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This study compares the disasters between 1802 and 1812 in South America, differentiating the use of political and religious discourse between those of biological origin, such as smallpox, and geological origin, such as an earthquake. The knowledge that circulated at that time about the possible causes of these phenomena ranged from more scientific explanations in the context of the Enlightenment movement to more traditional opinions rooted in a providential thought inherited from the Ancien Régime. To answer these research questions, official documents, letters, newspapers of the time, and files from the General Archive of the Indies, the National Historical Archive of Spain, and a specialized bibliography were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of REICE. Ibero-American Journal on Quality, Effectiveness & Change in Education / REICE. Revista Iberoamericana Sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación is the property of Red Iberoamericana de Investigacion sobre Cambio y Eficacia en Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this research we analyze the struggles and interactions of the government and the Bolivian universities around how engineers and cadres technicians should be trained, and be technical requirements required by the planned modernization, or developmentalism, of the country between 1960 and 1964. We inquire about his visions inherent to developmentalism, the formation of squares techniques as means of that, and their political strategies and available resources seeking impose them. We reveal the influences of these issues on the effective training of cadres technicians; the institutional reconfiguration of higher education in Bolivia, especially its facets subsequent to the creation of the Bolivian Technological Institute (ITB); and the its facets subsequent to the creation of the Bolivian Technological Institute (ITB); and the rearrangements and consequences of political struggles seeking to intervene in modernization planning of the country and its consequences. We retrieved primary data from the following sources: rectorate files and the institutional memories of the Universidad Mayor de San Simón (UMSS), documents newspapers, political newspapers (weeklies, proclamations, pamphlets, union resolutions and assembly meetings, among others), writers of university congresses and rectors' conferences; as well as: laws, supreme decrees, official speeches and essay production. And secondary data from recognized books and articles concerning the object studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En su reflexión acerca de la política, Hannah Arendt se vio obligada de dar cuenta de la importancia de la filosofía hegeliana para la moderna concepción de los asuntos humanos. El objeto de este artículo reside en el análisis de la naturaleza ambivalente, con respecto a lo político, que Arendt localiza en el pensamiento de Hegel. De acuerdo con Arendt, en Hegel se da, por un lado, una rehabilitación de la política, dado que el pensador alemán deshecha definitivamente la convicción metafísica de que a la esfera de la acción no pertenece verdad ninguna; no obstante, y al mismo tiempo, se alcanzan ciertos resultados que tendieron a fijarse en un concepto anti-político de los asuntos humanos, ajustado a ciertos derroteros dominantes en la Modernidad. En Hegel, en suma, se presentan, en un mismo gesto, las promesas modernas de la política, pero también sus riesgos, paradojas y callejones ciegos.

Este artículo pretende abrir una vía de investigación para explorar en qué sentido la metodología y algunas de las obras de Hannah Arendt pueden ser interpretadas como formas de historia cultural. Esta primera incursión se realizará, en especial, a partir del estudio de tres escritos que coinciden en su época de publicación Rahel Varnhagen (1957), La condición humana (1958) y «Cultura y política» (1959) y que tratan desde diferentes aristas el tema de la relación entre la cultura y la política: desde el vínculo entre la socialización de la cultura y la asimilación judía, desde la posición del arte en las actividades de la vita activa y desde la su teoría política y sus reflexiones sobre la crisis en la cultura.

El presente artículo problematiza el sentido de una “estética” en la obra de Félix Guattari. A diferencia de la bibliografía existente que se centra en la obra de Deleuze, en el trabajo conjunto de Deleuze y Guattari y en la tardía noción guattariana de paradigma estético, aquí proponemos alternativamente ocuparnos del período temprano del militante francés. Dado que las referencias al arte atraviesan la totalidad de sus escritos, se trata aquí de un doble movimiento: acotar las múltiples indicaciones sobre el arte (y la estética), tanto como vincular estas con el resto del universo discursivo guattariano. Nuestra pregunta de investigación es, por tanto, la siguiente: ¿qué conceptualización del arte se vislumbra para él entre 1955 y 1980? Para esto dividimos el texto en tres apartados: una introducción problematizadora, un cuerpo donde visitamos cronológicamente los textos para obtener los sentidos de una posible “estética” y un cierre a modo de conclusión.

El objetivo general es sintetizar la realidad de la literatura científica sobre el modelo de salario emocional para mejorar el compromiso laboral en las organizaciones de salud. Se realizó una revisión sistemática, utilizando el método PRISMA en Scopus, Scielo, PubMed y Web of Science en el 2024. Se han obtenido 2266 artículos distribuyendo en Scielo (1202), Scopus (444), Web of Science (335) y PubMed (285). Finalmente, se dispuso de 15 artículos para su revisión cuyos criterios de inclusión fueron: palabras clave (emotional salary, work commitment, health centers, salario emocional, compromiso laboral y centro de salud) mediante el conector and; periodo de la información entre 2019 al 2023, accesibilidad a los datos completos, así como las características metodológicas y temáticas identificadas después de la revisión de los resúmenes y contenidos de los artículos. En los resultados, se reconoce que el salario emocional está presente en la mayor parte de las organizaciones, de acuerdo a 60% de los artículos; mientras que el compromiso laboral es aceptable en la mayoría de las organizaciones, de acuerdo al 50% de los artículos. Se concluye que el salario emocional está estrechamente relacionado con el compromiso laboral en las organizaciones de salud.

El principal propósito de la presente investigación consiste en analizar cuáles son los elementos que constituyen, definen y diferencian la propuesta jusnaturalista sostenida por Lorenzo Peña de otras corrientes como el esencialismo jurídico, asimismo, la vinculación que esta pueda manifestar directamente con la filosofía como con la política. En particular, me interesa analizar cómo la teorización jusnaturalista que realiza el autor se configura en un complejo entramado filosófico que tiene como resultado la exigencia de cierto sistema político que vaya acorde a los postulados y axiomas que el jusnaturalismo de Peña contiene. Finalmente, se verificará el hilo conductor que atraviesa y une estas tres esferas: filosofía, derecho y política.

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Copyright of Retos: Nuevas Perspectivas de Educación Física, Deporte y Recreación is the property of Federacion Espanola de Asociaciones de Docentes de Educacion Fisica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La política es uno de los ángulos de análisis posibles de Los ríos profundos, por dos eventos principales: el motín de las chicheras y el levantamiento de los colonos. La crítica suele prestarle mayor atención al primero, aunque, según sostenemos en esta investigación, normalmente se pasa por alto o se lee como elemento metafórico el papel activo que desempeñan en estos procesos algunos agentes o potencias no-humanas, como el zumbayllu y el río Pachachaca. Por eso, planteamos que, en lugar de política, es más apropiado el concepto cosmopolítica para el estudio de esta novela, ya que permite una lectura más cabal y le da visibilidad al rol público de dichos agentes no-humanos. Para nuestro análisis, recurrimos a algunos planteamientos teóricos de Philippe Descola, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, Jacques Rancière y Gilles Deleuze y Félix Guattari.

Este trabajo tiene como principal foco de indagación al periódico El Argentino de Paraná redactado por el poeta José Hernández durante el año 1863. En el marco de los lamentos y las decepciones de las consecuencias de Pavón, interesa de modo particular, examinar el eje de su discurso vinculado a su percepción sobre los soldados que intervinieron en aquel ultimo acontecimiento, pero también la del escritor público y la vida política de los inicios de aquella década vinculada con la emergencia de una serie de emociones. Para la figura del soldado y el escritor público se emplea la noción de “operativo de transferencia”, por la cual, siguiendo la estela de Adolfo Prieto, una figura puede ser absorbida por la otra en el contexto del proceso del recorrido de ambos por la acción de una de ellas. La coyuntura y la deriva de la prensa entrerriana con relación a las autoridades provinciales y nacionales resultan clave para entender su eficacia.

El objetivo del presente artículo consiste en reflexionar sobre la configuración del patrimonio como dispositivo por el cual se construyen las identidades como diferencia. Particularmente, exploro los modos en que el patrimonio “hace política” al ser movilizado en la producción oficial de fronteras nosotros/otros. Recuperando datos etnográficos provenientes de la investigación antropológica realizada en una localidad minera de la Patagonia sur argentina, analizo cómo un sitio arqueológico se construye desde políticas gubernamentales como patrimonio identitario local. Argumento que ello posibilita a las elites y agencias de gobierno locales generar un sentido particular de pertenencia que, a su vez, apuntala la construcción de “alteridades ausentes” en relación con los pueblos originarios y de “alteridades amenazantes” en relación con los migrantes que llegan para emplearse en la actividad megaminera.

El presente trabajo tuvo como propósito elaborar un acercamiento teórico a la noción de contrarrelato político. Ante la novedad de esta técnica narrativa, primero se abordaron sus causas: absolutismo moral, polarización afectiva, caos informativo, incertidumbre y tribalismo digital. Luego, se definió el contrarrelato como una estructura semántica que, sin importar la temporalidad, intenta destruir el capital simbólico del adversario. Acto seguido, se detallaron sus principales rasgos –reactividad, negatividad, emotividad, estereotipación y permanencia– y funciones –enlazar voluntades por oposición, trazar fronteras identitarias nítidas, recompensar emocionalmente y simplificar la realidad–. A modo de cierre, se trazó un repaso de los principales hallazgos y se plantearon diversas líneas de investigación, tales como observar la resonancia y aplicación de esta técnica por parte de la ciudadanía y la posibilidad de realizar un análisis comparado, a través de casos prácticos, entre el contrarrelato y su némesis, el relato político.

Abstract Hostilianus ‘Augustus’: the prompt dedication of the city of Keramos in Caria An inscription from Keramos in Caria was placed in honour of Hostilianus during the archontate of the archiater Marcus Aurelius Valens Polites. The document – which has aroused a fair amount of interest among historians of ancient medicine, while in the sphere of ancient history studies it has curiously gone almost unnoticed – deserves particular attention, also considering the relative paucity of data we possess on this emperor and the uncertainty, still present today, regarding some crucial aspects of his albeit ephemeral reign. Inserted within the complex and variegated chronological framework of the events of the wars of the 3rd century A.D., the epigraph is actually located in a very important ‘interstitial’ space and allows us to formulate some reflections on the logic of succession to power and on dynastic and ‘paradynastic’ strategies, since both Herennius Etruscus as well as Gallus and Volusianus are absent from Keramos’ text, while Hostilianus is defined Augustus and ‘son’ of the not-yet divus Augustus Decius.

The article focuses on the reassessment of the Integrated Watershed Health Assessment Framework (IWHF) and its application in Ethiopia's Weyib watershed. Topics include the evaluation of global and local weights of the IWHF, the current status of the Weyib watershed health index, and the implications for Ethiopian water policy and management practices.

The general objective of this article is to summarize the trajectory of the Argentine right throughout the 21st century. Specifically, the text seeks to characterize the rise of the most radicalized right-wing expressions, as well as to identify the socialization process between liberal conservative republicans and reactionary nationalists. The text proposes an interpretative line that divides the period into four sub-stages, prioritizing an approach that combines three disciplinary areas: history, political ideas and communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The research aimed to verify the influence of meeting public demands on the perception of tolerance of Brazilian voters towards the "rouba, mas faz" policy. Although a social unison of rejection of corruption in politics is perceived, there is a possibility that voters relax this disapproval in the face of the results that managers offer to communities. Methodology: Study of quantitative approach, as for the procedures, a survey was used, with a questionnaire and study of scenarios, of tolerance to "rouba, mas faz", as a research instrument. To analyze the data, descriptive statistics and presentation in percentages were used for the answers to assertions and scenarios. Results: The results indicate that Brazilians demand honest politicians, although for almost 25% of the population every politician is corrupt, without distinction; for 80% of respondents the main cause of problems in Brazilian public management is political corruption; approximately 70% of voters do not use transparency portals to decide their vote, although 80% claim to research the candidates' history before making their decision. Contributions of the Study: Aspects related to the median voter theory were perceived, since, although Brazilian voters demonstrate intolerance to corruption, the profile with the average characteristics of the population tends to vote for that candidate who promises to meet their needs. In addition, in general terms, 7% of the sample would re-elect a very corrupt politician, as long as he is very productive, while 24% would tolerate corruption, as long as it occurs on a small scale and is accompanied by works and benefits to society, implying that there is, in general terms, to a certain degree, the influence of meeting public demands on voters' tolerance of the "rouba, mas faz" policy in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sought to understand and diagnose the management of water resources in the state of Amazonas. To achieve this objective, a strategic analysis was performed using two tools: SWOT and PESTEL. To build the SWOT and PESTEL tables, a search was carried out of dissertations posted in institutional repositories of the Amazonas State University and the Federal University of Amazonas. Non-participant observation was also performed at the meetings of the State Water Resources Council in order to gain a better understanding of management. The results achieved showed that the diagnosis is of a water resources management that is still in the initial phase, and which requires improvements in planning to achieve its goals. It was noted that the main bottleneck of management is the non-execution of the instruments of the state water resources policy, since they are the essential elements for it to function fully and strategically. In addition, political management has not prioritized water resources, which generates discontinuity of projects. Finally, it was noticed that the water resources management system has few people that are active in the cause, since little participation by the people who compose it was noted in the meetings of the State Water Resources Council. It is clear then that the system must be strengthened and restructured so that management can achieve its principles and objectives, in addition to seeking to train more people to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the role of the people in Polybius’s political thought, as presented in Book VI of his Histories. We argue the hypothesis that, according to the Greek author, there is no politics without the people, a conception that remains embodied both in the Polybian cycle of singular regimes and in the proposed model of the Roman mixed constitution. The emergence of what distinguishes what is properly human coincides with the emergence of the conditions of possibility of politics. With these two processes, the multitude transforms into the people. To support these ideas, we must engage with three prevalent readings in the field of critical examination, whose developments go in the opposite direction to the one we propose here: that, due to its aristocratic trait, Polybius assigned a secondary place to the people in his political theory; that anacyclosis holds an exclusive relationship of contrast with the Roman composite regime; and that the theory of the Greek author should be analyzed exclusively in light of historical truth. We present divergent interpretations of these in order to assume the necessary intermediary hypotheses for the grounding of the central argument of the work. The structure of the text involves five parts, in this order: introduction with preliminary presentation of the central hypothesis and the questions that problematize it; theoretical centrality and structure of Book VI; analysis of the cycle of singular regimes; examination of the Roman mixed constitution with emphasis on the role of the people; and response to the questions raised with a view to a grounded reaffirmation of the main hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we reflect on the place of indigenous women in the processes of political organisation and rural development of the municipality of Nazareno, located in the inter-Andean Valleys (northwest of the Salta province, Argentina). To achieve this, we present an analysis of these processes from a genealogical and ethnographic perspective, based on two analytical movements: a reexamination of academic antecedents that document multiple programs implemented between 1983 and 2003, and a counterpoint to these readings, with three women's life narratives on these processes, reconstructed within the framework of collaborative ethnographic work. The objective is to analyse the guidelines and practices upon which a discourse around rural women was consolidated, as well as the strategies, appropriations and political demands that the women themselves made of them within the framework of the collective construction of the struggle for the territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research work seeks to examine the reception of Foucaultian work in two Paraguayan thinkers, Benjamin Arditi and Gilberto Giménez. For this purpose, an analysis of the socio-cultural and historical issues that motivated the approach to the French thinker, as well as the uses of certain categories for a reflective expansion in the disciplines of both authors, based on texts published in the last part of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1960s, Foucault conducted his historical-philosophical research under the methodological name of archaeology, using this term to refer to the study of the historical conditions of possibility that allowed for the emergence of various knowledges and institutions. In his book The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences, published in 1966, Foucault focused his descriptive work on the different epochs of thought around the concepts of episteme and historical a priori, both of which were abandoned at least in the Foucauldian vocabulary of the following decade when Foucault began to describe his intellectual work as genealogy. In the intellectual field in Argentina, the reception and circulation of Foucault's work varied greatly from the 1950s to the present day. In recent years, archaeological categories have been used to think about both intellectual history and the diagnosis of contemporary society. In this paper, we will present two updates of Foucault's episteme to think about the tensions between knowledge and politics: the era of "The Forms" by Elías Palti and the postmodern episteme by Pablo Manolo Rodríguez, showing how both expressions reformulate the conceptual apparatus used by Foucault to think about an archaeology of the political in the case of the former, and the historical emergence of cybernetics by analyzing the epistemic changes made in the last fifty years in the case of the latter author. For this task, we will show what is retained from the Foucauldian gesture but also to what extent Argentine authors distance themselves from the thinker from Poitiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American marxism, understood as a category, phenomena and process hasn’t been studied broadly, despite how fruitful the Marxist tradition has been in our region. It is proposed in the next pages a series of theoretical-methodological approaches and coordinates to push out into its analysis, respecting the analytical plurality and heterogeneity that characterizes it, describing its enunciation origins and development and outlining the essential ingredients that separate it from other approaches giving its specificity within Latin American critical social thought. The purpose of the article is to provide the researcher a basic framework to dive into deeper inquiries that concern the different topics circumscribed to the marxisms in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Those who desire (Elena López Riera, 2018) and Rapa das bestas (Jaione Camborda, 2017) emerge as two distinctive endeavors within the contemporary Spanish cinematic landscape. Rather than overtly showcasing their feminist stance by directly denouncing female inequality, they do so tangentially, probing into a social practice seemingly distant from gender conflict (a pigeon competition and an ancient tradition of horse shearing). In this study, the meticulous formal work of the two short films is analyzed, drawing upon the destabilization strategies of the gaze utilized in the so-called sensory documentary, evoking an audience experience that transcends purely intellectual engagement to also involve them emotionally and viscerally. It is through the estrangement operated on both the expressive and content levels that these two examples allow for the activation of a political reading of the androcentrism that pervades social spaces without having to explicitly articulate it. Though uncommon, the intertwining of the phenomenological and the semiotic proposed here sketches out new and hopeful paths of feminist positioning within the audiovisual landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of eHumanista is the property of Professor Antonio Cortijo-Ocana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, we examine the outbursts of a white passenger on a London tram, antagonizing others through swearing, nationalist, racist and anti-immigrant talk and the responses of carriage members to her confrontational talk. Our analysis uses a video recording of the event made by a passenger that circulated widely on social and news media. We document multiple forms of response, including the video-witnessing itself. We describe how the trouble-making passenger antagonizes other passengers in order to produce opponents. In addition, we track how members of the carriage, in responding, show their right to respond, seek to avoid the terms of the confrontation and, once constituted as political opponents, their opposition to the politics being expressed. In examining the responses to the trouble-making and the politics being contested between the persons involved and, in tracking how public transport is attempted to be transformed into an ad hoc agora, we contribute to Barnett’s work on convening public space, ordinary action, and politics in human geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a reading of Carl Schmitt proposed by Jacques Derrida, this article examines the modern conceptual architecture that organizes the notions of « power », « State », « politics » and « law » into a system. In his Politics of Friendship, Derrida develops the thesis that an important Western intellectual tradition, whose apex is the work of Schmitt, tried to isolate the meaning of politics through a teleology of enmity. He demonstrates, then, that this teleology is permeated by insurmountable contradictions, and the project of a phenomenology of the political is doomed to failure. We will add another layer to this critique. By reading the texts that revolve around Schmitt's magnum opus The nomos of the Earth, we explore the modern division between two levels of violence. The first, organised by European public law, is the one that has seen the political realm centred on the State and its people. The second, marked by unlimited violence, is the one whose aim is the complete appropriation of the lands and bodies discovered in the New World. We argue that the meaning of politics depended not only on a contradictory teleology, but also on a discharge of annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although tobacco control efforts have been successful at reducing the rate of tobacco use in the general population, rates of use among low‐income populations persist. As a leader in tobacco control efforts, the U.S. state of California recently issued regulations regarding comprehensive tobacco cessation service requirements for state Medicaid plans (i.e., Medi‐Cal MCPs) providing health care to low‐income Californians. This research aims to evaluate the potential factors associated with the adoption of a comprehensive tobacco control program among Medi‐Cal's MCPs. In 2018, UC San Diego researchers distributed a survey to a listserv of 25 Medi‐Cal MCP health educators, for a response rate of 96%. The survey was comprised of questions related to All Plan Letter (APL) implementation of tobacco cessation services and policies. Health educators were also recruited to participate in a semi‐structured interview upon survey completion. Two years postrelease of the APL, Medi‐Cal's MCPs demonstrate low implementation of tobacco cessation services and related policies, with only one MCP (5%) fully implementing all 10 core provisions. Five consistent patterns were identified as being associated with implementation: larger MCP enrollment and staffing, lower median household income, noncapitated provider payment, participation in county tobacco control meetings, and high‐quality scores for preventive care and treatment of chronic disease. Small‐sized MCPs have been slow in fully implementing tobacco cessation services. State policymakers and tobacco control stakeholders may consider providing support to small‐sized MCPs to aid in their continued adoption of comprehensive tobacco cessation services. DHCS should also consider releasing guidance on how to engage in activities to ensure APL compliance. Key points: Two years postrelease of APL 16‐014, Medi‐Cal's managed care plans (MCP) demonstrate low implementation of tobacco cessation services and related policies, with only one MCP (5%) fully implementing all 10 core provisions.Five consistent patterns were identified as being associated with implementation: larger MCP enrollment and staffing, lower median household income, noncapitated provider payment, participation in county tobacco control meetings, and high‐quality scores for preventive care and treatment of chronic disease.The full adoption of a comprehensive tobacco control program will require collaboration and ongoing action from key stakeholders: MCPs, tobacco control, the California quitline, and close monitoring and enforcement by DHCS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Este artigo analisa a campanha articulada, em junho de 2023, pelo pastor André Valadão (Lagoinha Global) contra a comunidade LGBT+. As falas e os textos produzidos por ele e sua igreja evocam sentimentos de ódio, repugnância e desqualificação das dissidências sexuais e de gênero, por meio da mobilização de noções como guerra espiritual, pecado, humildade e sacrifício. Há ainda críticas à transexualidade, ao aborto e à educação sexual nas escolas, em nome da defesa da família, do binarismo de gênero, da heterossexualidade e de um tipo específico de masculinidade que visa repor a autoridade dos homens. Seguindo as concepções de Magali Cunha, aposta-se na midiatização da religião como grande potencializador do ativismo antigênero empenhado pelos evangélicos. O texto, assim, demonstra uma das maneiras como tem se atualizado a relação entre evangélicos brasileiros, mídia e política, evidenciando como certa vertente da religião digital resiste à diversidade e se apropria de expressões presentes em outro campo ideológico, que compõem uma gramática que está em disputa.

O trabalho tem por objetivo abordar as manifestações políticas que ocorreram durante o festival de música Lollapalooza 2022 contra o presidente Jair Bolsonaro e a favor do então candidato à Presidência Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, assim como a repercussão nas redes sociais. Busca-se, primeiramente, fazer uma cartografia do acontecimento — entendido, nos termos da Teoria Ator-Rede, como uma controvérsia —, identificando alguns dos seus atores humanos e não humanos e descrevendo a materialidade de suas performances políticas no festival de música e nas redes sociais. Após esse primeiro movimento analítico, discutimos a eficácia dessas performances no cenário político contemporâneo em termos do engajamento do potencial eleitorado e os seus limites, a partir de um diálogo com a perspectiva dos estudos de comunicação política e internet, buscando assim contribuir para o debate em torno das questões que articulam música, política e plataformas digitais na atualidade.

Resumo: O artigo apresenta a análise das propostas de Projeto de Lei e de Emendas Constitucionais sem tramitação no Congresso Nacional do período de 2012 a 2019. A finalidade é problematizar as propostas contrárias ao Sistema Nacional de Atendimento Socioeducativo (Sinase), visando contribuir para o aprofundamento da discussão sobre a garantia de direitos aos adolescentes em cumprimento de medidas socioeducativas.