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Increasingly media provides ample opportunities for the audiences to make media choices and form different levels of exposure along political lines. Predominately, Pakistan's media is recognized as an irreplaceable tool in sparking change in the political landscape, forgoing national-regional identities, and bridging social gaps. Due to recent technological advancements citizens' media usage brought changes in the political behavior of citizens regarding party choices and voting behavior. Such changes in the political behavior of citizens affect decision making which is influenced by social cleavage of education, gender, and age. However, contrary to similar historical changes, these advances have widened rather than narrowed societal cleavages. The objective of the paper is to explore the influence of social cleavage and media usage on political behavior of students and faculty in Pakistan specifically NUML university, Islamabad. This research explores how social cleavage and recent advances in digital media access changed the political behavior of faculty and students of NUML university. The paper employed survey-based research with a sample of 250 faculty members and students of NUML, Islamabad. According to results, it is concluded that social cleavage of education, age, and gender plays a vital role in transforming the political behavior of both faculty members and students. Likewise, persistent use of social media portrays positive political participation along with accountable voting behavior, whereby males are more active in participating in political activities as compared to females. The paper has policy implications for a one-dimensional media approach for ignoring solutions to political problems and understanding citizenship rights. Focused and well-defined policies are required to bring youth back to broadcasting media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and why do economic grievances result in support for populist parties? We address a long-standing puzzle in understanding populist voters. Existing studies have produced mixed results about how economic characteristics drive support for populist parties. We argue this is because scholars have overlooked the central importance of internal political efficacy, i.e., a belief in one's ability to affect political outcomes. Using three pooled waves of the European Social Survey (ESS 2014, 2016, and 2018) with over 80,000 individual observations over time, we find that the economic determinants of populist support are contingent on internal political efficacy. Although there are reasons to think that the combined effect of economic circumstances and efficacy may be stronger on support for the populist left because of their stronger emphasis on social justice, we do not find evidence of this with the limited observations of the populist left in our sample. Critically, our findings contrast with the simplified and theoretically unsatisfying explanations of populist support we often encounter in the literature that are based solely on economic dissatisfaction. Instead, our results imply that recent trends in European politics are not only about economic issues but also about a voter's belief in having agency and competence to affect change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do individuals defect from the partisan pull of their social identities? Previous explanations of social sorting often neglect to account for these defectors whose partisanship cannot be explained by simply tallying up their social identities. I call these individuals political heretics. To better understand this phenomenon, I leverage white evangelicals, one of the most socially and politically sorted groups in the United States, who support the Democratic Party as a case study. I find that, based upon 68 face-to-face interviews across seven churches, two explanations emerge that explain their heresy. First, some find their way into Democratic congregations that shield them from the pressure exerted by residing in a religious tradition that has undergone extensive political sorting. Second, some choose to remain in predominately Republicans churches and offset the cost of this political pressure with some other benefit. However, for those who choose the latter, electing to remain in a church where they are in the political minority, they face significant headwinds to either update their political preferences or leave. Despite these embattled defectors choosing to remain in Republican congregations, the pressure of polarization may eventually force them out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many U.S. states require election workers to check signatures on ballots returned by mail, causing tens of thousands of ballots to be rejected at each general election. This paper applies Bayes' theorem, along with findings from prior research, to show how rejection rates are likely to vary under plausible assumptions about signature checker accuracy and the prevalence of invalid signatures. This approach yields a pair of predictions. On the one hand, given findings from research on handwriting forensics, the Bayesian analysis implies election workers are more likely to wrongly reject valid ballots for purported signature mismatch than to correctly reject invalidly signed returns. On the other hand, research on election workers as problem-solvers suggests they may try to minimize the wrongful rejection of ballots. I find empirical support for each prediction, including signs that election workers learn from past errors to calibrate signature rejection rates downwards. This suggests election worker discretion may be an unexpected source of resilience against laws otherwise liable to disenfranchise eligible voters, although I also discuss conditions under which such discretion may conflict with democratic norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Black young adults engage in their communities through critical action, or activism, as they transition into adulthood. However, knowledge about predictors of critical action remain sparse. The present longitudinal study addresses this gap by exploring links between critical action, ethnic-racial identity, and racial discrimination among 143 Black youth who were surveyed as adolescents (M age = 15; 66% female) and again as young adults (M age = 20). Using hierarchical logistic regression, we found that young adult experiences of racial discrimination were related to increased odds of critical action, accounting for adolescent racial discrimination, gender, caregiver education, and postsecondary enrollment. We also found that criminalizing discriminatory experiences (e.g., being stopped by the police) during young adulthood were related to increased odds of critical action. Our findings document changes in racial discrimination and ethnic-racial identity during the transition to adulthood and suggest that some marginalized youth may transform adverse experiences into critical action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent election cycles show a reluctance among Black millennials to support the Democratic Party, which suggests that they are not captured by the party like their predecessors. While we know that African Americans have historically remained a loyal voting bloc, it is important to analyze whether there are generational differences with respect to Black Democratic Party loyalty. In this study, I analyze Black millennial partisanship identification and compare it to Black non-millennials (Baby Boomers and Gen X'ers). To test this, I employ a multi-method approach. My results show that while Black millennials continue to identify with the Democratic Party, they are not as loyal to the Democratic Party when compared to Black non-millennials. Further, I find that Black millennials are not changing loyalties to the Republican or a third party. Instead, Black millennials are willing to withhold their vote altogether if they are not satisfied with any Democratic candidates. My work has critical implications in how we understand Black politics and reveals that Democratic candidates will have to earn Black millennials vote going forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do armed actors affect the outcome of elections? Recent scholarship on electoral violence shows that armed groups use violence against voters to coerce them to abstain or vote for the group's allies. Yet this strategy is risky: coercion can alienate civilians and trigger state repression. I argue that armed actors have another option. A wide range of armed groups create governance institutions to forge ties of political authority with civilian communities, incorporating local populations into armed groups' political projects and increasing the credibility of their messaging. The popular support, political mobilization, and social control enabled by governance offer a means to sway voters' political behavior without resorting to election violence. I assess this argument in the context of the Peruvian civil war, in which Shining Path insurgents leveraged wealth redistribution and political propaganda to influence voting behavior. Archival evidence, time series analysis of micro-level violent event data, and a synthetic control study provide support for these claims. These results have implications for theories of electoral violence, governance by non-state actors, and political behavior in war-torn societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This interview and archival research case study of the successful movement to adopt state laws to require gender balance on Iowa state boards and commissions (adopted in the late 1980s) and to extend the law to local boards and commissions (adopted in 2009) provides an empirical challenge to two prominent theories of ideology—interest theory, in which the powerful impose ideology, and strain theory, in which people find ideology to cope with their experiences. My study suggests that traditional ideologies are not always the most powerful. While people tend to believe in ideologies they perceive as functional for themselves, ideology is better understood through a navigation theory in which people simultaneously hold multiple complementary and contradictory ideologies, and where particular contexts and people's interpretations of those contexts impact how different ideologies are activated, understood, prioritized, negotiated, and applied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elites’ skepticism of scientific consensus presents a formidable challenge in addressing critical issues like climate change and global pandemics. While extensive research has explored the capacity of events related to these challenges to act as “exogenous shocks,” motivating the general public to reassess their risk perceptions, our understanding of how elites similarly respond to such shocks remains limited. In this article, we investigate whether COVID-19 infections influenced US lawmakers’ support for COVID-19 containment measures, focusing on expressed opposition to COVID-19 policies on social media and in press releases throughout the first two years of the pandemic. Employing a staggered difference-in-differences design and matrix completion methods, our analysis reveals that COVID-19 infections caused a reduction of approximately 30% in legislators’ expressions of opposition to COVID-19 policies on social media. These findings underscore that elites are indeed responsive to policy shocks – even in highly polarized contexts – when they are personally affected by an issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are centralized leaders of religious organizations responsive to their followers' political preferences over time even when formal accountability mechanisms, such as elections, are weak or absent? I argue that such leaders have incentives to be responsive because they rely on dedicated members for legitimacy and support. I test this theory by examining the Catholic Church and its centralized leader, the Pope. First, I analyze over 10,000 papal statements to confirm that the papacy is responsive to Catholics' overall political concerns. Second, I conduct survey experiments in Brazil and Mexico to investigate how Catholics react to responsiveness. Catholics increase their organizational trust and participation when they receive papal messages that reflect their concerns, conditional on their existing commitment to the Church and their agreement with the Church on political issues. The evidence suggests that in centralized religious organizations, the leader reaffirms members' political interests because followers support religious organizations that are politically responsive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While affective polarization has been shown to have serious social consequences, there is little evidence regarding its effects on political attitudes and behavior such as policy preferences, voting, or political information accrual. This paper provides evidence that affective polarization impacts misinformation belief, arguing that citizens with higher levels of affective polarization are more likely to believe in-party-congruent misinformation and less likely to believe out-party-congruent misinformation. The argument is supported by data from the ANES 2020 Social Media Study and the ANES 2020 Time Series Study, which speaks to the generalizability of the relationship. Additionally, a survey experiment provides evidence that the relationship is causal. The results hold among Democrats and Republicans and are independent of the effects of partisan strength and ideological extremity. Furthermore, the relationship between affective polarization and misinformation belief is exacerbated by political sophistication rather than tempered by it, implying that education will not solve the issue. The results speak to the need for work on reducing affective polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing literature over the past 10 years on health and political behavior has established health status as an important source of political inequality. Poor health reduces psychological engagement with politics and discourages political activity. This lowers incentives for governments to respond to the needs of those experiencing ill health and thereby perpetuates health disparities. In this review article, we provide a critical synthesis of the state of knowledge on the links between different aspects of health and political behavior. We also discuss the challenges confronting this research agenda, particularly with respect to measurement, theory, and establishing causality, along with suggestions for advancing the field. With the COVID-19 pandemic casting health disparities into sharp focus, understanding the sources of health biases in the political process, as well as their implications, is an important task that can bring us closer to the ideals of inclusive democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly media provides ample opportunities for the audiences to make media choices and form different levels of exposure along political lines. Predominately, Pakistan’s media is recognized as an irreplaceable tool in sparking change in the political landscape, forgoing national-regional identities, and bridging social gaps. Due to recent technological advancements citizens’ media usage brought changes in the political behavior of citizens regarding party choices and voting behavior. Such changes in the political behavior of citizens affect decision making which is influenced by social cleavage of education, gender, and age. However, contrary to similar historical changes, these advances have widened rather than narrowed societal cleavages. The objective of the paper is to explore the influence of social cleavage and media usage on political behavior of students and faculty in Pakistan specifically NUML university, Islamabad. This research explores how social cleavage and recent advances in digital media access changed the political behavior of faculty and students of NUML university. The paper employed survey-based research with a sample of 250 faculty members and students of NUML, Islamabad. According to results, it is concluded that social cleavage of education, age, and gender plays a vital role in transforming the political behavior of both faculty members and students. Likewise, persistent use of social media portrays positive political participation along with accountable voting behavior, whereby males are more active in participating in political activities as compared to females. The paper has policy implications for a one-dimensional media approach for ignoring solutions to political problems and understanding citizenship rights. Focused and well-defined policies are required to bring youth back to broadcasting media.

A representative democracy requires citizens to be politically engaged; however, a substantial portion of eligible United States voters do not vote. While structural (e.g., ease or difficulty of voting) and individual (e.g., political efficacy, civic knowledge) factors contribute to (a lack of) turnout, the present work adopts a sociocultural perspective to investigate an additional contributor: how people construe--or make sense of--the duty to vote. We examine whether, and for whom, construing voting as interdependent (i.e., voting as a duty to others), compared to independent (i.e., voting as a duty to self), is associated with increased perceived duty and political engagement. Archival analysis (n = 10,185) documents how perceived duty to vote relates to voter turnout in a nationally representative sample of Americans (Study 1). Two preregistered studies (total n = 1,256) provide evidence that naturalistically construing one's duty to vote as interdependent (Study 2) and experimentally reflecting on interdependence (Study 3) both predict increases in perceived voting duty. Perceived duty to vote, in turn, is associated with heightened political engagement intentions. Taken together, the present work suggests that how voting is construed--as an independent duty to the self or an interdependent duty to others--may meaningfully influence political engagement, with implications for voter turnout interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Innovation politics impact the development and introduction of innovations, yet knowledge about the influence of specific political behavior or behavioral patterns remains blurred. Based on a literature review and the articles in this Special Issue, we propose a three‐part framework that identifies the building blocks of political behavior in innovation: what motivates actors to be political, the different types of political actors, and the effect of various political behaviors on innovation outcomes. Emphasizing the evolving landscape of innovation politics, the framework aims to highlight research gaps and guide future studies toward improving our understanding of the functional and dysfunctional aspects of innovation politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study identifies the political behavior marketers use to ensure the market fit of a new product platform. Drawing on two political NPD literature streams and configuration theory, the authors explain how (i) soft and hard influence tactics, (ii) reason, (iii) marketers' experience (with product and portfolio decisions), and (iv) the type of product platform (smart vs. conventional), together determine marketers' political effectiveness in gaining support for design modifications from the development team. The framework and hypotheses are tested using data from a sample of 100 influence attempts by marketers. A fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis reveals no single, optimal solution but three "influence recipes." First, we find a generic solution for both smart and conventional product platforms that combines marketer experience with reason and coalition building. Second, we note two additional solutions for smart product platforms: one consisting of marketer experience with coalition building and another one combining marketer experience with reason and assertiveness. Regression results reveal a positive relationship between marketers' influence behavior and platform performance in the marketplace, in support of a complementary and functional role of marketers' political behaviors in innovation management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Innovation management research demonstrates that political behavior is necessary for project leaders to conduct breakthrough innovation (BI) projects successfully. Although it is known that project leaders' political behavior contributes to BI project success by maintaining continued support for the projects, this study focuses on another function of organizational politics: the uncertainty‐handling function. Project leaders encounter uncertainties during their BI projects and are tormented by unintended project stagnation. While scholars and practitioners have developed several logic‐based responsive approaches to address uncertainty problems, project leaders also employ political behavior. The realization provokes questions such as, what type of uncertainty in particular triggers a project manager's political behavior in the context of BI development? Is there any specific linkage between a particular type of uncertainty and particular political behavior? What mechanisms underpin those relationships? To answer these questions, we investigate six BI projects in five mature Japanese companies through the lens of the meaning management perspective. The analysis reveals that (1) project leaders use political behavior to address a specific situation in which two uncertainties are intertwined; (2) project leaders use different political behavior depending on the type of intertwined uncertainties; and (3) project leaders resolve intertwined uncertainties with political behavior and then address each uncertainty in their BI projects. This study contributes to the innovation politics literature and innovation management practices by identifying specific conditions under which BI project leaders use political behavior and suggesting the fit between particular political behaviors and uncertainty conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how and why substate nationalism shapes support for redistribution. An experiment embedded in an original survey reveals that in Spanish regions with extensive substate nationalist mobilization, preferences for redistribution vary based on the proposed boundaries of redistribution. In this context, individuals have preferences regarding where redistribution will occur, and not just on how much there will be. The results provide the first micro-level evidence for how preferences for redistribution depend on the geographic boundaries of a proposed policy and why mobilized group identities interact with those preferences to determine support for redistribution. The findings suggest that substate nationalist mobilization has significant implications for policy preferences beyond secession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the impact of hate speeches by political leaders on political behavior among private university students, with a focus on the mediating role of locus of control. Hate speeches by political leaders have become prevalent in public discourse, raising concerns about their impact on behavior so it is crucial to understand the relationship between variables for addressing the consequences of rhetoric in political domain. A quantitative research methodology was employed to collect the data from private universities students in Pakistan. Regression and Correlation test have been conducted by using the SPSS. Results have shown that there is no connection between hate speeches and political behavior but there is a positive correlation of hate speeches and political behavior with external locus of control and there is a strong negative association between internal locus of control and political behavior. The recommends a more comprehensive study by collecting a larger sample size to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the variables and their relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to explore the impact of social media on political attitudes and behaviors among Pakistani voters during the 2024 General Elections. Pakistan, a diverse and populous South Asian nation, has experienced a tumultuous political history, including periods of democratic governance and military rule. The 2024 General Elections represented a critical moment in its political landscape, with significant shifts in political behavior influenced by social media. The study employs a mixed-methods approach, integrating Almond and Powell's political system model and the system theory of political communication. Data was collected through an online questionnaire from a population of voters in Lahore, with a sample size of 243 participants. The questionnaire was designed to ensure construct validity and reliability, with measures like Cronbach's alpha for internal consistency. Statistical analysis techniques were used to examine the data. Findings strongly support the hypothesis that exposure to political content on social media is associated with changes in political attitudes and behaviors among Pakistani voters during the 2024 General Elections. The study recommends that political parties should enhance their engagement on social media platforms to effectively influence voter behavior. Additionally, further research is suggested to explore the long-term impacts of social media on political engagement in different regions of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy agendas are a critical feature of the political work that advocacy organizations do, and how they are framed matters for garnering public support. These framing tactics are particularly relevant for women's advocacy groups that appeal to diverse constituencies with different racial and class identities. In this paper, the identity framing of policy agendas is examined to understand its effects on women's willingness to get more politically involved in issues. Drawing on original data from two survey experiments with a national sample of 926 highly educated white women, these effects are delineated by frames that vary the race and class of the policy beneficaries to highlight how these differences impact engagement with gendered issues. The findings of this study suggest that intersectional identity framing, i.e. messaging by advocacy organizations that connect the relevance of policy issues to people's multiple identity characteristics, has substantial effects on their reported political engagement and disengagement. In framing the impact of policy agendas by gender, race and class, this study demonstrates how these characteristics work together to either motivate or disincentivize potential supporters to get more involved in these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic is viewed by many as the biggest global crisis since WWII and had profound effects on the daily lives of people and decision-making worldwide. Using the pandemic as a system-wide agenda shock, we employ a difference-in-differences design to estimate its causal effects on inequalities in political access, and social media prominence among business interests and NGOs. Our argument is twofold. First, the urgency and uncertainty of crises incentivized decision-makers to privilege providing access to business groups over securing inclusivity in the types of interests consulted. Second, NGOs compensated by increasing prominence in public communications. Our analysis of data from over 10,000 interest groups from over 100 countries registered in the European Union supports these hypotheses. Business interests successfully capitalized on the crisis in insider access, while NGOs increased prominence on social media. The results have wider implications for understanding how large-scale crises affect inequalities in representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on women voters using an intersectional lens has shown feminists and women of color within the Democratic Party to be a powerful force in electoral politics—specifically, Black and Latina women—are the most reliable voters. Combined, they represent the majority of women voters in the Democratic Party, and they have shown themselves to be a sizeable voting bloc in the last two American presidential election cycles. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES), we demonstrate important differences in support for the Democratic candidate (Hillary Clinton) between feminists and women of color—Black and Latina—underscoring the need to study gender, race, and ethnicity simultaneously (versus independently) when they are co-constitutive identity categories. By examining women and the groups the Clinton campaign appealed most to—feminists, Black, and Latina women—we add to the scholarship in political science that followed this unique election and demonstrate the importance of feminist identity for vote choice and various modes of political behavior for women voters. Knowing and understanding how women respond through affect and how this affect can result in political behaviors will help determine what it takes for future historic first candidates to emerge successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the scope conditions of the effect of individual political orientation on environmental beliefs, focusing on personal economic circumstances. Distinguishing between willingness and opportunity factors, it is argued that the positive effect of left-wing ideology on public support for environmental protection is more strongly pronounced when individuals' personal economic circumstances are better as potentially more costly regulations can be paid for. We test the theory using three different data sets from three different contexts: the German Longitudinal Election Study, the Cooperative Election Study (US), and Eurobarometer data. The analyses provide strong and robust evidence in line with our expectations. This research adds to our understanding of the role of political ideology as well as economic conditions in environmental public-opinion formation, and we shed light on the interactive influence of self-interest and political predisposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy requires voters to hold politicians accountable for violating democratic norms. Events surrounding Donald Trump have shown how partisanship can interfere with this process. While Trump has been accused of violating democratic norms, Republicans have opposed efforts to hold him accountable. Using a survey experiment, we explore the conditions under which Republican voters might become more willing to hold Trump accountable for violating democratic norms. We focus on whether Republicans can be convinced by members of their own party that Trump should be held accountable. Our research thus speaks to whether Republican voters might be receptive to appeals from Republican elites like Liz Cheney and Mitt Romney who have criticized Trump. We find more evidence than prior work that Republicans are receptive to appeals from co-partisans who are critical of Trump's behavior. However, our overall finding is that co-partisan appeals are not highly effective at changing Republicans' views of Trump. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Black and Latinx youth organizers navigate intersectionality and positionality as they campaigned for community and educational justice. Studies have shown the value of youth organizing for Black and Latinx populations but there is limited knowledge of how members navigate their differences to deepen solidarity efforts. The research questions are (1) how do youth organizers negotiate their positionality in terms of privileges and vulnerabilities? and (2) how do youth organizers show up for each other when addressing issues that do not affect everyone the same? We draw on a longitudinal, mixed-methods study that follows multiple cohorts of youth organizers, which revealed that young people in youth organizing spaces had a sophisticated understanding of their own identities and positionality in relation to their campaigns and other youth who did not share the same identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political scientists know surprisingly little about the political behavior of inventors, or those who produce new technologies. I therefore merged US patent and campaign contribution (DIME) data to reveal the donation behavior of 30,603 American inventors from 1980 through 2014. Analysis of the data produces three major findings. First, the Democratic Party has made significant inroads among American inventors, but these gains increasingly come from only a few regions and flow to a relatively small number of candidates. Second, deeper geographic trends explain most of the change in aggregate donation patterns. Third, inventors do not strategically donate to candidates outside their own district and, since 2006, inventors increasingly contribute to relatively centrist employer PACs with weak ties to the Democratic Party. These findings suggest that the interaction between market-oriented policy and American electoral institutions may inhibit the formation of broad cross-regional coalitions to support the knowledge economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gender gap in political knowledge is a well-established finding in Political Science. One explanation for gender differences in political knowledge is the activation of negative stereotypes about women. As part of the Systematizing Confidence in Open Research and Evidence (SCORE) program, we conducted a two-stage preregistered and high-powered direct replication of Study 2 of Ihme and Tausendpfund (2018). While we successfully replicated the gender gap in political knowledge – such that male participants performed better than female participants – both the first (N = 671) and second stage (N = 831) of the replication of the stereotype activation effect were unsuccessful. Taken together (pooled N = 1,502), results indicate evidence of absence of the effect of stereotype activation on gender differences in political knowledge. We discuss potential explanations for these findings and put forward evidence that the gender gap in political knowledge might be an artifact of how knowledge is measured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to determine the political behavior of beginner voters in the 2020 Gowa Regency regional election in Kel. Paccinongang Kec. Somba Opu. The subjects in this study were beginner voters including: (1) novice voters, namely adolescents aged 18 years and participating in the 2020 regional elections for the beginner, (2) reports of agencies related to this study. This study selects informants purposively. By using descriptive qualitative analysis. The results showed that: 1. the behavior of beginner voters is very dominant using sociological approaches in making their choices. Beginner voters choose candidates for the regional head, namely the regent and deputy regent of Gowa Regency by emphasizing demographic and socioeconomic backgrounds. The psychological approach is very minimal because this approach depends on the performance of political parties, and how to attract beginner voters. In addition to these two approaches, the rational choice approach places beginner voters making their choices with the tendency to choose candidates for Regent and Vice Regent by looking at their personal needs, namely the needs of their own families, it can be seen that they choose because they are based on the vision and mission of the candidate to help their lives. 2. Supporting factors are encouragement from parents, certain figures, and peers. In addition, the vision and mission of the candidates can encourage the interest of beginner voters. Inhibiting factors: it is the number of hoax news such as defamation and pitting both parties that makes beginner voters end to be very difficult to make their choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the present study was to evaluate the relationship between social determinants and voting behavior at the municipal level in the federal elections in Mexico in 2009, 2012, 2015 and 2018. Open data was accessed and linear interpolation was used to obtain a total of 13 social determinants. Using linear regressions with mixed effects and the recursive feature elimination technique with the random forest algorithm, the relationships between the proportion of the general vote, by age and sex groups, and social determinants were explored. Among the main results, the negative and significant associations between voting behavior and the homicide rate and the social backwardness index stand out. The population with the highest electoral participation were women aged 30 and over with 52.69 %, 70.44 %, 60.59 % and 73.41 % in the 2009, 2012, 2015 and 2018 elections, respectively. The random forest algorithm found that the years of the election, Seguro Popular coverage and education were the most important variables to predict the proportion of the vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Racial classifications are a social construct with no basis in biology; yet, race is an omnipresent and powerful factor in U.S. politics, shaping electoral boundaries, disbursement of resources, and political alliances (Omi and Winant 1994, Haney López 1994). Race, then, is a malleable construct wielded by varying interests, with racial definitions changing in response to social and political battles. Some new immigrant groups initially classified as not white have been reclassified as white over time, thereby benefitting from associated legal, economic, and sociopolitical privileges. More recently, however, some Latinos have sought recognition as a distinct non-white racial group, in acknowledgment of the racialization of their identities over time. We seek to better understand who is most likely to support a racialized Latino identity, and the political consequences of this choice. Using data from the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-election Survey, we test whether individuals who believe that a Latino identity is a racial identity are also more likely to be interested in and engaged in politics. We also examine the extent to which support for a racialized Latino identity is associated with progressive attitudes on racial issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secularism—i.e., the separation between the state and religious institutions—is a fundamental characteristic of liberal democracies, yet support for secular arrangements varies significantly across Western countries. In Canada, such attitudinal divergences are observable at the regional level, with citizens from Quebec displaying higher levels of support for secularism than other Canadians. In this paper, we test three hypotheses to account for this regional discrepancy: religiosity, liberal values, and out-group prejudice. Using data from an online panel survey (n = 2,000), our findings suggest that support for secularism in Quebec is mostly explained by the province's lower baseline levels of religiosity, anticlerical feelings, and by its distinctive understanding of liberalism. These factors are likely to result from Quebec's unique religious and sociohistorical history. Results also suggest that while negative feelings toward religious minorities are positively correlated with support for secularism across the entire country, negative feelings toward ethnic minorities are associated with lower support for secularism in Quebec. These findings disprove the commonly held assumption according to which support for secularism is driven by ethnic prejudice in Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extended Abstract Abstract The purpose of this research is to explain the role of political behaviors on organizational citizen behavior through the mediation of job engagement and job satisfaction through structural equation modeling. The research was carried out by descriptive-correlation method and especially based on structural equations. The statistical population of the research is 430 employees of Takta and Simachoob companies affiliated to the IRIB in Tehran, and the sample size is 203 people, which was determined using the Krejcie and Morgan table. Data collection was done using standard questionnaires. Data analysis was done with the help of structural equation modeling (confirmatory path analysis) and Pearson correlation test using SPSS and AMOS statistical software. The findings showed; Political behavior has a significant and negative effect on organizational citizenship behavior and job engagement, job satisfaction and job engagement have a significant and positive effect on organizational citizenship behavior. Political behavior and job engagement have no significant effect on job satisfaction. The effect of political behavior on organizational citizenship behavior through job engagement and job satisfaction is significant. Also, the measurement and fit indices of the model also indicated the desirability of the model. In general, by taking advantage of job engagement and job satisfaction of employees, the negative effect of political behavior on organizational citizenship behavior can be moderated.Introduction Based on the efficiency of organizational citizenship behaviors in organizations and the negative effects of political behaviors as well as the inevitability of these behaviors in organizations (Rezaeian, 2011) and the negative impact of political behaviors on organizational citizenship behaviors (Landells & Albrecht, 2019), the question that It is proposed that how can the effect of political behavior on organizational citizenship behaviors be moderated? With what components and solutions can the negative impact of political behaviors on organizational citizenship behaviors be eliminated or minimized? According to the review of previous researches, the reduction of organizational citizenship behavior is one of the consequences of political behavior in organizations (Bai, Helen Han & Harms, 2016; Sahid & Aslam, 2016) Based on this, it is predicted that job engagement and job satisfaction can solve part of the problems related to political behavior in organizations. According to what has been said, the main problem of the research is what effect do the variables of political behavior, job satisfaction and job engagement have on organizational citizenship behaviors?Case study The case of this research was Takta and Simachoob companies affiliated to the Broadcasting Organization of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRIB) with 430 people.Materials and Methods The research method is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-survey in terms of implementation based on structural equation modeling. The statistical population of the research was 430 employees of Takta and Simachoob companies affiliated to the Broadcasting Organization. The sample size was determined using the Krejcie and Morgan table to the number of 203 people and sampling was done by simple random method. Information related to job engagement was collected with the 17-item Job Engagement Questionnaire (JEQ) by Schaufeli & Salanova (2002). Measuring political behavior with a 19-item questionnaire of employees' political behavior conducted by Dubrin (1978). Organizational citizenship behavior was measured with a 24-item questionnaire by Podsakoff et al (1990). To measure job satisfaction, the questionnaire of Schriesheim and Tsui (1980), which has 5 dimensions of colleagues, supervisors, income, overall satisfaction and job satisfaction, was used. In order to analyze the data, the methods of descriptive statistics and Pearson's correlation test and the statistical technique of structural equation modeling (confirmatory path analysis) were used. All statistical operations were performed using Spss and AMOS software.Discussion and Results The research findings show the significant and negative effect of political behavior on job engagement (T-VALUE=-0.696, T-VALUE=-7.002), political behavior on organizational citizenship behavior (T-VALUE=-0.399, T-VALUE=-4.347) ) has a significant and negative effect. The effect of political behavior on job satisfaction is not significant. Job satisfaction has a significant and positive effect on organizational citizenship behavior (0.265, T-VALUE = 3.648) and job engagement on organizational citizenship behavior (0.433, T-VALUE = 4.247). Also, the effect of political behavior and job engagement on job satisfaction is not significant.ConclusionOrganizational behaviors of individual and group origin are the ultimate shaper of an organization's personality. As the findings of the research showed, political behaviors in the companies affiliated to the Broadcasting Organization play a decisive role in reducing the organizational citizen behavior through the mediation of job engagement and job satisfaction. Work and activity in media organizations and the production and broadcasting of audio and video content, in addition to the formal structure, requires a high level of informal structure and relationships. Based on this, in the mentioned companies, the behavior of organizational citizenship is of great importance, and the managers of the broadcasting organization and its affiliated companies should plan and manage in a way that the employees continuously show behaviors outside of relationships and activities. encourage formal and structural On the other hand, when political behaviors increase in these organizations, it will naturally have a negative effect on behaviors based on personal interest and outside of informal relationships. In the atmosphere of media activities that mostly deal with people's taste and interest and artistic aspects, with increasing political behaviors and decreasing organizational citizenship behavior, engagement and job satisfaction among employees, it is difficult to achieve organizational goals.

This study examines the authority of a tuanku, a leader of the tarekat (mystical teaching) community in West Sumatra, Indonesia—a charismatic figure with a significant role in the region's socio‐ political landscape. He issues political statements or ‘political fatwa’ regarding a certain issue to help determine choices. As such, political leaders seek to win his favor for an advantage in political contests. Data were collected from in-depth interviews with teachers and congregational members of the tarekat community to examine a tuanku's charismatic authority in the socio-political dynamics. The study reveals that a tuanku’s influence is strong, his understanding of politics is closely related to the religious understanding of the tarekat school, and his charisma impacts the political choices of the tarekat community. This study contributes to the literature by providing evidence of a religious figure's charismatic authority in West Sumatra's socio‐political dynamics.

The politicization of the mass consciousness of young people is revealed in this study by such parameters as the level of interest in politics, readiness for certain actions to protect interests, priority sources of political information, assessment of the correctness of the direction of development of the situation in the country, as well as the relations of some of these characteristics with the level political trust. The empirical basis of the study is the results of a massive online survey of Russian youth conducted in November 2022. The method of conducting the survey was an online survey. The data were processed using traditional methods of statistical analysis: simple and combined grouping of data, analysis of standardized residuals, correlation analysis, calculation of new variables, multiple regression analysis, multivariate scaling. By modeling a new variable, it was possible to identify high rates of youth interest in politics. It has been established that the level of youth interest in politics is associated with the availability and size of material and social resources of representatives of this group. Positive and negative factors influencing the level of youth interest in politics have been identified. Since, according to the results of the analysis, the levels of political trust and interest in youth politics turned out to be unrelated, it can be argued that the rational component in the formation of political trust among young people is rather weak. The relationship between the level of political trust of young people and the willingness to take certain potential actions to protect their interests has been revealed. Two sets of related potential action strategies have been identified that young people can use to protect their interests.

How do Black Americans practice a politics of racial group uplift while balancing their individual material interests? Traditionally, scholars have drawn on linked fate theory. However, more recent work argues that Black Americans remain politically unified because they feel race-based social pressure to conform more than a sense of linked fate. Employing a novel research design, I use the competitive reality television series, Survivor, to observe and analyze Black group-based decision-making. Through an inductive thematic content analysis of 13 Survivor episodes, I identified five themes in Black players' discussions of racialized social obligations when playing the game—what I call narratives of racial duty. Claims that emerged in this storytelling suggested that similar to the political world, Black Survivor contestants were keenly aware of the racialized social obligations for them as contestants in the game. For some, this reality felt like a burden. For others, it presented an opportunity. These reactions led some Black players to work together and others to construct a rationale for defecting from race-based alliances. I conclude by making the case that analyzing entertainment programs offers race and politics scholars a new site for identifying common scripts used to adhere to (and sidestep) racialized social norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

College students across the United States are engaging in protests, sit-ins, and walk-outs, but when do these political acts result in tangible institutional policy changes? This paper draws on qualitative data from interviews and focus groups with 502 participants across the United States to examine when and why college student political behaviors influence institutional changes on college campuses. Findings from this study suggest that higher education institutions present different political opportunity structures for students to engage in activism. These political opportunity structures provide policy windows at the institutional level to affect campus wide change. To the extent that these changes promote diversity, equity, and inclusion though also depends on these varying structures. In this paper, a typology of these structures is presented to explain when student activism shapes institutional change and for whom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In autocracies, party membership offers benefits to citizens who join the ruling party. The recruitment process consists of (i) citizens' applying to become party members, followed by (ii) ruling parties' selection among applicants. Hence, I propose that ruling parties can face a "recruitment dilemma" when the citizens who apply for party membership with an eye on its benefits do not overlap with the ruling party's targeted population. Previous research assumes that the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) interest in co-opting white-collar workers is matched by those workers' interest in becoming party members. However, it is their emergence as an essential social group that changed the CCP membership's pattern, leading it to adapt its co-optation strategy to solve the recruitment dilemma. Using surveys across multiple waves between 2005 and 2017, I show (i) changes in application patterns, (ii) the CCP's recruitment dilemma when they receive applications from more laborers than white-collar workers, and (iii) the CCP solution of rejecting laborers in favor of white-collar workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]