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Dans la lignée de nos travaux précédents sur l’évolution juridico-urbanistique des cités de l’Afrique proconsulaire sous le Haut-Empire romain, le présent article se propose de reconstituer l’histoire juridique de Bararus (Henchir Rougga) à partir de trois phases essentielles de son développement urbain. Une première phase aurait été ouverte par l’octroi du statut d’oppidum par Auguste. Elle s’accompagnerait notamment de la construction du vaste ensemble hydraulique. Une seconde phase aurait débuté par l’érection de l’oppidum augustéen en une ciuitas ou un municipe sous les Flaviens ; une mutation juridique correspondant au premier forum à basilique. Enfin, au cours d’une troisième phase, la cité du Byzacium aurait été transformée en municipe ou peut-être même en colonie par les Antonins, plus probablement par Hadrien. La ville commémore ainsi sa promotion par la réfection monumentale de son forum, où les deux templa géminés du culte impérial occupent désormais la première place. In line with our previous work on the juridical-urban evolution of the cities of Africa Proconsularis under the High Empire, this article proposes to reconstitute the juridical history of Bararus, from three essential phases of its urban development. A first phase would have been opened by the granting of status of oppidum by Augustus. It would have been accompanied notably by the construction of the vast hydraulic unit. A second phase would have begun with the erection of the Augustan oppidum in a ciuitas or in a municipality under the Flavians; a juridical mutation corresponding to the first forum with basilica. Finally, during a third phase, the city of Byzacium would have been transformed into a municipality or maybe even into a colony by the Antonines, more probably by Hadrian. Consequently, the town commemorates its promotion by the monumental restoration of its forum, where the two geminated templa of the imperial cult henceforth occupy the first place.

Italy may well contribute to a better understanding of the lasting Roman impact on conquered societies in Italy as a whole. The first phase of Romanisation, especially coinciding with the later centuries of the Republic (third to first centuries BC), and culminating in the reign of Augustus, is essential to deciphering forms of transmission, assimilation and cultural integration. This phase is marked by an impressive influx of colonists from Latium and other Italian regions into the central Adriatic area, and by the introduction of urban ways of life modelled on Rome and central Tyrrhenian Italy. But it is also in these three first centuries of Roman dominance in the region that a diversity of interesting agglomerations and urban forms is being created, by a heterogeneous group of indigenous populations and immigrated individuals who deeply integrated their new habitation centres in the gradually changing surrounding territories and landscapes, stretching between the central Apennine mountains and the Adriatic Sea. To illustrate this, we will focus on landscape change in the crucial contact area between the coast and one of the most important valley corridors linking Rome and Latium with its Adriatic borderland during this last part of the Republic. Based on a recent analysis of urban developments in the whole central Adriatic region, as well as on intensive archaeological field surveys in the Potenza valley, we can start to reconstruct the main features of the Roman colony of Potentia in northern Picenum and its steering role in marked landscape change and settlement dynamics that occurred in this part of central Adriatic Italy. The sudden creation and relative fast development of such Roman colonial towns on the coast has, together with the impressive influx of viritim and veteran colonists, created a real and dynamic colonial landscape with a highly organized urban centre, a well-structured suburbium, (temporary) villages or hamlets, and isolated farms, which all play their role in a complex changing world., L’étude de la formation et du développement des paysages coloniaux dans l’Italie centrale adriatique contribue à une meilleure compréhension de l’impact à long terme de Rome sur les sociétés conquises dans l’ensemble de l’ Italie. La première phase de la romanisation, coïncidant avec les derniers siècles de la République (du IIIe au Ier siècle avant J.-C.), et qui culmine lors du règne d’Auguste, est essentielle pour le déchiffrement des formes de transmission, d’assimilation et d’intégration culturelle. Cette phase est marquée par un afflux massif de colons du Latium et d’ autres régions italiennes dans la région de l’Adriatique centrale et par l’introduction de modes de vie urbains inspirés de Rome et de l’Italie tyrrhénienne centrale. Mais c’est aussi dans ces trois premiers siècles de domination romaine dans la région que se développe une diversité d’agglomérations et de formes urbaines intéressantes, créées par un groupe hétérogène mêlant populations autochtones et immigrés individuels, qui ont su profondément intégrer leurs nouveaux centres d’habitation dans des territoires variés, entre les montagnes apennines et la mer. Pour illustrer cela, nous nous concentrerons sur l’évolution du paysage dans la zone de contact cruciale entre la côte et l’une des plus importantes vallées de circulation reliant Rome et le Latium à la frontière adriatique pendant cette dernière phase de la République. Sur la base d’une analyse récente des développements urbains dans l’ensemble de la région adriatique centrale, ainsi que sur des études archéologiques intensives dans la vallée de la rivière Potenza, nous pouvons commencer à reconstituer les principales caractéristiques de la colonie romaine de Potentia et son influence sur la dynamique spatiale de l’occupation humaine dans le Picenum septentrional. La création soudaine et le développement relativement rapide de ces villes coloniales romaines sur la côte, ainsi que l’afflux impressionnant de colons et vétérans, ont créé un véritable paysage colonial dynamique, avec un centre urbain hautement organisé, un suburbium bien structuré, des villages ou hameaux temporaires, et des fermes isolées, chacun remplissant son rôle dans un monde complexe en pleine évolution., Vermeulen Frank. The Impact of Later Republican Colonisation on Coastal Settlement Dynamics in Central Adriatic Italy: the Case of Potentia. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément n°23, 2021. Colonies, territoires et statuts : nouvelles approches. pp. 149-178.

The famous discussion by Aulus Gellius, in a commentary on Emperor Hadrian’s oratio de Italicensibus, would appear to be the most explicit testimony to the full normative and judicial autonomy of municipia civium Romanorum. The point of view of Aulus Gellius, biased as it may be in its rhetorical simplification, is actually bolstered by a few isolated, yet significant testimonies, which allow one to assume that Rome implemented various strategies depending on the urban communities involved and circumstances. In any event, these strategies apparently did not depend, originally at least, on the quality of the civitas granted to the inhabitants of the new municipia. The available documentation shows the entirely abstract character of a reasoning that sought to restrict retaining of local iura in those urban communities to the sole sine suffragio phase : the actual discrimination is revealed in the general municipalization of the peninsula in the years following the Social War, a municipalization that makes it possible to distinguish, in terms of local jurisdiction, between practices followed in the oldest municipia and norms introduced as of the first century BC. Once the possibility is recognized, at least for the municipia constituted in the earliest period, that they were administered according to norms different from those of the ius civile, the obvious question is how the local iurisdictio was administered in those communities in the period before the Social War. The question revolves on a crucial aspect in particular : the relationship between the potential legal competence of local magistrates and the iurisdictio of the praefecti sent by the praetor to communities of cives. That kind of iurisdictio mandata must have been intended, at the beginning at least, for the colonies, and extended only in a second stage to the entire ager Romanus, as is suggested by the changes in the praefectura Campana. The gradual subjection of municipia to the jurisdictional potestas of the praetor’s delegates reflects the legal evolution of the various communities and, especially, the granting of the optimus ius., La notissima dissertazione di Aulo Gellio in margine all’oratio de Italicensibus dell’imperatore Adriano costituisce all’apparenza la più esplicita testimonianza a sostegno della piena autonomia normativa e giuridica goduta dai municipia civium Romanorum. La prospettiva gelliana, seppur viziata da retorica semplificazione, è di fatto sostenuta da alcune isolate ma significative testimonianze, che permettono di postulare l’applicazione da parte di Roma di strategie diversificate a seconda dei centri e delle circostanze : strategie che in ogni caso parrebbero prescindere, almeno inizialmente, dalla qualità della civitas attribuita agli abitanti dei neonati municipia. La documentazione in nostro possesso dimostra infatti tutta l’astrazione di un ragionamento che volesse eventualmente limitare la conservazione degli iura locali in questi centri alla sola fase sine suffragio : il vero discrimine è semmai segnato dalla generalizzata municipalizzazione della penisola all’indomani della guerra sociale, che permette di isolare nettamente, in tema di diritti locali, la prassi valevole per i municipia più antichi dalle norme introdotte a partire dal i secolo a.C. Una volta riconosciuta la possibilità, per almeno alcuni tra i municipia di antica costituzione, di reggersi secondo norme giuridiche distinte da quelle dello ius civile, si pone come è chiaro la questione di come fosse regolata in questi centri la iurisdictio locale in età anteriore alla guerra sociale. La questione coinvolge, in particolare, un aspetto cruciale : quello del rapporto tra l’eventuale facoltà giurisdicente dei magistrati locali e la iurisdictio dei praefecti inviati dal pretore nelle comunità di cives. Questa forma di iurisdictio mandata dovette essere almeno inizialmente concepita in funzione delle aree coloniali e solo in un secondo tempo estesa all’intero ager Romanus, come suggeriscono le vicende della praefectura campana. Il progressivo assoggettamento dei municipia alla potestas giurisdizionale dei delegati del pretore è lo specchio dell’ evoluzione giuridica delle varie comunità, ed in particolare dell’ottenimento dell’optimum ius., La célèbre discussion d’Aulu-Gelle, en commentaire à l’oratio de Italicensibus de l’empereur Hadrien, constitue en apparence le témoignage le plus explicite en faveur de la pleine autonomie normative et juridique des municipia civium Romanorum. Le point de vue d’Aulu-Gelle, quoique biaisé par la simplification rhétorique, est, de fait, confirmé par quelques témoignages isolés mais significatifs, qui permettent de supposer que Rome a appliqué des stratégies diverses selon les centres urbains et les circonstances. En tous cas, ces stratégies ne semblent pas dépendre, au moins à l’origine, de la qualité de la civitas attribuée aux habitants des nouveaux municipia. La documentation dont nous disposons montre l’abstraction d’un raisonnement qui voudrait limiter la conservation des iura locaux dans ces centres urbains à la seule phase sine suffragio : la véritable distinction est bien marquée par la municipalisation généralisée de la péninsule au lendemain de la Guerre Sociale, municipalisation qui permet d’identifier clairement, en termes de droits locaux, la pratique valable pour les municipia les plus anciens des normes introduites à partir du ier siècle avant J.-C. Une fois admise la possibilité, au moins pour certains des municipes de plus ancienne constitution, de se gérer selon des normes distinctes de celle du ius civile, se pose évidemment la question de comment était administrée la iurisdictio locale dans ces centres aux époques antérieures à la Guerre Sociale. La question touche, en particulier, un aspect crucial : celui du rapport entre l’éventuelle compétence juridique des magistrats locaux et la iurisdictio des praefecti envoyés par le préteur dans les communautés de cives. Cette forme de iurisdictio mandata a dû être prévue, au moins au début, pour les colonies et étendue seulement dans un deuxième temps à tout l’ager Romanus, comme le suggèrent les modifications de la praefectura campanienne. La soumission progressive des municipiai à la potestas juridictionnelle des délégués du préteur reflète l’évolution juridique des différentes communautés et en particulier l’obtention de l’optimus ius., Sisani Simone. Tra autonomia e integrazione : diritti locali e giurisdizione prefettizia nelle comunità di cives sine suffragio. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément n°23, 2021. Colonies, territoires et statuts : nouvelles approches. pp. 95-148.

Izvor za svakodnevni život antičkih Pompeja nalazi se u samom drevnom gradu zahvaljujući kobnoj erupciji vulkana Vezuva podno kojega je grad smješten. Od italskog plemena Oski preko Grka i Etruščana, Pompeji su svoj sjaj i trgovački vrhunac razvili tijekom rimskog municipija. U gradu je ostalo značajnih tragova naselja s kućama koje predstavljaju kako su ljudi živjeli. Okupljali su se na forumu, termama, kazalištu i amfiteatru gdje su provodili svoje slobodno vrijeme. Razvoj ekonomije mogu zahvaliti zemljoradnji, trgovini i dućanima koja su bila dostatna svim stanovnicima. Bili su politeisti, a među važnijim bogovima ističu se Apolon, Jupiter, Minerva, Venera kao zaštitnica i nositeljica imena kolonije., The source for the daily life of ancient Pompeii is located in the wooden city itself thanks to the fatal eruption of Mount Vesuvius at the foot of which the city is located. From the Italian tribe of Oski through the Greeks and the Etruscans Pompeians developed their splendor and commercial peak during the Roman municipality. There are significant traces of settlements with houses representing how people lived still in the city. They gathered at the forum, public baths, theater and amphitheater and spent their free time there. The development of the economy can be attributed to agriculture, trade and shops which were sufficient for all the inhabitants. They were polytheists, and among the more important gods such as Apollo, Jupiter, Minerva, Venus stands out as the protector and bearer of the colony name.

Il capitolo 21 della Lex Irnitana stabilisce il diritto per gli ex magistrati del municipio che fossero anche decurioni di acquisire la cittadinanza romana allo scadere del loro incarico, insieme a parte dei loro familiari. Un’approfondita analisi del testo ha rivelato che esso, nel contempo e seppur indirettamente, determina anche i casi in cui tale diritto non si applicava. La lettura di altri capitoli della Lex di Irni come di alcuni passi della Lex della colonia di Urso ha permesso di meglio definire quelle situazioni in cui lo ius adipiscendae civitatis Romanae per magistratum, pure atteso, non avrebbe potuto trovare applicazione. The chapter 21 of the Lex Irnitana establishes the rules according to which local magistrates, who at the same time belonged to the ordo decurionum, acquired the right to obtain the Roman citizenship – together with part of their relatives – after leaving their office. A thorough analysis of the text has revealed that it also defines indirectly in what situations the rule established by the chapter was not appropriate. In the light of the examination of other chapters of the Lex of Irni as well as of some excerpts from the charter of the colony of Urso, the study investigates the cases in which the so-called ius adipiscendae civitatis Romanae per magistratum was not applicable in the Municipium Irnitanum.

El presente trabajo ofrece una reflexión sobre las magistraturas de Nova Augusta (Lara de los Infantes) y el análisis de una inscripción funeraria, anteriormente solo conocida mediante una fotografía, procedente de Cubillo del César. En ella se menciona una magistratura, la edilidad, y el término de parentesco sobrinus. The present work offers a consideration on the magistratures of Nova Augusta (Lara de los Infantes) and the analysis of a funerary inscription, previously only known through a photograph, from Cubillo del César. It mentions the aedileship magistrature and the kinship term sobrinus.

This paper offers an interpretation of an inscription documented in Caldes de Montbui (IRC I, 40) which could demonstrate the existence of a relationship of patrocinium between this settlement and the emperor Tiberius. To support this hypothesis we analyze the characteristics of the Roman thermal centre of Caldes, its promotion in Augustan period and its possible conversion in Flavian municipium, being one of the central points in the integration of the territory of Layetania interior in the Roman provincial structure. Este artículo ofrece una interpretación sobre un epígrafe documentado en el núcleo de Caldes de Montbui (IRC I, 40) que podría demostrar la existencia de una relación de patrocinium entre este asentamiento y el emperador Tiberio en época romana. Para dar apoyo a esta hipótesis el artículo analiza las características del enclave termal romano de Caldes, su promoción en época de Augusto y su posible transformación en municipio flavio, convirtiéndose en uno de los puntos centrales en la integración del territorio de la Layetania interior dentro de la estructura provincial romana.

Diese Masterarbeit untersucht die Entstehung, Auflösung und Vermögensrückstellung der Marktkommunen in Oberösterreich aus einer historischen und rechtlichen Perspektive. Diese Rekonstruktion umfasst nicht nur verfassungs- und verwaltungsrechtliche, sondern auch privatrechtliche Aspekte, wie die historische Entwicklung des Begriffes des Eigentums in Bezug auf die Marktkommunen und Märkte zurück bis ins römische Recht oder die Wurzeln des gemeinen Nutzens. Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt liegt im Auflösungsprozess durch die Nationalsozialisten im Jahr 1938 und der damit einhergehenden Vermögensübertragung der Marktkommunen in die öffentliche Gemeinde. Anhand der beiden Orte Münzbach und Perg wird dieser Prozess rekonstruiert und kritisch analysiert. Die Rückstellungsversuche nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs und die damit verbundenen Rechtsgrundlagen bilden den Abschluss dieser Arbeit. Hierbei wird der Prozess der Rückstellung der untersuchten Marktkommunen erfasst und die Entscheidungen der Gerichte, im Zusammenhang mit den Begründungen zur Nicht-Rückstellung, einer historischen Interpretation zugeführt. This master thesis examines the emergence, dissolution and restitution of assets of the market municipalities in Upper Austria from a historical and legal perspective. This reconstruction includes not only constitutional and administrative law, but also private law aspects, such as the historical development of the term property in relation to the market municipalities and markets back to Roman Law or the roots of common use. Another focus is the dissolution process by the National Socialists in 1938 and the associated transfer of wealth from the market municipalities to the public community. This process is reconstructed and critically analyzed based on the two locations Münzbach and Perg. The initiatives for the restitution of assets of former members after the end of the Second World War and the associated legal bases conclude this work. On the one hand, the process of the restitution of assets (in the market municipalities examined) is recorded and, on the other hand, the decisions of the courts in the context of the reasons for the non-restitution are given a historical interpretation. Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft Salzburg, Univ., Masterarb., 2020 (VLID)5310773

Burnum je jedan od relevantnijih antičkih lokaliteta na području današnje Bukovice. Razvija se na desnoj obali rijeke Krke te mu upravo ona daje značajnu stratešku prevagu na tom prostoru. Rimljani na prostor nedaleko od sela Ivoševaca stacioniraju svoje legije kako bi ga stabilizirali i očuvali od agresivnih Delmata. U ratovima protiv Delmata, na strani Rimljana borilo se liburnsko pleme Burnista. Njihovo središte nalazilo se na desnoj strani rijeke Krke, na gradini u Puljanima. Zasigurno su i oni bili jedan vrlo važan element u nastanku burnumske aglomeracije. Rimska aglomeracija u Burnumu sastojala se od više čimbenika koji su sačinjavali stabilnu zajednicu. Sastojala se od rimskog legijskog logora s pripadajućim teritorijem, augzilijarnog kastela te municipija koji nastaje najvjerojatnije za vrijeme Hadrijana, a razvija se iz kanaba i peregrinskog naselja Burnista. Logor u Burnumu zasigurno se najviše ističe po amfiteatru što ga zasad čini jedinim rimskim vojnim logorom s amfiteatrom na ovim prostorima. On je sagrađen za vrijeme Vespazijana, čiji je natpis pronađen ispred južnog ulaza, a gradili su ga pripadnici IV. legije Flavije Felix. Burnum is one of the more relevant antique sites in the area of present-day Bukovica. It grows on the right bank of the Krka river, and it gives it a significant strategic advantage in this area. The Romans stationed their legions in the area not far from the village of Ivoševci to stabilize and preserve it from the aggressively inclined Delmats. In the wars against Delmats, the Liburnian tribe of Burnists was fighting on the side of the Romans. Their center was located on the right side of the Krka river, on a hillfort in Puljani. Certainly, they were also a very important element in the emergence of the Burnum agglomeration. The Roman agglomeration in Burnum consisted of several factors that made up a stable community. It consisted of a Roman legionary camp with the associated territory, an auxiliary castel, and a municipal city, most probably formed during the Hadrian period, developed from the canabas and peregrine settlement of Burnista. The camp in Burnum surely stands out the most for its amphitheater, which, for now, makes it the only Roman military camp with an amphitheater in this area. It was built during Vespasian, whose inscription was found in front of the southern entrance and was constructed by members of the IV. the legions of Flavia Felix.

This paper presents a part of the results of years of archaeological research, whose main goal is the study of complex process of Romanisation of peregrine civitates in the area of Velebit Mt. during the first century BC and the first century AD. Civitas Lopsica has been selected as an example of Romanisation, whose center was located at the Gradina hillfort, near present day village of Sveti Juraj, located at the foot of Velebit Mountain near Senj. Lopsica is mentioned in ancient historical sources but it is particularly important that it was mentioned in the list of important Liburnian settlements by Plinius the Elder who referred to it as oppidum. During the first century AD, Lopsica achieved municipal status, which was confirmed by epigraphic evidence. Onomastic analysis shows that the inscriptions mentioned members of the autochthonous Romanised aristocracy, who maintained their acquired positions of authority and were a privileged class in the administrative and economic structure of the municipium. Civitas and the municipium of Lopsica encompassed the coastal region as well as the area that stretched deep into the interior of Velebit Mountain. Combined with the data from earlier studies, recent reviews of terrain and aerial photos have enabled a better overview of the landscape and thus more precise determination of the community boundaries, as well as the way of life in the mountain area that, considering its high karst morphology, seems highly unsuitable for living. The mountain provided great conditions for cattle breeding and the exploitation of forest resources, from which locals could have had significant benefits. The favorable strategic and transportation position and a busy harbor encouraged the development of trade which took place over the mountain passes with Iapodes inland. Changes that occurred in the landscape during the Iron Age and early antiquity can still be seen today., U radu se prikazuje dio rezultata višegodišnjeg arheološkog istraživanja, čiji je glavni cilj proučavanje kompleksnog procesa romanizacije peregrinskih civitates na prostoru Velebita tijekom 1. st. prije Krista i u 1. st. nakon Krista. Kao primjer romanizacije odabrana je civitas Lopsica, čije se središte nalazilo na Gradini u današnjem podvelebitskom mjestu. Sveti Juraj kod Senja. Lopsica se spominje u antičkim povijesnim vrelima, osobito je važan njezin spomen kod Plinija Starijeg (Naturalis historia III, 139, 140), gdje je u popisu važnijih liburnskih naselja navedena kao oppidum. Lopsica tijekom 1. st. nakon Krista postiže municipalni status, koji je i epigrafski potvrđen. Onomastička analiza pokazuje da su na natpisima navedeni pripadnici romanizirane autohtone aristokracije, koji u upravnoj i gospodarskoj strukturi municipija zadržavaju stečene pozicije vlasti i čine povlašteni sloj. I civitas i municipium Lopsica imali su svoj teritorij, koji je osim priobalja obuhvaćao i prostor koji se duboko prostirao u unutrašnjost Velebita. Uz podatke iz ranijih istraživanja, korištenje suvremenih metoda prospekcije terena, osobito metoda zračne arheologije, omogućilo je preciznije određenje granica zajednice i uvid u organizaciju života na planinskom prostoru koji se, gledajući njegovu izrazito krašku morfologiju, čini krajnje neprikladnim za život. Planina je pružala vrlo dobre uvjete za bavljenje stočarstvom, ali i za eksploataciju šumskih resursa, od čega je lokalno stanovništvo moglo imati značajnu korist. Povoljan strateški i prometni položaj te dobra luka poticali su razvoj trgovine, koja se preko planinskih prijevoja odvijala s japodskom unutrašnjošću. Promjene koje su tijekom željeznog doba i početkom antike nastale u krajoliku, mogu se i danas uočiti.

Autor u članku, na temelju podataka iz. literature i vlastitih zapažanja na terenu, opisuje dosad registriranih 12 gradinskih naselja (7 nedovoljno poznatih u arheološkoj literaturi), koje su tijekom željeznog doba nastale na pogodnim mjestima u blizini ili u nešto Široj okolici Sv. Jurja. Ta gradinska naselja, koliko je to bilo moguće, poslužila su autoru da na konkretnom primjeru prali proces nastajanja teritorijalne zajednice (civitas), čije je središte bilo na Gradini u Sv. Jurju. To središte (oppidum) spominje se u antičkim pisanim izvorima kao Lopsica i u rimsko doba postaje municipium, koji je i epigrafički potvrđen. Na temelju onomastičke analize natpisa, autor zaključuje da u upravnoj i gospodarskoj strukturi municipija vodeću ulogu ima domaći romanizirani povlašteni sloj. I civitas i municipium imali su teritorij koji je osim priobalja obuhvaćao i prostor koji se duboko prostirao u unutrašnjost Velebita. Na temelju konfiguracije terena i analogija određen je teritorij municipija koji je mogao imati površinu od cca 170 km2. Zbog izuzetno povoljnih prirodnih čimbenika Lopsika je tijekom svoga postojanja, kao središte svoje zajednice u željezno ili rimsko doba, imala značenje koje je vjerojatno nadilazilo uske lokalne okvire. Krajem antike Lopsika nestaje s povijesne scene, a novo naselje koje nastaje tek u srednjem vijeku naziva se kao i danas Sv. Juraj.

Este artículo ofrece una interpretación sobre un epígrafe documentado en el núcleo de Caldes de Montbui (IRC I, 40) que podría demostrar la existencia de una relación de patrocinium entre este asentamiento y el emperador Tiberio en época romana. Para dar apoyo a esta hipótesis el artículo analiza las características del enclave termal romano de Caldes, su promoción en época de Augusto y su posible transformación en municipio flavio, convirtiéndose en uno de los puntos centrales en la integración del territorio de la Layetania interior dentro de la estructura provincial romana. This paper offers an interpretation of an inscription documented in Caldes de Montbui (IRC I, 40) which could demonstrate the existence of a relationship of patrocinium between this settlement and the emperor Tiberius. To support this hypothesis we analyze the characteristics of the Roman thermal centre of Caldes, its promotion in Augustan period and its possible conversion in Flavian municipium, being one of the central points in the integration of the territory of Layetania interior in the Roman provincial structure.

The present work offers a consideration on the magistratures of Nova Augusta (Lara de los Infantes) and the analysis of a funerary inscription, previously only known through a photograph, from Cubillo del César. It mentions the aedileship magistrature and the kinship term sobrinus. El presente trabajo ofrece una reflexión sobre las magistraturas de Nova Augusta (Lara de los Infantes) y el análisis de una inscripción funeraria, anteriormente solo conocida mediante una fotografía, procedente de Cubillo del César. En ella se menciona una magistratura, la edilidad, y el término de parentesco sobrinus.

The process of municipalization in Hispania during the epoch flavia affects of decisive form also the north Plateau in where the numerous urban nuclei acquire the new juridical statute that you allow them to integrate in the Roman administration, although some already had had the possibility to accede in previous times. El proceso de municipalización en Hispania durante la época flavia afecta de forma decisiva también a la Meseta septentrional en donde numerosos núcleos urbanos adquieren el nuevo estatuto jurídico que les permite integrarse en la administración romana, aunque algunos ya habían tenido la posibilidad de acceder en tiempos anteriores.

All’interno dell’ordinamento romano, la ricezione di sacra appartenenti a comunità pervenute alla cittadinanza romana sine suffragio è un provvedimento emanato dai pontefici su deliberazione del senato. Attraverso di esso, talvolta, alcuni sacra di una comunità divenuta municipale entravano a far parte dei sacra populi Romani, sulla base di una loro condivisione e comunanza da parte di entrambe le comunità. È possibile ricostruire la trama di tale prassi attraverso l’esempio del culto lanuvino-romano di Iuno Sospes; altresì individuare le modalità di ricezione di sacra di comunità municipali estinte giuridicamente. I casi, diversi tra di loro, sono quelli degli Anagnini e dei Campani. I primi, divenuti singolarmente cittadini romani, si videro riconosciuta un’individualità collettiva esclusivamente sotto il profilo sacrale. Invece la ricezione del culto di Diana Tifatina non fu promossa con la concessione della cittadinanza ai Campani nel 338 a.C., bensì con la soppressione giuridica della comunità nel 211 a.C. In questo caso però il culto fu fondato su nuove basi ed accolto fra i sacra p. R., seppur decentrato rispetto all’Urbe. L’analisi della categoria dei sacra municipalia investe dunque profili diversi (giuridici, politici, istituzionali) e di diversa natura. Inoltre, essa fa scorgere l’esistenza di un diritto sacro municipale, e di una “Roma al di fuori di Roma” per l’aspetto sacrale.