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Copyright of Journal of Communication Theory & Research / Iletisim Kuram ve Arastirma Dergisi is the property of Gazi University, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Dil Araştırmaları is the property of Journal of Dil Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reviews the main methodological approaches to the study of the discourse of nationalism in multi-ethnic societies that exist in international research practice.Aim. Purpose is to review the existing approaches to the study of nationalist discourse in modern research, their advantages and disadvantages.Tasks. Objectives are to determine what are the current methods for the study of nationalist discourse in the scientific environment, to examine the limitations of their implementation, to identify the most promising approaches, to specify what are the advantages and disadvantages of the used methodological approaches.Methods. The comparative analysis method was applied to determine the advantages and disadvantages of the methodological approaches to study the discourse of nationalism. The article also used the method of bibliographic data analysis in order to deepen the understanding of the existing methodological approaches to the study of the discourse of nationalism by searching and studying scientific materials and works of scientists.Results. The article deals with the quantitative and qualitative methods to study the nationalist discourse in multi-ethnic environment, the difficulties and limitations of the implementation of these or those methods, as well as their advantages and disadvantages. Special attention was paid to the method of content analysis of social networks and blogosphere, since today the study of sentiments in social networks is gaining importance, due to the increasing breadth of audience coverage in different countries as well as the emergence of new formats of citizen participation, such as online participation.Conclusions. Today, the discourse related to nationalist sentiments is most prevalent in internet, for a number of reasons, including the speed and ease of presenting information and the horizontal connectivity. Therefore, in multi-ethnic societies, great importance should be given to scrutinising content on social media including the use of ‘hate speech’. In this regard, the paper makes recommendations for analysing the information space and strengthening work in this direction.

This study intends to analyze Damaschin Bojincă's historical writing about the emblematic ruler Michael the Brave, published in the Romanian periodical Bibliotecă românească (Romanian library) in 1830. Illustrative of the ideological principles promoted by the Transylvanian School, to which Damaschin Bojincã belonged, the writing is in fact a translation, the source text being Johann Christian von Engel's Geschichte der Moldau und Walachey (1804). Yet, this translation can be understood only in the context of the ideology of the Transylvanian School. Even though translation activities did not abide by any scientific rigors in premodern Romanian literature, Bojincă made use of certain strategies, in order to convey his nationalist credo, which was symptomatic of the period around the turn of the 19th century. Thus, starting from the historical and cultural context of the Transylvanian School, the article will present some of the translation strategies used by Bojincã in his historical writing, as a means of national propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The figure of Damaschin Bojincă is linked to the activity of the Transylvanian School, even though he spent most of his life in Moldavia as a jurisconsult. Benefitting from the culturally effervescent period at the turn of the 19th century, from a varied education in several fields and in a European context, as well as from the direct contact with European prominent scholars and intellectuals, Damaschin Bojincă is known in the specialty literature as a historian, linguist, legal scholar and translator. However, all these fields of activity revolve around the ideology of the Transylvanian School, that of creating a national identity and an educated Romanian readership. The purpose of this paper is to present the personality of Damaschin Bojincă and the manner in which these goals were achieved both in his historical writings, where he acted in fact as translator, as well as in his active position as jurisconsult and professor of law in Moldavia.

The article presents the results of an analysis of the discourse of nationalist youth organisations in Poland. The authors have attempted to reconstruct the common “us” of two youth organisations based on the materials made available by them as well as articles in the press published in 2018 in selected journals and weeklies. This was the year when Poland celebrated its 100th anniversary of regaining independence, which made this an exceptional time in the context of discourse about the community. The article focuses on two youth organisations – the All-Polish Youth (APY) and the National Radical Camp (NRC). The study answers the question of how the “us” community is construed within the organisation, what are its dimensions, and are they places where the two heterotopic principles are implemented: (1) The principles of openness and closedness of a community or communities, and (2) the rules for compiling several different heterogenous spaces within one organisation. This article was prepared within a research project which is in line with the so-called topographical turn in discursive research and refers particularly to the concept of heterotopia of Michel Foucault. The research showed that the discursive constructions of youth communities reflected these two heterotopic principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the update of ideological foundations of the largest right-wing radical party in Britain (and in the whole of Europe) - the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). The subject of the research is the partys programmatic text, Manifesto for Brexit and Beyond, a document that is not limited to the discussion of Brexit alone. This document appeared at the end of 2019 and, despite the frequent change of leadership in the party during 2020, remained the ideological foundation of the organization after Brexit. The aim of the article is to analyze how the ideological base of the right-wing British radical party was formed in the socio-political realities of the initial period after the states exit from the European Union. The paper presents a discursive analysis of the main ideological document of one of UKIP, as well as identifies the ideological positions of British right-wing radicals at the present stage. Since the research is mainly practice-oriented, the main results are presented the data obtained through discourse analysis using to the method of R. Wodak. The data testify the changes that have been taking place in the discourse of the extreme right in Britain in recent years, as well as the prospects for its evolution in the coming years after Brexit. Studying UKIPs discourse, the author concludes that it forms depending on the political, social and cultural conditions that prevail in modern British society, as well as on the general European context. The article also shows how a modern right-wing radical party constructs its discourse using the most painful issues for the society within the framework of political struggle.

This article provides introduction and context for the papers published in the current issue. Seven case studies examine the conceptions of "nation," national existence, national history and national art in the writings of influential intellectuals active in a variety of fields--historians, literary critics, artists and art critics, and a philosopher--in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and their successor states throughout the 20th century. Individual cases are analysed within the context of period nationalist discourse and policies of nation-building with special attention devoted to various aspects of the intellectuals' strategies in adapting concepts and theories from foreign sources and appropriating them to domestic national(ist) ideological contexts and doctrinal needs via assimilation, bending existing doctrines or deconstruction. The articles presented here provide readers an opportunity to learn about the intellectual's relationship to the ruling powers, and about their efforts to legitimise or delegitimise regimes, national ideologies and policies, construction of narratives about nation-states' deeply historical origins and the nature of national art and literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the phenomenon of nationalist rap in Poland. According to the authors, the seemingly independent rap uses a more radical version of the discourse of the right-wing establishment that refers to nationalism, Islamophobia, and opposition to migrants. As there is no left-wing cultural narrative in the public space, nationalist rap has become a voice of those who have not benefited from the process of neoliberal transformation in Eastern Europe and a musical setting for the far right. From this perspective, nationalist rap is an identity response to class marginalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the persistent construction of ‘the homeless’ and the revitalised term ‘our homeless’ include, imply, and exclude in Swedish political debate? And how is it politically and morally related to other houseless groups in the country? These questions are approached through an analysis of minutes from the Swedish Parliament 2015–2019. Inspired by Simmel’s (1908/1965) definition of ‘the poor’ as those who get (or would get) public assistance as poor, I claim that in Swedish political discourse, ‘(our) homeless’ comprise only those to whom the society acknowledges a responsibility to give shelter, thereby excluding the tens of thousands of people without homes that are temporarily accommodated by other authorities, private providers or individuals—or not at all. Although official definitions are housing-related, migrants without homes tend to be defined outside the ‘homeless’ concept, as well as from the municipalities’ responsibilities. I will argue that the reasons for this are institutional: regulations and their interpretation, coupled with traditions to care for only ‘our’ people which, in turn, are fortified by current nationalist sentiments.

After the occupation of Iran by the Allies in 1941, the Shah of Iran was forced to renounce the crown in favor of his young son, and from then until the CIA-backed Coup of August 1953, the Iranian society experienced a period of relative cultural freedom, and particularly the press enjoyed an unprecedented liberty. One fruitful outcome of such freedom was the publication of serial novels with sociopolitical themes. One remarkable example is Dar Nim-e Râh-e Behesht (Midway to Paradise) by Saeed Nafisi, which was published, in forty installments, in one of the most influential periodicals of that time, Kaviyan. Since serialized novels are reader-centered and their publication depends on how the readers receive them, Laclau and Mouffe's qualitative method of discourse analysis has been used to analyze the political sphere of the time as well as the discursive sphere of the novel. Analysis of Nafisi's novel Midway to Paradise shows that amongst the four major sociopolitical discourses of the period between 1941 and 1953-namely, Marxism, nationalism, Islamism and monarchism--the aforementioned novel supports the discourse of nationalism, which is revealed and represented by the narrator. This discursive position is also articulated by a critique of the ruling political discourse and its 'Westoxified' agents. The novel also debunks the myth of Communism as defined by the Soviet Union and argues that the Communist paradise is nothing but a sham delusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interplay between homophobia and nationalism by analyzing online comments on the ruling of legalizing same-sex marriage in Taiwan. Drawing on methods from critical discourse analysis, I focus on the framing of this ruling by members from a Chinese antigay community online. I show that they frame this ruling as (1) in opposition to public opinion, (2) promoting 'Westernization' and 'Independence', (3) seeking immorality and self-destruction. I find that within these frames, they evoke nationalist discourses that represent supporters of this ruling as the 'Other' who attempt to split with China, thereby associating LGBT equality movements in China with this political threat. I argue that these nationalist discourses are used in a way that reinforces and legitimizes discourses of homophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yakın dönem ulusal kimlik ve milliyetçilik çalışmaları, modernitenin/modernleşmenin eleştirisi bağlamında modern ‘‘makro’’ ölçekli okumaların yanı sıra kimlik ve milliyetçilik meselesini, ‘‘mikro’’ ölçekte ele almayı denemekte; milliyetçiliğin söylemsel üretim boyutlarına odaklanmaktadır. Bu çalışmaların temel yaklaşımı, milliyetçiliğin anlaşılabilmesi için, ulusal kimliğin kendisi aracılığıyla tahayyül ve inşa edildiği; uygulanıp deneyimlendiği kültür, gelenek, davranış kalıpları, yaşam tarzları gibi bir dizi toplumsal pratiğe ‘‘söylem’’ ve söylemsel oluşumlar perspektifinden bakılması gerektiğini önerir. Bu toplumsal pratiklerden biri olan ‘‘yemek’’in (yeme-içme kültürü, mutfak çeşitliliği, gıda politikaları vb.), ulusal kimliği ve milliyetçiliği açıklamaya yönelik temel kültürel bileşenlerden birini oluşturduğu bu makalenin temel tezidir. Bu bağlamda yemek, ulusal kimlik ve milliyetçilik ilişkisine iki farklı alandan hareketle yaklaşmayı önerir: gayri resmi/aşağıdan yukarıya ve resmi/yukarıdan aşağıya. Bu yaklaşımın anlaşılabilmesi için çalışmanın sorunsalı farklı boyutlardan açımlanmaya (bireyler, özel sektör ve devlet) ve örneklendirilmeye (yemek kültürü ve ulusal markalar) çalışılmıştır.

Bu çalışma, sosyo-kültürel bir yaklaşımla 1929-1933 yılları arasında Cumhuriyet Gazetesi tarafından düzenlenen güzellik yarışmalarını bir halkla ilişkiler çalışması olarak ele alarak yapılan ilk yarışmaya ilişkin haber metinlerinin milliyetçi söylem tarafından nasıl biçimlendirildiği ve yarışmanın bir halkla ilişkiler çalışması olarak nasıl işlevlendirildiğini ortaya çıkarmak amacını taşımaktadır. Bu amaçla, 1929 yılında düzenlenen ilk güzellik yarışmasının ilan edildiği 4 Şubat 1929 tarihi ile yarışmanın sonuçlandığı 4 Eylül 1929 tarihleri arasında Cumhuriyet Gazetesinde yayınlanan ilk sayfa haberleri doküman taraması ile derlenmiş, toplanan verilerden güzellik yarışmasına dair haber metinleri; milliyetçilik söyleminin temel argümanları açısından değerlendirilmiş, milliyetçi söylemin yarışmanın anlamına olan etkisi belirlenmeye çalışılmıştır. İnceleme sonunda “Biz/Onlar İkilemi”, “Diğer Uluslarla Eşitlik” ve “Kolektif Katılım” kategorilerinin ön plana çıktığı görülmüş, yarışmanın milli bir mesele olarak konumlandırıldığı, uluslararası güzellik yarışmasına bir Türk güzeli göndermenin modern milletler arasına girmek ile eşit gösterildiği sonuçlarına ulaşılmıştır.

About half a century after its publication in 1847, Wuthering Heights came to China and became part of the historical process of this country; as a result it was constantly transformed to meet the demands of Chinese political and cultural reality. It was adapted into two dramas in the 1940s: To Die for Love by Sun Daolin (1921–2007) mainly performed in the Japanese-occupied areas; and Everlasting Resentment by Zhao Qingge (1914–1999) mainly performed in Kuomintang-controlled areas. The dramatization of Wuthering Heights involves the construction of nationalist discourse to meet Chinese social demands during wartime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in the late 1980s, communist regimes in both Yugoslavia and the USSR faced a crisis of legitimacy, causing a demand for competitive regional elections and widespread demands for autonomy and independence in these republics, which in turn threatened to reduce the status of the Russian and Serbian minorities there.Despite the notable similarities in their respective political environments, Serbs mobilized in support of an extreme nationalist ideology while Russians did not. This paper compares the contrasting experiences of Russians and Serbs from 1987-1991 in order to determine whether, when, and against whom a given nation mobilizes behind an extreme nationalist ideology.This paper examines theories of nationalism and nationalist ideologies and discusses the concept of an extreme nationalist ideology. Following is an examination of the fundamental differences between the Serbian and Russian nationalist discourses. Next, the author presents the two independent variables that determined the relevant differences in the Serbian and Russian nationalist discourses: the extent to which the nation had an established nation-state during the social mobilization period; and the extent to which the nation historically lived under a singular and strong state with other nations inhabiting the territory of the current state. A third independent variable in this analysis, the capacity of the current state, did not affect the character of a given nation’s nationalist discourse; however, it determined precisely when the nation mobilized behind an extreme nationalist ideology.From these three independent variables, the author derives three underlying factors responsible for the mobilization of a given nation behind an extreme nationalist ideology: the relative absence of an established nation-state during the social mobilization period, the historical absence of a singular and strong state, and the disintegration of the current state. The author argues that each of these three factors was essential in the transformation of the Serbian nationalist discourse in 1987-1991 into a mass-based, extreme nationalist ideology.

This paper employs discursive constructivism to delineate four rhetorical paradigms of nationalist discourse and to compare their potential for conflict. It proposes a four-fold typology which sees the intuitive tropes of antithesis and simile, and the counterintuitive metaphor and irony as structuring principles for national self-images. These are four modes of constructing a cultural deixis, that is, a relationship between national self and its cultural other. The paper argues that the frequency and magnitude of nationalistic conflicts may be minimized by the steady and widespread counter-enculturation of the non-conflictual discourses of analogical (simile-based), metaphoric, and ironic nationalisms. This argument is illustrated with examples from modern and recent Romanian history, but may be taken to epitomize the condition of most postcommunist European nations.

The central argument of this paper is that historical fiction as a mode has an enormous political utility to nationalist discourse and practice. In this paper, Assia Djebar's novel Children of the New World: A Novel of the Algerian War (1962) is considered to identify the ways in which fiction can be used as a vehicle for the consolidation of Algerian nationalist consciousness. Children of the New World sheds light on patriarchy but connects it with the colonial assault. The novel's endorsement of the nationalist order of rule is evident particularly in the context of the Algerian revolutionary moment. The paper identifies a range of the strategies and techniques that the novel deploys in order to unearth the hidden political agenda. The paper, therefore, is a contribution to contemporary debates about the =nation' as a concept (and nationalism as its ideology), particularly in the postcolonial context of Arab-majority nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of OPUS - International Journal of Society Researches is the property of OPUS - International Journal of Society Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)