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The article draws on Hansen and Wæver’s three-layered framework of state-nation-Europe, and applies it to Slovenia and Croatia. The aim is to examine how nation- and state-building affect these countries’ Europeanization before and after EU accession. The novelty of the contribution is the specific attention paid to the post-Yugoslav space as a reference for nation- and state-building. Our findings underline that the Slovenian and Croatian state-nation concept and its relationship to Europe are not per se fixed frames, but are fluid attitudes, prone to change and reaffirmation. We also establish a comparative difference between domestic and relational Europe layer for the two states.

Oslanjajući se na teorijsku perspektivu konstruktivizma, nacija se uzima kao zamišljena zajednica pojedinaca. Definirajući naciju kao inherentno imaginarni društveni konstrukt, Billig se pitao na koji način se takva zamišljena zajednica održava i reproducira. Uvodeći teorijsku perspektivu banalnog nacionalizma, stavio je naglasak na ideološke navike svakodnevice koje imaju moć podsvjesnog pobuđivanja osjećaja pripadnosti te tako reproduciranja nacije. Jedan takav svakodnevni podsjetnik pripadnosti mogu biti i grafiti. U radu je istraženo, prikazano i analizirano koji se grafiti na području grada Zagreba mogu povezati s određenim vrstama nacionalne svijesti i, moguće, nacionalizma. Primjenom mikrosociološkog pristupa, koristeći metodu vizualne sociologije, analiziran je jedan od oblika neformalne komunikacije, grafiti, te smo istražili kako oni mogu biti povezani s nacionalnom sviješću. Putem fotodokumentacije i web prikupljanja u Zagrebu smo prikupili 53 grafita koji mogu djelovati kao banalni nacionalizam. Grafiti banalnog nacionalizma analizirani su sadržajno i simbolički s obzirom na značenje koje prenose, te su podijeljeni na tri kategorije: iskazivanje nacionalizma/patriotizma kroz grafite, iskazivanje šovinističkog neprijateljstva/mržnje prema Drugome kroz grafite, navijački grafiti kao simbolički prostor iskazivanja nacionalnog. Svaka kategorija je objašnjena i prikazana primjerima koji najbolje opisuju raznolikost i sadržaj grafita te kategorije. Grafiti mogu biti pokretači nesvjesnog potvrđivanja pripadnosti naciji i djelovati na pojedinca i društvo. Naglasak je stavljen i na važnost daljnjih istraživanja povezanosti grafita i nacionalne svijesti s obzirom na potencijal grafita da budu društveno angažirani kao prijenosnici kulture, tradicije i vrijednosti. According to the theory of constructivism, a nation is an imaginary community of individuals. Billig tried to explain how such an imaginary community preserves and reproduces itself by defining it as an inherently imaginary social construct. He introduced the theory of banal nationalism in which he emphasizes that ideological habits of everyday life have the power to subconsciously induce the feeling of belonging and thus reproduce the nation. One of those everyday reminders of affiliation can be graffiti. This paper explores, presents and analyzes which graffiti in Zagreb can be associated with different types of national consciousness and, possibly, nationalism. How graffiti, as an informal form of communication, can be associated with national consciousness, is analyzed through the microsociological perspective and the method of visual sociology. The methods of photodocumentation and collecting sources online resulted in 53 examples of graffiti in Zagreb which can act as banal nationalism. The content and symbolism of the mentioned examples were examined by using the method of content analysis. According to the meaning they convey, the examples of the graffiti were divided into three constructed categories: graffiti as an exprssion of chauvinistic enmity/hatred towards others, graffiti as an expression of nationalism/patriotism, graffiti as a symbolic space for the expression of nationalism in sports. Each category is explained and presented by using the examples which best describe its diversity and content. Graffiti can bring about unconscious verification of national consciousness. As a form of banal nationalism and as a communicator of meaning, graffiti influences the individual and the society. Further research in this direction is needed.

Nakon proglašenja samostalnosti i suverenosti te međunarodnog priznanja Republike Hrvatske među znanstvenicima društvenih i humanističkih znanosti pojačan je interes za istraživanja hrvatskog iseljeništva u svijetu i Australiji. Radovi posvećeni ovoj kategoriji hrvatskog iseljeništva ponajviše propituju povijesni i kulturni aspekt hrvatske dijaspore, pitanje učenja i brige o hrvatskom jeziku među potomcima iseljenika, život političkih organizacija, hrvatskih katoličkih misija i društvenih institucija. Stoga se nametnula potreba za sveobuhvatnijim, interdisciplinarnim pristupom izučavanju hrvatske dijaspore, osobito u razdoblju kad je bila u punom zamahu stvaranja jezgre oko koje će se okupljati novi pridošlice, u rasponu od gotovo pola stoljeća na primjeru Hrvata u Australiji. Trebalo je istražiti manje poznata područja iseljeničkog iskustva jer su ondje pohranjene mnoge sastavnice koje utječu na život u dijaspori, na emocionalni i duhovni obzor zajednice, na traume i osjećaj 'drugosti' i otuđenja. Nametnulo se i pitanje pozicije hrvatskih žena u australskom društvu i obitelji o čemu se vrlo malo zna. Na posljetku, trebalo je dokazati ispravnost hipoteza o etno-nacionalnom karakteru hrvatske dijaspore, o ulozi mita o povratku u stvaranju i održavanju dijasporske svijesti, o stvaranju dijasporskih institucija kojima se gradio i održavao odnos dijaspore spram domovine porijekla i mainstreama Australije. Pokazalo se da je pojam mita o povratku nedovoljno istražen iako je sveprisutan fenomen u svim klasičnim dijasporama pa tako i u slučaju hrvatske dijaspore. Uočljivo je da se fenomen mita o povratku veže uz pojam dijaspore u gotovo svih teoretičara selilaštva do kasnih 80-ih, ali i u radovima brojnih teoretičara postmoderne kad nove interpretacije pojma dijaspora osvajaju područje društvenih i humanističkih znanosti. Trebalo je također razlučiti između pojmova mita i sna, između individualne žudnje i složenog društvenog konstrukta koji gradi dijaspora, a koji je istovremeno "materijal" za formiranje lepeze društvenih institucija dijaspore u kontekstu vremena i prostora izglobljenosti. Paradoksalno, institucije koje je stvarala da bi sačuvala identitet poslužit će dijaspori da lakše prebrodi proces akulturacije i odvajanja od stare domovine u procesu konstruiranja novog identiteta i umještanja u društvo mainstreama zemlje primateljice. Ovaj doktorski rad sastoji se od tri dijela čime je otvorena mogućnost sagledavanja fenomena dijaspore i uloge mita unutar dijasporske zajednice s tri različite pozicije (teorijske, povijesne i etnografske). Nakon uvodnog dijela u I. poglavlju, u II., III. i IV. poglavlju predstavljena su četiri osnovna pojma vezano za problematiku dijaspore: mit o povratku, značenjske mutacije samoga pojma dijaspore iz očišta eminentnih teoretičara dijaspore te pojmovi "dom" i "domovina" koji su u uskoj svezi s pojmom dijaspore. U navedena tri poglavlja prikazana su iskustva drugih teoretičara dijaspore koji se susreću sa sličnim problemima, procesima, i fenomenima kao i istraživač hrvatske dijaspore. U imaginariju i diskursima koje njeguje dijaspora neophodno je bilo objasniti pojam doma i domovine u smislu kako ih doživljava prosječan predstavnik hrvatskog iseljenika kao i mit o povratku i njegovu funkciju u razvoju dijasporske zajednice. U radu se analiziraju stavovi četvorice teoretičara dijaspore koji su dali značajan doprinos razvoju izučavanja transnacionalnih zajednica. To su William Safran, Robin Cohen, Fernando F. Segovia i Paul Gilroy. U V. poglavlju (u drugom, središnjem dijelu disertacije) donosi se povijesni pregled useljavanja Hrvata u Australiju s naglaskom na dva modela stvaranja institucija, političkog organiziranja i čuvanja identiteta i veza s domovinom (u hrvatskim zajednicama u Melbourneu i Sydneyu). Među hrvatskim doseljenicima rano se razvila politička aktivnost, formirane su brojne političke organizacije koje su bile isključivo podređene cilju stvaranja hrvatske države. Usprkos činjenici da su djelovale s različitih političkih opcija i da nisu bile jedinstvene po pitanju metoda djelovanja, ono što je povezivalo sve političke organizacije bila je ideja slobodne Hrvatske. Pripadnike dijaspore australska politička scena nije osobito zanimala pa nisu imali potrebu da se aktiviraju u stranačkom životu mainstreama. Nesporazumi i napetosti između predstavnika hrvatske zajednice i političkih vođa s predstavnicima australskih vlasti i australskom javnošću uglavnom su bili provocirani od strane indoktriniranih pojedinaca ili pak, jugoslavenskih tajnih službi koje su djelovale i na tlu Australije. U ovom poglavlju razmatraju se i drugi oblici društvenog i kulturnog života hrvatske dijaspore u Australiji. Osobito je važno pitanje identiteta, oblici zabave i kulturnih praksi, djelovanje katoličkih centara i stanje hrvatskog jezika u obitelji. Glavni čuvari nacionalne svijesti u hrvatskoj dijaspori u Australiji su svećenici u hrvatskim katoličkim centrima. Osim što su bili čuvari vjerskog života, većinom su bili inicijatori i kreatori politika, novih institucija i drugih oblika organiziranih aktivnosti hrvatske zajednice u Australiji. Drugi čimbenik kao "alat" posredovanja između iseljeničke zajednice i domovine bili su tiskani mediji, političke tribine, radio satovi i informativni centri. Bilo je potrebno osvrnuti se i na pitanje procesa hibridizacije i "pomicanja" identiteta nove generacije australskih Hrvata, rođenih i školovanih u Australiji. Ti su Hrvati druge generacije polako gradili most spram australskog mainstreama, ali se nisu do kraja oslobodili osjećaja podijeljene naklonosti. Što se tiče hrvatskih žena, za razliku od Australki Anglo Keltskog porijekla, koje su već koncem 19. stoljeća podržavale sufražetski pokret i izborile pravo glasa početkom 20. stoljeća, Hrvatice, kao i većina žena drugih etničkih grupa, živjele su u izoliranim etničkim getima naučene na način života i ulogu žene kakav su poznavale u zavičaju gdje su odrasle. Navike iz konzervativne sredine u kojima su oblikovale svoj identitet majke i supruge, ponijele su i u Australiju, u zemlju čiji jezik nisu poznavale zbog čega su ostale daleko od života mainstreama. Čak i onda kad su počele raditi i privređivati izvan doma prošle su težak put oslobađanja iz svoga etničkog geta. Prva mjesta za društvenu interakciju Hrvatica bila su filantropska društva koja su same osnivale i vodile te kulturne udruge koje su im omogućavale kontakt s drugim etničkim grupama i društvom zemlje domaćina. VI. poglavlje donosi sedam životnih priča australskih Hrvata koje pružaju uvid u osobna iskustva iseljeničkog života pripovjedača, ali i u proces stvaranja dijaspore te u dinamiku društvenih odnosa u hrvatskoj zajednici u Australiji. Autori priča su Tomislav Gavranić, Carol Susan Su Mijić koja pripovijeda o svome suprugu Petru Mijiću, Dragica Hedješ, Drago Šaravanja, Luka Budak, Duška Tomašić i Vladimir Mark Jakopanec. Sudionici ovog istraživanja u svemu su različiti: dob, obrazovanje, vrijeme useljavanja, profesija. Jedina poveznica među njima je činjenica da su uključeni u procese dijaspore. Osim osobnih pripovijesti sedmoro sudionika istraživanja, disertacija donosi brojne komentare, mišljenja i izjave pojedinaca vezanih osobnim sudbinama za iskustvo dijaspore. Nakon dubinskog istraživanja teme mita o povratku u hrvatskoj dijaspori u Australiji, koji se upleo u sve oblike društvenog djelovanja dijasporske zajednice u obliku velikog narativa o mesijanskoj ulozi dijaspore u borbi za osamostaljenje Hrvatske, može se zaključiti da su hipoteze postavljene na početku ovog doktorskog rada i provjerene induktivnom metodom istraživanja bile ispravne. Pokazalo se da je hrvatska dijaspora društvena formacija koja odgovara definiciji klasične dijaspore, jer je nastala na etno-nacionalnom supstratu, svojim je transgraničnim vezama bila trajno okrenuta zemlji odselidbe, a u transnacionalnom prostoru, ostalim djasporskim zajednicama i grupacijama, stvarala je institucije radi očuvanja nacionalnog identiteta i funkcioniranja zajednice, gajila je mit o povratku kao narativ za učvršćivanje institucija i povezivanje unutar svoje grupe, te je zahvaljujući tim institucijama osigurala pretpostavku za postupnu integraciju u društvo domaćina. Heuristički pristup temi mita o povratku potvrdio je pretpostavku o terapijskom karakteru mita o povratku tamo gdje je psihička trauma bila evidentna i gdje i druge dijaspore imaju slična iskustva. Mit o povratku poslužio je kolektivnoj svijesti kao lijepilo ili balzam na rane iseljenih. Naposljetku, hrvatska je dijaspora u rasponu od završetka 2. svjetskog rata do međunarodnog priznanja Republike Hrvatske bila snažnija, kompaktnija i razvijenija društvena formacija što je politička i društvena situacija u Hrvatskoj bila kompleksnija i neizvjesnija, a cilj borbe za državu teže dohvatljiv, jer program koji si je zacrtala nije bio pravi povratak, nego legitimiranje vlastitog identiteta 'drugosti' u odnosu na društvo mainstreama kojega je mogla ostvariti jedino međunarodnim priznanjem njezina nacionalnog identiteta. Zaključno, proces ubrzane integracije pripadnika hrvatske dijaspore u australsko društvo u punom je zamahu kao i rastakanje hrvatske dijasporske zajednice kakvu smo poznavali do 90-ih godina 20. stoljeća. After the proclamation of independence and sovereignty as well as the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia, interest in the study of Croatian emigrants in the world and Australia increased among scientists in the social sciences and humanities. Research dedicated to this category of Croatian emigrants mainly deals with historical and cultural aspects of Croatian emigration, learning and caring for the Croatian language among the descendants of emigrants, the life of political organizations, Croatian Catholic missions, and social institutions of Croats in Australia. Therefore, there was a need for a more comprehensive, interdisciplinary approach to the study of the Croatian diaspora, especially at a time when the creation of a core around which newcomers gathered for almost half a century was in full swing. Lesser-known areas of the emigrant experience needed to be explored as it contained many components that affect the life of the diaspora, the emotional and spiritual outlook of the community, the trauma and feelings of ‘otherness’ and alienation. The question of the position of Croatian women in Australian society and family, about which very little is known, was also raised. Finally, it was necessary to prove the accuracy of hypotheses about the ethno-national character of the Croatian diaspora, the role of the myth of return in creating and maintaining national consciousness of the diaspora, creating diaspora institutions that built and maintained the relationship with the old homeland, as well as towards the mainstream society of Australia. It turned out that the concept of the myth of return is insufficiently researched, although it is a ubiquitous phenomenon in all classical diasporas, including the Croatian diaspora. It is noticeable that the phenomenon of the myth of return is associated with the concept of diaspora in all theorists of migration until the late 80's, but also in the works of many postmodern theorists when new interpretations of the Diaspora overtook the social sciences and humanities. It was also necessary to distinguish between the concepts of myth and dream, between individual desire and the complex social construct created by the Diaspora, which is at the same time "material" for forming a range of social institutions of the diaspora in the context of time and space. Paradoxically, the institutions she created to preserve her identity will allow the Diaspora to more easily overcome the process of acculturation and separation from the old homeland in the process of constructing a new identity. This doctoral thesis consists of three parts, which open the possibility of understanding the phenomenon of the diaspora and the role of myth within the diaspora community from three different positions (theoretical, historical, and ethnographic). After the introductory part in Chapter I, follow chapters II., III., and IV. The first part of the paper presents four basic concepts related to the diaspora: the myth of return, semantic mutations of the term diaspora from the point of view of eminent diaspora theorists, and the concepts of "home" and "homeland" which are closely related to the diaspora. The three chapters listed above represent the experiences of other diaspora theorists who encounter similar problems, processes, and phenomena as the Croatian diaspora researcher. In the imagery and discourses nurtured by the diaspora, it was necessary to explain the concept of home and homeland in terms of how they are perceived by the average Croatian emigrant and the myth of return as well as its function in the development of the diaspora community. The paper analyses the views of four diaspora theorists who have made significant contributions to the development of the study of transnational communities. These are William Safran, Robin Cohen, Fernando F. Segovia, and Paul Gilroy. Chapter V. (the second, central part of the dissertation) provides a historical overview of the Croatian immigration to Australia with an emphasis on two models of institution building, political organization and preservation of identity and ties to the homeland (the Croatian communities in Melbourne and Sydney). Political activity developed early among Croatian immigrants, and numerous political organizations were formed that were exclusively subordinated to the goal of creating the Croatian state. Despite the fact that they acted from different political options and were not united in terms of methods of action, what connected all political organizations was the idea of a free Croatia. Members of the diaspora were not particularly interested in the Australian political scene, so they did not need to be active in the political life of the mainstream. Disagreements and tensions between representatives of the Croatian community and political leaders with representatives of the Australian authorities and the Australian public were mainly triggered by indoctrinated individuals and the Yugoslav secret services, which also operated in Australia. This chapter also discusses other forms of social and cultural life of the Croatian diaspora in Australia. The issue of identity, forms of cultural practices, religiosity, and the state of the Croatian language in the family is particularly important. The main guardians of national consciousness in the Croatian diaspora in Australia are Croatian Catholic centres. Apart from being the centres of religious life, they were mostly the initiators and creators of policies, new institutions as well as other forms of organized activities of the Croatian community in Australia. Another factor as a "tool" of mediation between the emigrant community and the homeland was the print media, political forums, radio shows and information centres. It was also necessary to address the issue of the process of hybridization and identity "shifting" of the new generation of Australian Croats, born and educated in Australia. These second-generation Croats were slowly building a bridge to the Australian mainstream, but they did not completely abandon the feeling of shared affections. Unlike Australian women of Anglo-Celtic descent, who supported the suffragette movement in the late 19th century and won the right to vote in the early 20th century, Croats, like most women of other ethnic groups, lived in isolated ethnic ghettos accustomed to lifestyles and roles aligned with women as they knew them in their homelands. Habits from the conservative environment in which mothers and wives formed their identities were taken to Australia, a country whose language they did not know, which is why they stayed away from the mainstream life. Even when they started working and earning money outside the home, they went through a difficult path of liberation from their ethnic ghetto. The first places for the social interaction of Croatian women were philanthropic societies, which they themselves founded and led, and cultural associations that enabled them to make contact with other ethnic groups and the society of the host country. Chapter VI brings seven life stories of Australian Croats that provide insight into the personal experiences of the emigrant life of the narrator, but also in the process of creating a diaspora and the dynamics of social relations in the Croatian community in Australia. The authors of the stories are Tomislav Gavranić, Carol Susan Su Mijić who tells stories about her husband Petar Mijić, Dragica Hedješ, Drago Šaravanja, Luka Budak, DuškaTomašić and Vladimir Mark Jakopanec. The participants in this research are different in everything: age, education, time of immigration. The only link between them is the fact that they are involved in the processes of the diaspora. In addition to the personal narratives of the seven research participants, the dissertation brings numerous comments, opinions, and statements from individuals related to personal destinies within the diaspora experience. After in-depth research on the myth of return in the Croatian diaspora in Australia, which involved all forms of social activity of the diaspora community in the form of a great narrative about the messianic role of the diaspora in the struggle for Croatian independence, it can be concluded that hypotheses set at the beginning were valid. Furthermore, the research method was correct because it turned out that the Croatian diaspora is a social formation that meets the definition of the classical diaspora because because it was created on an ethnonational substrate, with its cross-border connections it was permanently oriented toward the country of emigration. In the transnational space, it was oriented toward other diasporic communities and groups. It created institutions to preserve the national identity and functioning of the community, and it nurtured the myth of return as a narrative for the consolidation of institutions and connections within its group. Thanks to these institutions it provided the prerequisite for acculturation and gradual integration into the host society. The heuristic approach to the topic of the myth of return confirmed the assumption about the therapeutic character of the myth of return where psychological trauma is evident and other diasporas have similar experiences. The myth of return served the collective consciousness as a glue or balm to the wounds of the emigrants’ souls. Finally, the Croatian Diaspora, since the end of World War II. and all the way up to the international recognition of the Republic of Croatia, was a stronger, more compact, and more developed social formation at the time when the political and social situation in Croatia was more complex and uncertain, and the goal of the struggle for the state more difficult. Hence, the myth which was maintained in the Croatian community was not a real yearning to return to the homeland but rather the need for legitimizing one's own identity of "otherness" in front of mainstream society. In conclusion, the process of accelerated integration of members of the Croatian diaspora into Australian society is in full swing, as is the dissolution of the Croatian diaspora community as we knew it.

Ovaj rad nastoji prikazati kako je nacija definirana u klasično-liberalnoj misli, odnosno kako je sam pojam nacije transformiran uslijed sveobuhvatnih političkih, ekonomskih i društvenih promjena koje su pratile rušenje ancien régimea. Kako bi to bilo moguće, uvodni dio rada posvećen je Begriffsgeschichte ili povijesti pojmova koja ukazuje na važnost konteksta prilikom proučavanja promjena u značenju političkih i drugih pojmova te morfologiji ideologija, teorijskom modelu Michaela Freedena koji je poslužio za analizu pojmovne strukture klasičnog liberalizma. U drugom dijelu rada stoga su prikazani glavni pojmovi klasičnog liberalizma te povijesna perspektiva građanske ofenzive na staleško društvo i apsolutnu monarhiju. Naposljetku se razmatra politička teorija i djelovanje Emmanuela Josepha Sieyèsa, jedne od ključnih figura ranog razdoblja Francuske revolucije. On je istaknut jer je među prvima prepoznao važnost povezivanja načela klasičnog liberalizma s novim shvaćanjem nacije koje se temelji na narodnoj suverenosti. Nacija stoga biva shvaćena kao zajednica slobodnih i jednakih pojedinaca koji su podvrgnuti istim zakonima čija se općenita volja izražava kroz predstavnički sustav. Sieyès s jedne strane uspješno prevodi teorijske ideje tog razdoblja u političku praksu usmjeravajući tako tijek revolucije, a s druge strane uspostavlja temelje za razvoj moderne predstavničke liberalne demokracije. This paper aims to present the manner in which the nation is defined in classic-liberal thought, i.e. how the concept of the nation was transformed by the far-reaching political, economic and social changes which accompanied the collapse of the Ancien Régime. In order to do so, the paper’s introductory section concerns with Begriffsgeschichte or the history of concepts which indicates the importance of context in studying the change in meaning of political and other concepts, as well as the importance of the morphology of ideology, a theoretical model by Michael Freeden which assisted in the analysis of the conceptual structure of classical liberalism. The second section of the paper presents the main concepts of classical liberalism and a historical perspective of the citizens’ offensive against the estate society and absolute monarchy. Ultimately, the political theory and undertakings of Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, a key figure of the French Revolution's early period, is considered. He is prominent because of being among the first to recognize the importance of the integration of principles of classical liberalism with a new perception of nation based on popular sovereignty. Therefore, the nation is interpreted as a community of free and equal individuals subject to those laws whose general will is expressed through the representative system. Sieyès not only successfully translates the period’s theoretical ideas into political practice, thus directing the course of the Revolution, but also lays the foundation for the development of modern representative liberal democracy

Rad daje uvid u ratnu promidžbu Njemačke i Velike Britanije tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Može se reći kako upravo ratna promidžba ima veliku ulogu u događanjima prije te tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Britanska vlada, koja je bila u velikoj mjeri nespremna za rat, morala je dosta brzo spremiti stanovništvo za rat te mobilizirati cijeli narod ponajprije kako bi mogli preživjeti, a zatim i pobijediti u ratu. S druge stane, Njemačka se temeljila na promidžbi nacionalsocijalističkog karaktera, koja je za cilj imala ostvarivanje njemačkog carstva koji bi na svome čelu imali upravo Nijemce kao rasu koja bi bila nadmoćna u odnosnu za druge. Može se reći kako su obje države za uvjeravanje stanovništva trebale upravo ratnu promidžbu, pri čemu se smatra kako je velika podrška domaćeg stanovništva nacističkom režimu posljedica stalne izloženosti agresivnoj nacističkoj promidžbi. The paper gives an insight into the war propaganda of Germany and Great Britain during the Second World War. It can be said that exactly war propaganda played a big role in the events before and during the Second World War. The British government, which was largely unprepared for war, had to quickly prepare the population for war and mobilize the entire nation first so that they could survive and then win the war. On the other hand, Germany was based on propaganda of a National Socialist character, propaganda aimed at the realization of the German Empire, which would have Germans at its head as a race that would be superior in relation to others. It can be said that both countries needed wartime propaganda to convince the population, and it is believed that the great support of the local population for the Nazi regime is the result of constant exposure to aggressive Nazi propaganda.

Rad daje uvid u ratnu promidžbu Njemačke i Velike Britanije tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Može se reći kako upravo ratna promidžba ima veliku ulogu u događanjima prije te tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata. Britanska vlada, koja je bila u velikoj mjeri nespremna za rat, morala je dosta brzo spremiti stanovništvo za rat te mobilizirati cijeli narod ponajprije kako bi mogli preživjeti, a zatim i pobijediti u ratu. S druge stane, Njemačka se temeljila na promidžbi nacionalsocijalističkog karaktera, koja je za cilj imala ostvarivanje njemačkog carstva koji bi na svome čelu imali upravo Nijemce kao rasu koja bi bila nadmoćna u odnosnu za druge. Može se reći kako su obje države za uvjeravanje stanovništva trebale upravo ratnu promidžbu, pri čemu se smatra kako je velika podrška domaćeg stanovništva nacističkom režimu posljedica stalne izloženosti agresivnoj nacističkoj promidžbi., The paper gives an insight into the war propaganda of Germany and Great Britain during the Second World War. It can be said that exactly war propaganda played a big role in the events before and during the Second World War. The British government, which was largely unprepared for war, had to quickly prepare the population for war and mobilize the entire nation first so that they could survive and then win the war. On the other hand, Germany was based on propaganda of a National Socialist character, propaganda aimed at the realization of the German Empire, which would have Germans at its head as a race that would be superior in relation to others. It can be said that both countries needed wartime propaganda to convince the population, and it is believed that the great support of the local population for the Nazi regime is the result of constant exposure to aggressive Nazi propaganda.

Jedinstvenost i prepoznatljivost karakteristike su gotovo svake države na svijetu. Komunikacija nacionalnog brenda predstavlja važan segment u prepoznatljivosti zemlje te utječe na poslovanje, turizam, investicije, itd. Stoga analiza informacija kojima se procjenjuje razina nacionalnog brendiranja predstavlja važan korak u mjerenju napretka ostvarenog nacionalnim brendiranjem. Cilj ovog rada bio je provesti analizu informacija o Hrvatskoj kao nacionalnom brendu primjenom Indeksa nacionalnog brendiranja Republike Hrvatske kroz šest dimenzija: Ljudi, Upravljanje, Izvoz, Turizam, Ulaganja i imigracije, Kultura i baština. Mogući nedostaci kod provedenog istraživanja su dominacija dobi od 19 do 25 godina u odnosu na ostale dobne skupine koje su pristupile istraživanju, premali broj ispitanika koji su sudjelovali u istraživanju ali i neodgovaranje svih ispitanika na sva postavljena pitanja. Upitnik je ispunilo 342 ispitanika, od čega 167 domaćeg stanovništva i 175 stranog. Prevladavala je dob od 19 do 25 godina i kod domaćih ispitanika (60%) i kod stranih (66%). Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da se percepcija domaćih i stranih ispitanika od prilike podudara što i dokazuju prosječne ocjene koje iznose od domaćih ispitanika 4,85 i od stranih 4,85. Prosječne ocjene domaćih i stranih ispitanika su jednake no ocjene se međusobno razlikuju za svaku dimenziju posebno. Također Hrvatska je sa svojom prosječnom ocjenom od 4,85 zauzela srednju poziciju. Navedeni rezultati ukazuju na to da Hrvatska nije loše percipirana od strane domaćih i stranih ispitanika te da svakako ima veliki potencijal za napredak. Uniqueness and recognizability are the characteristics of almost every country in the world. The communication of the national brand represents an important segment in the recognition of the country and affects business, tourism, investments, etc. Therefore, the analysis of information that is used to assess the level of national branding represents an important step in measuring the progress made by national branding. The aim of this paper was to analyze information about Croatia as a national brand by applying the National Branding Index of the Republic of Croatia through six dimensions: People, Management, Exports, Tourism, Investments and immigration, Culture and heritage. Possible shortcomings of the conducted research are the predominance of the age group from 19 to 25 years old compared to the other age groups that participated in the research, the insufficient number of respondents who participated in the research, but also the failure of all respondents to answer all the questions. The questionnaire was completed by 342 respondents, of which 167 were local and 175 were foreign. The age of 19 to 25 years prevailed for both domestic respondents (60%) and foreign respondents (66%). The results of the research shows that the perception of domestic and foreign respondents are about the same, which is evidenced by the average ratings of 4,85 from domestic respondents and 4.85 from foreign respondents. The average scores of domestic and foreign respondents are equal, but they differ from each other for each dimension separately. Also, Croatia, with its average rating of 4.85 took a middle position. The above results indicate that Croatia is not badly perceived by domestic and foreign respondents and that it certainly has great potential for progress.

Glavni je problem priopćenja vanjska politika Republike Hrvatske (RH) u vezi s Ustavom BiH jer nedovoljno pridonosi rješavanju društvenih, političkih, ekonomskih, kulturnih itd. slabosti Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) koje mogu i trebaju biti rješavane unutar prava. Ta je politika nedovoljno uspješna jer nije državna, nego strančarska. Matica politike je narodnjačka, tj. etnička. Alternativa zanemaruje činjenicu da je RH, kao stranka Daytonskoga mirovnog sporazuma, čiji je dio Ustav BiH, internacionalnim pravom ovlaštena zahtijevati od drugih stranaka, uključujući BiH, da poštuju i primijene Sporazum. Sporedni je problem priopćenja nedostatna znanstvena spoznaja glavnog problema. Posljedica je pomanjkanja interesa pravnih znanstvenika u RH i previda pravnih slabosti politike. Temeljna je svrha priopćenja priprema istraživačkog projekta unutar integralne pravne znanosti dopunjene izvornom pravnom dogmatikom i prilagođenom pravnopolitičkom analizom. Hipoteze, koje su dijelom ispitane, pripisuju politiku uvjetima te predviđaju razvoj problema ako se politika ne promijeni i ako se prromijeni u skladu s prijedlogom izloženim u priopćenju., The paper deals with the main problem of the Republic of Croatia’s foreign policy on the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which fails to alleviate the social (political, economic, cultural, etc.) inadequacies of Bosnia and Herzegovina that can and ought to be solved within the limits of the law. It is of meagre success because it is a policy of political parties rather than of a nation-state. The mainstream policy is ethnicist. Its alternative ignores the fact that the Republic of Croatia, as a party to the Dayton Peace Agreement, whose part is the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is by international law entitled to demand other parties, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, to observe and change the Agreement. The subordinate problem is a paucity of knowledge provided by legal scholars in the Republic of Croatia about the main problem. The knowledge deficit is a consequence of the lack of interest in the policy and oversight of its legal ramifications. The principal goal of the paper is the preparation of a research-project within integral legal scholarship supplemented by original legal dogmatics and adjusted policy analysis. The principal hypotheses are that the past policy can be ascribed to Croatian institutions (legalistic order, ethnic state, parochial studies) and their environment (dependence on foreign powers, pre-political and pre-legal conditions of the Croatian population); and that the same policy, even in a stable environment, should be expected to facilitate threats to the very existence of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Bosnian Croats, thus greatly endangering the Republic of Croatia. On the assumption that the environment, as well as the institutions and doctrines improve, the paper proposes a state policy as an alternative to past partisanship, with a view of re-instituting Bosnia and Hercegovina as a functional nation-state, establishing local and cultural autonomy, and retaining the constitution-making power of each major ethnic community in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The expected consequences are the strengthening of Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bosnian Croats, and the Republic of Croatia, in line with the values and principles of the inquiry.

Ovaj članak osvrće se na pojam nacije iz biblijske perspektive analizirajući one naglaske koje ističe Capetownski iskaz o predanju, posebice u poglavlju „Graditi Kristov mir u podijeljenom i slomljenom svijetu“. Poseban osvrt bit će dan na temu nacije i nacionalizma u hrvatskom kontekstu. U prvome dijelu daje se uvod u tri temeljne teorije nacionalizma, u drugome dijelu analizira se svetopisamsko poimanje naroda. Nakon toga pozornost se usmjerava na dokument Capetownski iskaz o predanju i na tematiku izgradnje mira i pravde među narodima, a u zadnjem dijelu nudi se tumačenje odnosa naroda i nacionalizama u hrvatskom kontekstu iz rimokatoličke i evanđeoske perspektive. Cilj i svrha članka je analizirati biblijske i teološke naglaske dokumenta po pitanju nacije, dovesti ih u interakciju s drugim dokumentima i teološkim glasovima, i razumjeti njihovu primjenu unutar hrvatskog konteksta sa svrhom doprinosa evanđeoskom pokretu u Hrvatskoj u njegovoj misiji naviještanja Evanđelja u hrvatskom kontekstu. U članku se zaključuje kako postoje biblijski temelji koji pozitivno vrednuju egzistenciju naroda. Njih treba promatrati pozitivno iz perspektive Božjega stvaralačkog čina, negativno kroz prihvaćanje stvarnosti pada koji je utjecao i na egzistenciju naroda, te pozitivno iz perspektive Božje eshatološke budućnosti gdje i narodi imaju svoje mjesto. Ključne riječi

Disertacija na primjeru hrvatske književne i filmske produkcije u postjugoslavenskom razdoblju propituje neka od općih mjesta suvremene teorijske misli. Iskustvo neposredne zbilje u proteklih trideset godina pokazalo nam je slabu validnost i primjenjivost brojnih općeprihvaćenih postmodernističkih teorijskih koncepata. U trenutku kada se već odavno govorilo o nestanku velikih „metapriča“ (Lyotard), „kraju povijesti“ (Fukuyama), „ratovima koji se nisu dogodili“ (Baudrillard), jugoslavenska se kultura suočila s destrukcijom i instrumentalizacijom čije posljedice i danas osjećamo. Upravo je kultura filter kroz koji sagledavamo i tumačimo stvarnost, a ovaj rad kao svoj cilj uzima prikaz njezinih promjena u razdoblju od stjecanja nominalne samostalnosti Republike Hrvatske pa sve do danas. Disertacija nudi tumačenje kako smo u navedenom razdoblju posredstvom romana i filma tvorili priče o sebi. Rad se ne bavi samo pitanjem kako su se priče sastavljale, već nastoji odgovoriti i na pitanje kako su one djelovale te čemu su služile. U fokusu rada je razmatranje ideologije i spektakla kao središnjih točaka provedena istraživanja. Disertacija pokazuje da smo u proteklih trideset godina svjedočili procesu metamorfoze uprizorenja kulture od dominantno ideološki obojenih diskurzivnih praksi u javnome prostoru (tijekom 1990-ih) do onog uprizorenja koje egzistira unutar medijatiziranog spektakla te kojemu je upravo produkcija spektakla primarna svrha (od početka 2000-ih). Također, istraživanje je pokazalo da je domaća kulturna scena od nekadašnjih etatističkih kriterija u kulturnoj proizvodnji ustoličila nove kriterije, ekonomske, čime se potvrdila istinitost tvrdnje prema kojoj se ideologija demokracije otkriva kao „diktatorska sloboda tržišta“ (Debord). Interesni korpus rada obuhvaća djela nastala tijekom 1990-ih koja su obrađivala ratna zbivanja, djela koja su stvarali pisci okupljeni oko FAK-a na početku dvijetisućitih te ona koja nastaju u razdoblju nakon njegova gašenja. U istom vremenskom odsječku interes je usmjeren i na filmsku proizvodnju, pretežito igranu, ali rad se također dotiče i nekoliko dokumentarističkih ostvarenja. Analitički fokus posvećuje se i paraliterarnim fenomenima kao što su književne skupine, nagrade te legitimacijske strategije za pozicioniranje pojedinih aktera unutar kulturnog polja. Rad počiva na komparativnom proučavanju odnosa hrvatske književnosti i filma te nudi sliku narativne artikulacije identitetskih pitanja u hrvatskom društvu. U disertaciji se poseže za metodologijom povijesnog dokumentiranja građe te za suvremenim metodama interpretacije (konstrukcionistički i dekonstrukcionistički pristup). The dissertation on the example of Croatian literary and film production in the post-Yugoslav period questions some of the general points of contemporary theoretical thought. The experience of immediate reality over the past thirty years has shown us the weak validity and applicability of several generally accepted postmodernist theoretical concepts. At a time when there has long been talked of the disappearance of the great „metanarratives“ (Lyotard), „the end of history“ (Fukuyama) and „wars that did not take place“ (Baudrillard), Yugoslav culture faced destruction and instrumentalization whose consequences we still feel today. Specifically, culture is the filter through which we perceive and interpret reality, and this thesis aims to present its changes in the period from the acquisition of nominal independence of the Republic of Croatia until today. The dissertation offers an interpretation of how we created stories about ourselves in the mentioned period through novels and films. It not only deals with the question of how the stories were composed but also seeks to answer the question of how they operated and what they served. The focus of the thesis is on the consideration of ideology and spectacle as central points of the conducted research. It shows that in the past thirty years we have witnessed a process of metamorphosis of staging culture from predominantly ideologically marked discursive practices in public space (during the 1990s) to staging that exists within a mediated spectacle and for which spectacle production is the primary purpose (since the early 2000s). Furthermore, the research shows that the domestic cultural scene has established new economic criteria from the former statist criteria in cultural production, which truthfully confirms the claim that the ideology of democracy is revealed as „the dictatorial freedom of the market“ (Debord). The interest corpus of this thesis includes works created during the 1990s that dealt with the war theme, works created by writers gathered around the FAK in the early 2000s, and those created in the period after its disappearance. In the same period, interest is focused on film production also, mostly fiction, but it nevertheless addresses several documentary achievements. The analytical focus includes para-literary phenomena as well, such as literary groups, awards and legitimation strategies for positioning certain participants in the cultural field. The thesis is based on a comparative study of the relationship between Croatian literature and film and offers depicting of a narrative articulation of identity issues in Croatian society. It reaches out to the methodology of historical documentation of material and modern methods of interpretation (constructionist and deconstructionist approach). In the introductory part of the thesis, the theoretical and contextual framework of the research is established and the goals and hypotheses of further analysis are defined, as well as numerous sub-analyzes that will be offered in the following text. The mapped context refers to domestic literary and film production from the independence of the Republic of Croatia until today, and the goal is directed towards the narrative articulation of themes (war, nationalism, transition) in the post-Yugoslav society and especially those elements in the observed cultural complex that contributed to the identity representation in a new political and economic context. An overview of previous research related to the topic (for example B. Buden, D. Duda, N. Gilić, M. Kolanović, H. Turković, etc.) is offered, and the theoretical framework of thinking is indicated as well (T. Eagleton, J. Lyotard, D. Kellner, etc.). It is pointed out that in the early phase of the observed period Croatian society was marked by a state of war, the implementation of democracy and the acceptance of the capitalist system. Attention is also drawn to the formative factors which influenced not only the cultural production of that period but also reflected the shaping of the cultural sphere in the further course of Croatian contemporary cultural history. In this context, the analysis is focused on the process of metamorphosis of cultural performance in public space which was developed from the nucleus of distinct ideological character, characteristic of the period during the 1990s, and led to increasing spectacularization of the cultural field, noticeable since the early 2000s. This metamorphosis is also connected with the establishment of a new economic reality shaped by the newly adopted principles of market economy, which will expose Croatian cultural production to „dictatorial freedom of the market“ (Debord) and will reflect on the establishment of the new value criteria in perceiving cultural products. The central part of the dissertation opens with a chapter entitled Narrative of the Social Text. It discusses the mechanisms of constituting political ideologies and problematizes the question of the role of culture in the process of designing the idea of tradition and nation of a particular community. The reflections of B. Anderson, J. Assmann, S. Malešević, E. Said and R. Williams, which are applied in the analysis of the presentation of Croatian identity from the acquisition of independence to the present day, are of great importance for the presented conclusions. The next chapter of the dissertation brings into focus this period, which was largely characterised by the transition process. In this most comprehensive part of the discussion, transition issues are considered from different perspectives. From the causal point of view, the political transition is observed, then the economic transition, and finally the cultural transition to which most space is dedicated. In the context of the analysis of cultural transition, the process of restructuring cultural values in society is monitored based on previously analyzed political and economic processes. Emphasis is placed on the consequences of political and economic changes on the cultural scene. This is elaborated in subchapters whose titles summarize thematic and problem focus of cultural processes: Redefining Cultural Identities, Introducing New Technologies into Cultural Creation, Openness of Cultural Communication and Mediation of Cultural Values, Placement of Cultural Products and Values on the Market and Cultural Industrialization. In the chapter Cultural Field as a Field of Struggle, the presented theoretical observations are summarized and are applied to the comparative reading of various examples from Croatian literature and cinematography. This section presents conclusions on the repositioning of individual writers and groups (M. Krleža, M. Budak, Croatian Writers’ Association, Croatian Writers Society) in the context of transitional culture, and the formative role of literary and film festivals (FAK, Pula Film Festival, Motovun Film Festival) within the domestic cultural field is discussed. The chapter Spectacle of Public Space is divided into three subchapters: Spectacle of Politics, Spectacle of Culture and Spectacle of Criticism. The very notion of spectacle is used as interpreted by Guy Debord – as a form of annulment of historical knowledge. In the Croatian cultural field numerous confirmations are found for Debord's observations on the representations as sets of selected images and the notions generated from them, that finally emerge as substitutes for real social life. Referring to the disintegration of the SFRY, it is concluded that in the early 1990s Croatia entered the „post-communist process of transformation“ and, like many other post-communist countries, was struck by the phenomena of culturalization and depoliticization. At that historical moment, culture became a key element for creating new identities and at the same time a means of political positioning of its participants, as well as the Republic of Croatia itself in relation to its history and Europe, to which, after the transition process, Croatia strives to unite by joining the European Union. Furthermore, the unsatisfactory effects of the described political instrumentalization of culture are analytically demonstrated, and the example of a part of the literary scene (FAK) points to the side effects of such an approach, ie. attempts to defend – increasingly represented since the early 2000s – from such processes and repercussions of the all mentioned onto the status of literary criticism itself. The latter topic is addressed by relying on authors such as A. Compagnon, U. Eco, S. Petrović, M. Solar and others. The chapter War by Book, War by Film discusses the treatment of literary texts in school textbooks (N. Veličković) and the possibilities of coding and decoding (S. Hall) of new texts within the discourse of school textbooks (P. Lucić). These insights are also applied in the review of film examples, drawing attention to the possibilities and limitations of propagating certain values through national cinemas (Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian). The offered comparative insights are based on a rich selection of films (Vrijeme za... / Time for..., Oja Kodar, 1993; Cijena života / Price of Life, Bogdan Žižić, 1994; Četverored / Four Lines, Jakov Sedlar, 1999; Ničija zemlja / No Man's Land, Danis Tanović, 2001; Svjedoci / Witnesses, Vinko Brešan, 2003; Grbavica / Grbavica: The Land of My Dreams, Jasmila Žbanić, 2006; Zvizdan / The High Sun, Dalibor Matanić, 2015; General, Antun Vrdoljak, 2019; Quo vadis, Aida?, Jasmila Žbanić, 2020...). This chapter discusses the rhetorical possibilities of documentary film in addition to a feature film. The conclusion of the dissertation is to underline the key, previously elaborated findings presented in the paper.

Diplomski rad naslova „Književnost i konstruiranje identiteta – kolumbijske godine samoće“, bavi se temom konstruiranja identiteta u okviru i uz pomoć književnosti, a na primjeru Kolumbije. Rad će prvo definirati neke od osnovnih pojmova, poput: identiteta, nacije, nacionalnog identiteta, zatim razlike između Hispanske i Latinske Amerike i dr. Pojasnit će i ključne povijesne, društveno-političke i književne okolnosti u okviru kojih se obrađuju naveden teme. U konačnici, u posljednjem poglavlju rada, primijenit će se teorijsko predznanje na konkretan roman, odnosno konstrukciju identiteta Kolumbije u kontekstu romana Sto godina samoće.

Nacionalni identitet stvaranjem nacionalnih država proljećem naroda 1848. godine mnogim ljudima predstavlja jedan od integralnih čimbenika kojim oni razumijevaju sebe i poistovjećuju se s drugim ljudima koji pripadaju istoj naciji. Nacionalni identitet iz vizure eminentnih teoretičara nacije, poput Andersona, može imati blagotvoran utjecaj na pojedinca, stvarajući u njemu osjećaj sigurnosti posredstvom pounutrenja vjere, kontinuiteta postojanja nacije i stvaranja kohezije u društvu. No, u ovom radu bit će stavljen naglasak na načine na koji se predočava nacionalni identitet u jednom dijelu opusa kazališnog redatelja Olivera Frljića koji je, između ostalog, obilježen njegovim dekonstruiranjem. Ponajprije će biti prikazano dekonstruiranje nacionalnog identiteta u razlličitim predstavama i samim time, uzdrmavanje važnosti nacije kao tvrde činjenice, i to putem zadiranja u različita očitovanja njezine dekonstrukcije (od uvjerenosti u posebnost vlastita jezika, prešućivanja mračnih strana države do prokazivanja osoba izdajnicima domovine samo zbog toga što su se odvažili suprotstaviti službenim istinama). Frljićev kreativni impuls pri bavljenju problematikom nacije usmjeren je na bespoštedno demontiranje svih mitova o naciji kao bezgrešnoj samo zato što ima kapitalno značenje u životu većine ljudi.