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This article demonstrates the broad-spanning ramifications of tourism marketing in geopolitics and proposes viewing civilian-led social media destination branding campaigns as novel yet important forms of popular geopolitics. The case is the #SpendYourSummerInGeorgia campaign created by Georgian grassroots activists in 2019 following a politicized travel blockade issued by the Kremlin preventing Russians from entering Georgia. #SpendYourSummerInGeorgia was designed to counter the blockade, soliciting an alternative, pro-Western and European tourism audience. It enabled citizens to engage in their country’s foreign relations – a space historically reserved for political elites – yet one now accessed through tourism marketing. This campaign also shaped representations of Georgian collective identity, including those linked to Europe and the Soviet Union, thus ordering social, cultural and political values in the country. Contributing to literature across popular geopolitics, tourism geographies and nation branding, this article uses content analysis and semi-structured interviews to show how tourism was not only impacted by geopolitics but also became its very medium. As popular tourism marketing enters the messy world of geopolitics, this case demonstrates how the stakes for cultivating a strategically favourable collective identity are high, calling for those studying popular geopolitics to have their radar attuned to tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I critically theorize my lived experiences with cofounding The People's Pantry (TPP), a Toronto-based mutual aid project formed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic by racialized queer, trans, and women organizers. Drawing attention to how TPP was slowly cooptated from within, I apply the concepts of Non-Profitization, Social Death, and Grievable Death to explain TPP's trajectory as both racialized and systematic. I argue that COVID-19 originally created a fluidified climate of deracialized social death that enabled mutual aid to not only punctuate, but dominate, the whitestream. This, in turn, prompted an unprecedented influx of monied white Canadians to join the counterpublic praxis. These volunteers joined mutual aid groups, such as TPP, and fought for our ethos of transformative justice right after COVID-19 struck but ultimately abandoned the ethic when presented with the opportunity to go back to "normal". Yet at the same time, many of these volunteers remained active in mutual aid and continued to participate in the movement. As such, they slowly infused mutual aid with the hierarchical logics of charity practices, thus promoting its non-profitization from within. Observing the harmful impacts that this has had on TPP, I conclude by cautioning other racialized queer, trans, and women organizers against uncritically welcoming monied white people into our transformative justice spaces immediately following the onset of a severe crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the international movements against sex-trafficking, identifiable for 150 years. We critically assess actor-centric approaches within IR that assume a tight connection between intentional actors and a singular norm. We build on critical research to develop a cultural institutional approach that focuses on the intertwining of actors and institutions and on how outcomes are loosely coupled from actors' actions. Several empirical implications are delineated that guide and are assessed by our analysis of the anti-sex-trafficking history. Using the lens of cultural institutionalism, the resulting interpretative history identifies patterns that support the implications and utility of the theory and that actor-centric perspectives have slighted: actors and norms are embedded in institutions, change was multidimensional and repeatedly difficult to label as success or failure, outcomes often were long-term through weak connections, anti-sex-trafficking movements were affected by distinct issue areas, change occurred episodically through institutional workspaces from early conferences, and conventions of the League of Nations to Vienna 1993 and Palermo 2000. We discuss the contributions of our analysis and the implications for critical theories of how a social problem and its solutions are constructed leading to international socio-political change. Les mouvements de lutte contre la traite à des fins d'exploitation sexuelle : La construction sociale d'un problème mondial et de ses solutions [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding disabled youth activism is key for improving young disabled people's participation in politics and social change. Young disabled people require opportunities to situate historical and biographical experiences within broader socio-economic contexts. This will lead to a politicised consciousness surrounding disability, emancipation and social justice. This article presents empirical data from the first study on young disabled people's contemporary position within the UK Disabled People's Movement. It critically assesses three areas pertinent to youth activism: activist membership, social movement organisation and future considerations for activism. This allows for an exploration of how young disabled activists navigate collective action, influence activist claims and demands and understand the issues for sustaining a disabled people's social movement. The article illustrates young disabled activists' desire to disrupt their current position within the UK Disabled People's Movement and bring into focus a future where young disabled people's contributions to activism and social movements are accessible, valued and influential. The article argues that a failure to support young disabled people's participation within social movements will have an adverse impact on their political identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media-based communication between social movements and other actors is relevant to achieve their goals. This article addresses the dynamic and contentious aspects of the mediabased communication generated by the Magallanes Social Movement and the Government of Chile. A quantitative analysis was made of 217 news and 499 quotations published during the events. The results indicate that the parties adopted differing communication strategies like making calls for action, talking positively about the own group, among others. Furthermore, the content of communications varied over time, but the strong relation between the communications issued and the occurrence of particular protest events suggests that while a communicational contest is certainly an interactive process, both camps do not just argue through the words, but also through the events that each camp organizes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Journal and Mass Communication Quarterly (JMCQ) has documented the struggle members of marginalized groups face in their quest to be treated equally in media content and careers. In this analysis, we note that the journal's century of articles documents the many historical shifts in the representation and treatment of women and minorities in media settings. Articles emphasize the lack of opportunities for advancement, management issues, and systemic inequities perpetuated by media content and practices. Less common were articles that examine the treatment of students and faculty in academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Offering uses Walter Benjamin's "Theses on the Philosophy of History" to reflect on the author's history of blackout drinking. Situating the author's approach as an experiment in autotheory, the author explains how his sense of selfhood and time lost to addiction shift when thought alongside Benjamin's idea that history reopens in times of revolution. The author's unconventional reading of Benjamin raises the question of whether time lost to alcoholic blackouts may be redeemed in the moment of quitting. The article contributes to the literature on addiction narratives by integrating personal storytelling and theoretical analysis of identity, ethics, crisis, and time. More broadly, the article makes a methodological contribution to experimental writing in critical cultural studies that strives to embody the dialectic of self and social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a reflection on the uses of university apologies, prompted by the recent apology offered by Concordia University for its mishandling of Black students' complaints of institutional racism in 1969, which culminated in the Sir George Williams University student protest, the largest protest against racism on a Canadian university campus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asian international students in Canadian higher education have long caused anxiety and predicament for domestic (white) students, faculty, and staff. This article considers the contending and multiple timelines in and against which international students (Chinese, South Asians, or otherwise) operate. In particular, this article considers how these students time-trick the neoliberal university by examining reports and advocacy around three temporal events: extensions, cheating and suicide. Ultimately, the authors seek to problematize the moral panic over decreasing admission standards and academic integrity associated with the admission of Asian international students within the Canadian higher education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In France, successive Ministers of the Interior systematically come to the defense of the police. By contrast, their colleagues in Higher Education and Research don't hesitate to join in attacks on academics. This is how Frédérique Vidal ended up in 2021 echoing the polemics launched the year before by the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and then by the Minister of National Education, Jean-Michel Blanquer. However, the campaign against "Islamo-leftism" was preceded by other offensives against higher education and research: university autonomy was thus challenged ... in the name of autonomy. As the reforms have progressed, higher education and research have been subjected to an authoritarian neoliberal regime, under the leadership of managers rather than colleagues, in a logic of competition that is supposed to guarantee excellence at the service of the economy. Just like a company, isn't the CNRS run by a CEO? Today, the takeover of ESR is inseparably ideological and economic. Thus, the increase in university fees for non-Europeans has used xenophobia to promote a neoliberal conception of studies. The threats to the academic world cannot be understood without articulating these distinct but intertwined logics. How can we tell the story of the attacks we are suffering, without erasing the struggles we are waging? For there is a great risk, in taking power as the object, of underestimating the role of counterpower that academics can still play in a country that is heir to a tradition of the "intellectual" as a figure of commitment. On the one hand, the multiple offensives of successive governments, whether directed at university policy or academics, have met with considerable resistance. Far from being reduced to inaction, the academic world is mobilizing strongly. But it's not just a question of reaction. On the other hand, the governmental campaigns themselves must be understood as forms of reaction against the politicization of academics: far from being passive victims, they play an active role. This is precisely the reason why ministers try to bring them into line: in France, the university is not isolated from society, as a campus can be. Critical knowledge circulates with social movements. In other words, campaigns targeting the academic world are proof that it is not without political importance. It's a form of recognition of the role it plays and can play. Anti-university politics today can be understood as a game of action and dreaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interface: A Journal on Social Movements is the property of Interface: A Journal on Social Movements and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The question of the human body – whose matters, where, when, and how much – has long been of concern in geographical thinking. Vegan geographies pose a challenge to this 'body,' bringing in critical concerns for and about animal bodies. In this paper, interviews with vegans based in Britain are used to discuss the role of the body and embodiment in veganism, a social, cultural and political movement that has been relatively under-studied in geography. Drawing on feminist and embodied geographical theory, this paper discusses the role of the body in three spaces of veganism: (1) in establishing vegan cultures through building shared 'truth narratives'; (2) in shifting veganism beyond individualism in meat-centric society; and (3) veganism as a world-making project, stretching beyond the body into social and cultural space. I conclude by discussing the wider implications of this empirical work understanding the social and cultural geographies of veganism, and how these further embodied geographical thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conspiracy theory known as 'Pizzagate' gained a cult following on alt-right forums, ultimately prompting one believer to conduct a shooting on the pizzeria identified by online conspiracists. A thematic analysis of 767 tweets referencing Pizzagate selected from five key intervention points in this timeframe reveals several factors influencing Pizzagate's continued appeal over a four-year period. The article examines how an online alt-right conspiracy collective, QAnon, weaponized Pizzagate as part of its overarching campaign to attract support for President Donald Trump and worked to establish the theory as a popular (albeit false) narrative within the contemporary political zeitgeist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sheds light on LGBT activists' recourse to the rights frame as a means to overcome social and political restrictions and develop an effective advocacy in an authoritarian context. While the literature has de-emphasized social movements' recourse to cultural resources in authoritarian contexts, this study presents cause framing and its interactionist approach, cultural opportunity structure, as a means of adaptation to repression. Thanks to the rights frame, activists used cultural resources in the formulation of their cause based on feelings of common injustice and the development of a flexible transnational cyber-advocacy calling for the end to the state's violation of individual rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political allies, for example, parties, politicians, and civil society organizations, could be influential in grassroots mobilization. Yet, there are few empirical observations of whether and how these influential allies perform this role. I empirically examine the relationship between the influential allies and activists in Ukraine's Maidan. I focus on mobilizing structures at the local level, that is, 'local Maidans', that arose in 2013–2014. In this mixed-methods study, I combine administrative and protest event data to generalize across cases, and I use interviews with activists, party members, and knowledgeable observers in Ukraine's localities for conceptual and theoretical insights. The influential allies at the local level assisted in the mobilization of local Maidans across Ukraine. The presence of civil society organizations and opposition parties in localities, as well as interventions of local politicians created favorable conditions for mobilization, regardless of other factors such as the level of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chaque année, le caucus pour la science politique critique de l'Association américaine de science politique accorde le prix Richard Cloward et Frances Fox Piven à un groupe militant dans la région de la réunion annuelle de l'Association américaine de science politique (APSA). En 2022, l'APSA a eu lieu à Montréal, au Québec, au Canada. Cette année, le lauréat du prix est Hoodstock, une organisation ancrée dans les mouvements sociaux, qui vise à éliminer les inégalités systémiques et à construire des communautés solidaires, inclusives, sécuritaires et dynamiques. L'auteure et intervieweuse est diplômée de la maîtrise en sciences politiques de l'Université McGill, où elle a effectué son mémoire de maîtresse sur le pouvoir collectif et l'organisation intersectionnelle à Montréal.1 Dans l'article suivant, elle interviewe une cofondatrice de Hoodstock, Nargess Mustapha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin d'Histoire Politique is the property of L'Association Quebecoise d'Histoire Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Face à l’internationalisation de la lutte contre l’apartheid en Afrique du Sud dans les années 1980, l’Allemagne fédérale condamne les violations des droits de l’homme mais évite de sanctionner économiquement le régime. Les diplomates de l’Auswärtiges Amt sont l’objet de pressions contraires de la communauté internationale et européenne, des acteurs économiques, sociaux et religieux, d’un lobby pro-régime et d’un mouvement citoyen anti-apartheid. Mais en tenant strictement séparée la politique et l’économie, la RFA reste un partenaire commercial de premier plan de l’Afrique du Sud.

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Twenty-eight years after the Taylor Report into the Hillsborough disaster recommended that all football grounds in the top two divisions in England and Wales should become all-seated, the UK government, in 2018, announced a review into the safety of modern standing areas and whether developments in stadium safety might justify changing the all-seating legislation to permit Safe Standing. These events are the outcome of a 30-year social movement in which a critical mass of supporters, through the relational networks they formed, have built collective action. Drawing upon both archival and fieldwork research to analyse the longer-term impact which all-seated stadia have had on football supporters' consumption of the game in England, the article uses relational sociology to tell the story of the movement, and studies the working tactics and structure of a small network mobilizing across the political and discursive fields of contention post-Hillsborough. It argues that whilst now a more effective movement with technological and political capital, Safe Standing continues to raise important questions around the historical views on football fans as somehow deviant and reinforces the long-term impact and legacy of Hillsborough on supporters' modern cultural consumption of the game by moving within the parameters of the all-seating legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the mobilization carried out by tenants living in a rent-stabilized building in NYC's Lower East Side. Their action was a central part of a large and successful struggle against the landlord, blocking his continuous attempts at eviction. The main research question is: what are the reasons of the success of this action? In other words: what has tipped the balance in favor of the tenants in a conflict in which the landlord clearly had stronger economic, political and power resources? The article argues that this success was highly based on the intersection of three main elements: the specific resources of the tenants, the organizational resources of the territory and the institutional and legal configurations. Moreover, the study considers these three levels closely interconnected and mutually influencing each other. Based on the direct observation of the mobilization, on semi-structured interviews and on biographical sources, the article aims to contribute to the understanding of the multifaceted dimensions of the fight against evictions. The article also aims to contribute, theoretically and methodologically, to a relational and interactionist approach both for the study of social movements and of gentrification and to strength the dialogue between the two fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cet article se focalise sur le modèle d’action sociale partisane expérimenté à Naples au sein de la Maison du peuple, située dans l’ancien hôpital psychiatrique judiciaire de la ville. Ce complexe de 9000 m2 abandonné depuis plusieurs années fut occupé par un collectif de militant·e·s communistes en 2015 dans le but de donner vie à des pratiques sociales, politiques et culturelles à travers le principe d’autogestion. En 2017, le collectif décida de fonder l’organisation politique de gauche radicale Potere al popolo! (Pouvoir au peuple!). La structure fut alors convertie en Maison du peuple, au sein de laquelle les militant·e·s expérimentent désormais un modèle d’action sociale hybride. Afin d’analyser ce modèle, nous proposons le concept d’« action sociale partisane », définie comme une forme d’action collective impliquant la production de pratiques sociales par une organisation politique. Sur le plan empirique, nous présentons l’histoire de ce projet collaboratif et nous faisons état des pratiques organisées par les participant·e·s au sein de cet espace. Aussi, nous analysons les logiques d’action sur lesquelles se fonde le modèle étudié ainsi que leur évolution depuis la fondation de l’organisation politique Potere al popolo!. Enfin, en nous appuyant sur la théorie actionnaliste développée par Alain Touraine, nous interrogeons les effets de l’action sociale partisane au sein de la Maison du peuple de Naples, en ce qui concerne la redéfinition de leur identité culturelle par les acteurs·rice·s impliqué·e·s. En conclusion, nous discutons le rapport entre citoyenneté culturelle et processus de subjectivation.

This shift, apart from major effects in the political dimension of the movement, leads to the advancement of the importance of public space in the movements' practices as well as the emergence of the square as an intermediate and indeterminate space: 'Gradually the square became as space not of indignation but of possibility, it had social characteristics [...] a possibility for real change' (Maria, participant in the Aganaktismenoi movement). Keywords: Social movements; resistance; squares; aganaktismenoi movement; commoning practices; movimientos sociales; resistencia; plazas; movimiento Aganaktismenoi; prácticas comunitarias; mouvements sociaux; résistance; places; mouvement Aganaktismenoi; pratiques de mise en commun EN Social movements resistance squares aganaktismenoi movement commoning practices ZH movimientos sociales resistencia plazas movimiento Aganaktismenoi prácticas comunitarias mouvements sociaux résistance places mouvement Aganaktismenoi pratiques de mise en commun 1118 1134 17 10/12/22 20221001 NES 221001 Introduction Despite their spatial restrictions, the movement of the Squares (Fernández-Savater et al., [18]; Varvarousis et al., [54]), for example, in Istanbul, London, Madrid or Paris, successfully adopted a cosmopolitan identity, while managing to secure widespread local and global support (Gerbaudo, [19]). On the contrary to Mullis et al. ([37]) or Schipper's ([48]) findings concerning the Blockupy movements in Frankfurt and the Israel in J14 protests, the Aganaktismenoi movement, neither evolved from a pre-existing network of urban social movements nor included issues of urban collective consumption in its claims. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Fintech start-ups, such as Zest AI and LenddoEFL, promise enhanced levels of financial inclusion via the creation of "re-socialized" credit profiles derived from accessing clients' online banking habits and social media accounts. As our social data becomes credit data, the performance of "appropriate" online selfhood can now, quite literally, become money. This article explores the reputational demands, disciplines, and contradictions of ostensibly alternative computational/platformed credit scoring. It argues that the world of "surveillance capitalism" involves the maintenance of a relentlessly promotional value chain. As we are summoned to assiduously self-promote online in pursuit of a creditable reputation and financial inclusion, the self-reflexive promotional logics of the platforms themselves work to remake the world in their own image, paradoxically undermining the productive economic assumptions upon which they are predicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evolving digital tools are opening new avenues of inquiry for historical research. This research note provides a methodology for collecting historical data on government grants to non-governmental organizations. State funding has had a profound impact on the voluntary sector since the 1960s. The women's movement, in particular, has been deeply impacted by the state's intervention into the voluntary sector. Using grants data has the potential to provide unique insights into the dynamics between the state and civil society. Among other things, it enables historians to track organizations over time periods and jurisdictions; to document the diversity of organizations in the voluntary sector; to identify new organizations for historical research; and to compare funding trends among organizations or governments by region, time period, and issue area. The methodology presented in this study includes the use of digital tools to collect, process, and analyze grants data from multiple levels of government while sharing some preliminary findings on the impact of state funding on the women's movement in Canada since the 1960s. The data reveal, among other things, how state funding has fostered the proliferation of voluntary organizations and privileged certain organizations within the movement as well as vast disparities in funding among regions within Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses second-wave feminist interventions in Canadian foreign policy debate with reference to two analytic streams: (1) political science and international relations (IR) perspectives since the late 1990s that stress the formal decisional aims of advocacy and the role of transnational networks in pressuring reluctant governments and (2) sociological approaches that underline movements' cultural as well as statist dimensions and the significance of their domestic political strategies. Examining engagement by the Voice of Women (VOW) in nuclear weapons debates and National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) in free trade controversies confirms sociological expectations of campaigners' varied claims and contributions and the importance of their political rootedness in Canada. Consistent with political science and IR arguments, the study finds NAC paid growing attention to international political opportunities in 1990 and following. The conclusion considers implications of the analysis and directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on journalists' professional behaviors during the 2013 Gezi Protests in Turkey, this article offers a theoretical framework for understanding the transformation of inertia into contentious action. Accordingly, the emotion of shame triggers contention when it is experienced with a contingent event that generates hope for change. In Turkey, journalists working in the mainstream media extensively practiced self-censorship before the 2013 Gezi Protests and felt ashamed of themselves. This feeling became a trigger for joining public protests, resigning and/or producing non-compliant news stories when Gezi offered them an opportunity for social change. This argument builds on the sociology of emotions and events, and is inductively derived from 20 in-depth interviews conducted with journalists. The article presents the social context in which shame arises and the place of this emotion in generating contention. Through this research, the Gezi Protests assert their continuing relevance for understanding the relationship between repression and contention, especially in countries hit by the current wave of authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last decade, processes of constitutional change in different parts of the world have taken place in response to massive mobilizations, in contexts of social and political crises. What do social movements do when they participate in a body created to formulate a new constitution? The constitutional change process of 2021–2022 in Chile provides a unique opportunity to analyze how social movements act when they actively intervene in the constitutional arena. For the first time, activists from independent social movements participated as representatives in a constitutional body and significantly influenced the content of the new proposal. The movements analyzed in this article succeeded in incorporating most demands that have been collectively developed over the past 10 years in the context of a new cycle of mobilizations in Chile into the final proposal. Yet, the proposed constitutional draft was rejected. How did they attempt to influence the constitutional debate within the convention? What were the consequences of these strategies? Based on qualitative research, which included interviews, observations during the constitutional debate in the Constitutional Convention, and document analysis, this article examines the strategies and consequences of the constitutional mobilization carried out by these movements. We argue that some of the conditions for the success of these social movements within the Convention partially explain the failure of the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Écrans is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Starting in the 1990s, international organizations (IOs) have created various opportunities of access for civil society to voice criticism. While international relations (IR) scholarship has increasingly addressed the resulting interaction between IOs and civil society with a focus on NGOs, we know little about the particular reactions to IOs' opening up by social movements. This paper analyzes reactions to opening up by a transnational social movement centrally addressing IOs: the Global Justice Movement (GJM). Examining reactions by different groups of the GJM in Europe and Southeast Asia to IOs' opening up, we demonstrate that reactions differ considerably depending on activists' assessments of the nature of opening up. In particular, we identify four pathways of reactions on a continuum from (1) strong cooperation with IOs as a reaction to opening up, (2) temporally limited cooperation with different IOs, (3) a hybrid reaction that combines cooperation with specific IOs with a strong opposition to other IOs in reaction to their opening up, to (4) a continuous rejection of all cooperation with IOs. We show how these different reactions are shaped by activists' perceptions of the quality of the international opening up in conjunction with national and local context factors. Furthermore, our analysis demonstrates that such perceptions can significantly change over time depending on experiences of interactions. Reactions to opening up are therefore not predictable on the basis of a movement's shape and resources only, but rather depend on a variety of factors such as the movement's perception of the IO's sincerity in a strategic and consequential interaction, as well as the movement's ideological framework and its history of interaction with institutions at other levels, especially in the domestic realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relire Rosa Luxemburg, confronter ses réflexions à quelques situations... Le Mai français, avec dix millions de grévistes, est en 68 une « occasion perdue », – une victoire syndicale et une défaite politique. Aucune force politique n'a porté le projet simple d'une remise en cause des dominations sociales et en même temps un projet pour remodeler les complémentarités entre la démocratie représentative et des formes de « conseils », comités de grève, assemblées populaires... De même, le mouvement des gilets jaunes voulait une forme de démocratie plus directe, être écouté et pouvoir proposer des lois ; les forces politiques se sont contentées d'y voir une lutte contre le gouvernement en place et une préparation des prochains scrutins. Au niveau international les politiques liberticides, d'austérité et antiécologiques appellent un axe de regroupement. De même aujourd'hui la défense d'un principe de liberté, « le travail n'est pas une marchandise » (art.1 de la Déclaration de l'OIT), est inséparable de la démocratie active et la formalisation des « communs ». Rosa Luxemburg éclaire l'exigence de pouvoir récupérer le contrôle sur sa vie, la liberté individuelle non limitée par la propriété, une autonomie pour chacun·e.

L’article part de l’hypothèse que la Roumanie post-communiste s’inscrit dans le contexte plus vaste de déplacement de la politique, connue comme post-politique,notamment de ce que Žižek appelle para-politique : le conflit avait été évacué de la société, transposé dans le passé et transformé en une question culturelle, en même temps que les problèmes sociaux et économiques ont été privatisés, ils sont devenus des affaires privées qui exigeaient des solutions individuelles. L’article montre comment en mettant en question les prémisses centrales sur lesquelles la société postcommuniste a été fondée et en articulant les demandes spécifiques dans un langage universel, les protestations inities en 2012 étaient caractérisés par un potentiel de ré-politisation. L’article décrit comment le caractère antisystème de protestation commencés en 2012, le rejet du système politique en ensemble et la contestation radicale des fondements sur lesquelles la société postcommuniste roumaine a été structurée ont été les prémisses d’une tentative de ré-politiser la politique en rendant visibles les conflits et les antagonismes qui traversaient la société roumaine. L’article montre comment dans les années suivantes le potentiel de ré-politisation a été raté. Ce processus a culminé avec les protestations de 2017, quand la critique antisystème de l’intérieur de la protestation a été totalement expulsé, étant remplacé avec une critique de la corruption, du gouvernement et du parti politique au pouvoir.

For more than a decade, widespread protests have erupted within South Africa's impoverished black townships and informal settlements. The mobilizations resembled what Sidney Tarrow refers to as a 'cycle of contention' or 'protest cycle,' as they represented a diffusion of heightened conflict across society. In contrast to Tarrow's protest cycle, however, resistance failed to converge around 'objective coalitions' and a generalized challenge, and it persisted rather than reaching exhaustion. Drawing on a case study of protest and organizing in Bekkersdal, this article argues that the fragmentation and localization of resistance reinforced this peculiar combination. Bekkersdal activists responded to democratization by seeking administrative fixes to local government. Political parties also pulled activists in different directions, yet without facilitating bridges to activism in other areas. While providing a highly visible example for activists in other areas to replicate, the Bekkersdal resistance thus failed to produce broader concessions that might have discouraged protests elsewhere. The case study shows how local containment of political incorporation processes may enable the persistence of protest cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ería is the property of Universidad de Oviedo, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on the case of the Lip women’s group, this article analyzes emancipatory practices confronted with the effects of cumulative gender and class-based dominations. The aim is to show that a radical questioning of class-based social relations does not necessarily lead to a reshaping of gender-based social relations. The achievement of the liberation process even appears to be a twofold challenge for the women workers. For this reason, the focus will be on biographical accounts in order to better understand how emancipatory practices unfold at the crossroads of several kinds of power relations and different levels of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in 2016, in the Côtes d'Armor district, in French Brittany, two natural resources extraction project face strong local mobilizations. The first one is the Loc-Envel mining project, in the countryside, and the second one is a shell sand extraction licence, on the coast. Although those two struggles are rather close to each other, they take different shapes : while the mobilization against the Loc-Envel mining project takes the form of a flexible coalition, the one against the shell sand extraction is structured in a coalition organisation (Staggenborg, 1986). How can we explain these differences in such a small area ? In order to answer this question, this article looks at the role of local heritages and framing in the shaping of environmental conflicts. Thereby, we find a counter-expert approach on the coast and a territorialized one in the countryside, while the criticism of extractivisme (Bednik, 2016) remains marginalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does religion shape individual decisions to participate in protests? On the one hand, past literature from Tocqueville's perspective has suggested that people's involvement in religious activities leads to engagement in civic activities. On the other hand, the Marxist approach has pointed to the possibility that one's religious belief may rather lead to decreasing participation in civil society. Combining these two conflicting perspectives, this study examines the influence of religious beliefs and activities on protest participation, an increasingly important form of civic participation in contemporary times. Using the World Values Survey across 48 countries, the author's findings provide support for the Marxist approach by suggesting that people's religious beliefs are significantly and negatively associated with one's participation in protests especially in non-Western religions. Additionally, while the results fail to support the Tocquevillian perspective that one's religious activities are directly related to protest participation, religious activities do have a countervailing effect by minimizing the negative influence of religious beliefs people hold on protest participation. This study provides important implications to further our understanding on the paradoxical relationship between religion and civic participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analytically bring closer the literature on social movements and political parties, traditionally approached as detached. We put forward a debate about the process of both collective and party identity along with elements that define social movement's and political party's strategy choice. We argue that issues related to identity and strategy will be crucial to movement-party interactions which can occur through the mediation of a sociopartisan leadership - who exercises influence on both social and party fields. The theoretical discussion was built from a case study in which we observed the articulation of environmental movement's leaderships with political parties, specially the Partido dos Trabalhadores, from the eighties up to Rede Sustentabilidade formation. The intermediation of Marina Silva between social and political worlds was fundamental to getting social movement's leaderships to enter the political parties arenas: legislative, executive, electoral. We conclude that prior relationship between environmental movement and Partido dos Trabalhadores was essential to environmentalists to engage on Rede Sustentabilidade formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the process of obtaining LGBT rights in Spain since the end of the Francoism dictatorship to the present, paying special attention to the opinions and experiences of LGBT people. To this end, data from in-depth interviews with LGBT people who live and/or work in the city of Sabadell (Catalonia) will be analysed. As in most Western countries, in Spain mainstream LGBT+ organisations set aside the revolutionary claims against the socio-sexual system, in order to adopt a more moderate discourse based on civil rights and social inclusion. Nonetheless, the most radical discourses and organisations -nowadays inspired by queer theories- have always been very active, and have achieved an important socio-political change regarding the depathologisation of health assistance to transgender people. The article argues the importance of not abandoning the critique of our sex/gender system for the sake of social inclusion and tolerance, given that it is the only way to counteract daily, symbolic and structural violence. LGBT, Social movements, History of Spain, Sexualities, Civil rights