reactions are more complicated than conventional moral panic scholars and their critics alike have recognized. By theorizing the nuances involved in disproportionate social reactions, the article develops a provisional framework to encourage theoretical and conceptual investigations into different kinds of moral boundary violations. The focus of analysis is on the problem of disproportion as it appears in moral panic studies, but scholars working with a broader range of realist, materialist, and/or critical perspectives will recognize and identify with the normative challenges posed by the problem of disproportion in their respective areas of inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coronavirus disease-19 pandemic introduced a crisis of safety and relevance for dating apps, as their affordances for facilitating in-person encounters posed the risk of viral transmission. This article examines how eight apps primarily catering to heterosexual markets responded to the pandemic through changes to socio-technical arrangements, new user prescriptions, and the curation of corporate data and success stories. By analyzing corporate social media and promotional materials alongside in-app developments, we find that these companies reimagined app affordances to promote "virtual dating," a set of practices and symbolic meanings that prioritize visual, synchronous digital interaction as the most responsible, reliable, and successful dating approach to the pandemic. Virtual dating centers apps as databases of potential partners while prescribing modes of use aimed toward affective relief, displays of authenticity, and romantic courtship. This reimagining counters moral panics about digitally mediated relationships by resorting to heteronormative dating scripts while overlooking alternative app uses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the creative group and individual interviews with young people aged 11–18 years old in England and Wales in 2018, this paper assembles data that addresses the changing nature of intimacies in young people's digitally-networked lives. Informed by Lauren Berlant's work (2008, viii), it maps how platforms such as Instagram and YouTube circulate certain 'fantasies of the good life' that orient young people towards heteronormative future imaginaries. It argues that publicising intimate relationships on social media works to both reify and unsettle fantasies of monogamy, marriage and domesticity by highlighting their inherent precarity. It also illustrates how smart technologies such as the virtual personal assistants Alexa and Siri reconfigure the good life fantasy. Moving beyond simplistic moral panics that seek to discipline young people's digital intimacies, this paper aims to engage with the nuances of young people's digital sexual cultures. Overall, this paper argues that attending to this complexity can enable practitioners to better attune to and support young people to navigate contemporary digital relationships and sexuality issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1945 and 1946, Poland witnessed three large anti‐Jewish pogroms. The infamous Kielce pogrom of July 4, 1946, which claimed the lives of over 40 Holocaust survivors was preceded by outbursts of collective violence in Rzeszów and in Kraków. All three pogroms were perpetrated by police officers, soldiers of the Polish army, and civilians forming a pogrom mob, and all were preceded and inflamed by rumors about Jews kidnapping and harming Christian children. Studies of widespread antisemitism and the common belief in blood libel do not seem to offer an adequate explanation of how the people of Rzeszów, Kraków, and Kielce could have believed the rumors that Jews were abducting and murdering children. They explain even less what made possible the social mobilization leading toward mass violence against Holocaust survivors in Poland in the immediate aftermath of WWII. We address this issue by using the concept of moral panic as proposed by Erich Goode and Nachman Ben‐Yehuda and examining possible reasons why Polish society after the WWII seems to have been particularly attuned to the fate of children. We argue that in the early postwar years there was a moral panic in Poland associated with the vulnerability of children. It was propelled by wartime experience but also by omnipresent violence and hideous crimes committed against children in the wake of WWII. Although there was no fact‐based connection between these crimes and the Jews, many Polish Christians eagerly put the blame on "the Other," that is, the Jews, and sought facts that could serve as confirmation of an old prejudice—the blood libel. Polish Christians who accepted the blood libel as truth could have found confirmation of their belief when Jewish relatives or Jewish organizations undertook to "recover"—through legal procedures, by payment, by subterfuge or by force—children who had been hidden in Christian families during the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on reflections on the legacies of the 2000s emo subculture, particularly in the context of the When We Were Young music festival in Las Vegas in October 2022. It discusses the emotional resonance and community-building aspects of emo music, its evolution through social media platforms like MySpace and LiveJournal, and the fashion and societal perceptions surrounding the genre during the aughts decade.

Focusing on the Gothic comedy Satanic Panic, this article examines how the film uses satire as a liberal reaction to the patriarchal, theocratic agenda of Trumpism, following a notable tradition of Satan adopted as a symbol of countercultural, individualist revolution. I argue that the text's youth-focus, as well as its representation of gender, national identity and economic class, negotiates feminism and competing ideologies of satanism to suitably reflect the opposing strands of the contemporary culture wars. Indeed, the post-truth, paranoiac United States under Trump has seen apocalyptic rhetoric and occult conspiracy-thinking flourish alongside left-wing satanic activism. A sociopolitical climate that draws distinct parallels with the 1980s and 1990s 'Satanic Panic' era and Y2K premillennialism. This work conceptualizes, through close analysis, how the film effectively articulates such postmodern retroactivity – at both a thematic and narrative level – to reflect the gendered, generational divide and troubling legacy of Reaganite neo-liberalism at the heart of the Trump era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the affective entanglements and queer/ed intimacies in post-Soviet Estonia by analyzing ethnographic fieldwork. To build an intersectionally engaged analysis, the article employs Karen Barad's agential realist model of intra-actions to show how intimate relationships are tied to socio-economic status and cultural setting. In Estonia, intimacy is framed by a homophobic discourse that erases anything but heteronormativity. This public erasure produces, on the one hand, moral panics and, on the other hand, affectively complex intimate entanglements among queer/ed subjects. The empirical analysis discusses conversations with five straight and queer women that contain rich affective narratives. It investigates how a person's economic situation relates to their intimate relationship choice in a social sphere that is dominated by nationalist discourse and neoliberal rationality. This has created contradictory affective responses that are unpacked and contextualized in the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a keynote address that honors the life and work of John Hagedorn, a prominent figure in critical criminology. The speaker discusses Hagedorn's contributions to critical gang studies and shares personal anecdotes about their relationship. Hagedorn's work focused on challenging stereotypes and examining the social, economic, and political contexts of gang subcultures. He emphasized the importance of understanding and addressing the prevailing conditions in marginalized communities, and advocated for collaborative research methodologies. The document also highlights Hagedorn's commitment to humanism and his critique of the criminalizing projections of the social control industry. The text discusses John's work as a criminologist, including his critique of welfare services and his role as an expert witness in court cases. John believes that the criminal justice system can be improved through solid social scientific evidence and empathetic interviews. His work also focuses on the global impact of capitalism and neoliberal policies on marginalized communities, particularly in relation to gangs and crime. The text emphasizes the importance of continuing John's work and advocating for social justice. [Extracted from the article]