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A cross-linguistically stable property of bare nominals is number neutrality: they do not imply any commitment to a singular or plural interpretation. In Wolof, however, BNs are singular when unmodified and a plural interpretation only becomes available when a nominal-internal plural feature occurs. The generalization is that BNs in Wolof are singular, unless plural morphology is exponed. I propose that, while both a singular and plural NumP are available in Wolof, only the former leads to a convergent derivation. This is caused by the stipulation that the plural Num must lower onto n, combined with the assumption that BNs lack an nP. Number morphology becomes available when a relative clause is merged with the BN. The licensing of a RC implies the addition of an nP, which allows a plural Num to satisfy its lowering requirement. Some nominal modifiers, however, do not have number morphology and they do not require the projection of nP. As such, the plural Num cannot satisfy its requirement. &nbsp

This chapter summarizes the variation observed across nominal number systems cross-linguistically. The morphological realization of number varies with respect to the range of number values marked and the range of nouns that take number marking in a given language. However, the study of nominal number morphology is further complicated by the intricate interactions of morphology with syntax and semantics. On the syntactic side, nominal number morphology interacts with definiteness marking and syntactic role. On the semantic side, certain types of nominal number marking impose semantically specific readings on the nominals contrasting with other types of nominal number marking that allow inclusive plural readings in certain semantic contexts. The study of number-neutral reference has to examine the semantic effects arising from morphological, syntactic, and semantic sources separately.

Based on a discussion of correlations between syntactic position, prosodic cues, aspect and generic vs. non-generic interpretations, this paper substantiates that Danish Bare Plural count nouns (BPs) have a wider distribution than Bare Singular count nouns (BSs). BPs, unlike BSs, can occur in subject position, function as both generic and existential arguments, and appear with all aspectual verb classes. However, BPs and BSs expressing a non-generic, modificational meaning concur in object position of activity verbs and stative verbs with a possession relation implicature. These V+BP and V+BS structures, it is suggested, form a progressive continuum of three different subtypes of pseudo-incorporation (PI), namely (i) PI of BPs (low integration as inspise æbler‘eat apples’), (ii) PI oftype 1BSs (medium integration as inmale hus‘paint house’), and (iii) PI oftype 2BSs (maximum integration as inspille violin‘play violin’).

Diese Dissertation untersucht das variable Verhalten von sogenannten „bare nouns“ (Nominale ohne Artikel) im Persischen. Dieses Verhalten kann jedoch nicht verstanden werden ohne eine Reihe von entscheidenden Eigenschaften der persischen Satzstruktur zu betrachten. Dazu gehören Informationsstruktur, Prosodie und Wortstellung, sowie die semantischen und syntaktischen Funktionen verschiedener morphologischer Markierungen im Persischen. Die vorliegende Dissertation kann daher zum besseren Verständnis von satzinterner Syntax, Semantik und Prosodie des Persischen beitragen. Ich beginne meine Untersuchung mit dem Vergleich der BNs in verschiedenen Positionen mit Nominalen, die mit verschiedenen Morphemen gekennzeichnet sind. Die quasi-inkorporierten Nominale im Persischen scheinen zur Klasse der diskursintransparenten inkorporierenden Sprachen zu gehören. Doch dies scheint nicht immer zu stimmen, unter bestimmten Umständen zeigen persische BNs Diskurstransparenz. In Kapitel 3 untersuche ich daher, unter welchen Umständen BNs Diskurstransparenz zeigen und warum. In Kapitel 3 präsentiere ich einen Alternativvorschlag zu Farkas & de Swart, in dem ich darlege, dass ein BN tatsächlich einen neuen Diskursreferenten einführt. Aber der Numerus von BNs ist neutral (numerusneutralen Diskursreferenten).In der zweiten Hälfte der Dissertation wird die Interpretation von BNs in verschiedenen Positionen und mit unterschiedlichen grammatischen Funktionen diskutiert. Kapitel 4 konzentriert sich auf BNs in Objektposition. Wir stellen einen direkten Vergleich an zwischen BNs als tatsächliche BNs, d.h. Nominale, die nicht mit einem Morphem markiert sind, und Kontexten, in denen sie mit dem Morphem -ra auftreten. Ich werde argumentieren, dass -ra lediglich markiert, dass ein BN oder auch ein anderes Nominal nicht in seiner VP-internen Position interpretiert, sondern in eine VP-externe Domäne bewegt wird. Das bedeutet, das Morphem -ra ist ein syntaktisches Morphem auf Phrasenebene. This thesis explores the variable behavior of bare nouns in Persian. Bare singular nouns realize different grammatical functions, including subject, object and indirect object. They receive different interpretations, including generic, definite and existential readings. However, the task of understanding the reasons for, and limits on, this variation cannot be achieved without understanding a number of pivotal features of Persian sentential architecture, including Information Structure, prosody, word order, and the functions of various morphological markers in Persian. With respect to the discourse transparency of Incorporated Nominals, under certain circumstances, Persian bare nouns show discourse transparency. These circumstances are examined in chapter 3, and it is proposed that bare nouns do introduce a number neutral discourse referent. This proposal is phrased within Discourse Representation Theory. In the second half of the dissertation, the interpretation of bare nouns in different positions and with different grammatical functions are discussed. Under the independently supported hypothesis of position>interpretation mapping developed by Diesing (1992), we will see the role of the suffix -ra in indicating that an object has been moved out of VP. For subjects, there is no morphological marking corresponding to –ra on objects, and we have to rely on prosody and word order to determine how a VP is interpreted using theories of the interaction of accent and syntactic structure. It is proposed that both subject and object originate within the VP, and can move out to the VP-external domain. The motivation for these movements are informational-structural in nature, relating in particular to the distinctions between given and new information, and default and non-default information structure.

The first aim of this paper is to make a thorough description of the use of nominals as well as of the use of the definite determiner in both Souletin (the most eastern dialect of Basque) and Standard Basque (plus the rest of Basque dialects). Then, assuming that Souletin is a previous stage compared to Standard Basque (cf. Michelena 1964, Camino to appear; cf. also Manterola 2012), the main aim of this paper is to explain how Basque historically moves from a situation where bare nouns (BNs) are allowed (in some restricted argument position and only in Souletin) to a situation where BNs are not allowed in argument position (Standard Basque). This paper argues that the reason we move from system A to system B is basically due to a semantic weakening and loss of the Souletin null D: (i) in Souletin BNs are full DPs with an empty head occupied by a phonetically null D--with indefinite reference and unspecified for number--, partly in line with Longobardi (1994, 2001); (ii) this null D loses its semantic features and since it is null it cannot be reanalyzed and gets lost; (iii) in Standard Basque, since null D is no longer available, the definite article [-a]--which will be argued to be a semantically flexible element--takes its place, as is phonologically a weak element, i.e. a suffix, and so the closest phonological alternative to the null D.