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The article is a comprehensive study of the biography and scientific work of Evgeny Ivanovich Timonin. As part of the study of the biography, the author, actively relying on the poetic legacy of E. I. Timonin, publications in scientific journals and the press, restores the picture of rural life in Soviet Siberia in the 1920s and 1930s. Later, E. I. Timonin’s studies at Tomsk State University, his contacts with teachers and front-line students, are studied. The author of the article pays great attention to the service of E. I. Timonin worked at the Ministry of State Security of the USSR, his work at the Beloyarsk seven-year school, Omsk Higher School of Militia. A serious volume of the article is devoted to the analysis of E. I. Timonin’s cooperation with the Omsk regional organization of the society «Knowledge» and work after the collapse of the USSR. E. I. Timonin left 200 works on history and historiography, 10 monographs, 20 pamphlets and dozens of newspaper publications on the history of the region to future generations of historians. A more worthy monument to the historianresearcher could not be found. The article is intended to perpetuate the memory of E. I. Timonin, taking into account his centennial anniversary.

The aim is to analyze the political concepts of the governments of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Polish Republic in exile regarding bilateral relations and the establishment of state borders after proclaiming their independence. The methodology is based on the application of gene ral scientific and special-historical research methods, including problem-chronological, historical-comparative, synchronous, historical-systemic, and others. The main research results indicate that both governments in exile, as products of their era, were forced to adapt to the new conditions that arose as a result of the establishment of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the world. This primarily concerned the rethinking of bilateral relations in the interwar period, the perception of territorial changes, and the determination of new borders after the World War II. For several decades, the Polish government in exile avoided official relations with the State Center of the UPR in exile, as the reorganization of the UPR State Center in 1948 led to the unification of representatives of various Ukrainian lands, including those that were part of the Polish Republic. Subsequently, it is important to study the reasons for the change in the political position of the Polish government in exile and the peculiarities of intergovernmental negotiations, which led to the signing of the joint Ukrainian-Polish Declaration in November 1979. The Declaration proclaimed a commitment to good neighbourly relations and avoided the most problematic issues. Despite the signing of this document, the Polish government in exile in London, until transferring its powers to the democratically elected government of the Republic of Poland in December 1990, advocated the need to restore the borders of 1939. The practical importance of the achieved results lies in establishing the role and place of the governments of the UPR and the Polish Republic in exile in the process of restoring the sovereignty and state independence of both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a sociological overview of the reasons for emigration in Armenia, assessing the various factors influencing the decision of citizens to leave their homeland. The article analyzes general emigration trends emanating from historical roots, as well as specific factors associated with modern Armenian reality. The article covers the issue of emigration in Armenia while highlighting the research done on this issue by well-known sociologists. It also looks at the country's current emigration issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

KULIGOWSKI, Piotr. Steampunk Association: The Project for a Polish Utopian Settlement in California in the Mid-19th Century. This article provides a case study of a project for a Polish utopian settlement (Osada), which was to be established in California, USA. Author Kazimierz Tomkiewicz’s, a Polish political exile from the early 1830s, developed a blueprint in Paris in 1850 and sent it to Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, seeking his support for its realisation. Osada was to be an agro-industrial settlement, enabling Poles participation in the growing global technological and economic progress of the time. In the proposed model, the settlement was envisioned as an association, maintaining a democratic decision-making process and an equal distribution of goods among settlers. This paper argues that Tomkiewicz—perhaps inspired by Saint-Simonianist thinking— in fact coined a scheme for a steampunk association, believing that labour and creativity might not only improve the situation of Polish emigres, but also transform the Polish soul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Second World War was viewed by Ukrainians abroad and in Ukraine as a potential chance to restore Ukraine’s independence. At the beginning of the war, the main political forces of the Ukrainian emigration interfered in a state of mutual confrontation. Each of them tried to attract international contacts for support. The article examines the process of finding foreign policy allies by the State Center of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in exile at the first stage of World War II (1939–1940). The main attention is paid to the political processes in this part of the Ukrainian emigration, the disunity and the presence of three governing centers (in France, Czechoslovakia and Poland) and the foreign policy orientations of the emigration government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. For the first time, the document”Letters from the leading circles of the UPR” is published, which attempts to justify the need for a foreign policy alliance with Germany and criticizes the “francophilism” of some figures of the State Center of the UPR in Europe and America. The hypothetical circle of emigration politicians who could be the authors of these documents and their addressees is outlined. Attention is drawn to the fact that the conclusion of foreign policy agreements with Germany in the interwar period was a well-established practice for many countries at that time (France, England, the USSR, etc.). The reasons for the disinterest of the main players in world politics at this stage in the restoration of Ukraine’s independence are emphasized. As the government’s emigration status and military actions did not help preserve the archives, documents belonging to this period of Ukrainian history and diplomacy have come down to us in limited numbers. Publication and analysis of documents of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in exile, which relate to the foreign policy concepts of the Ukrainian emigration government, allow to more fully reveal the vision of ways to restore Ukraine’s independence after its territories were part of the USSR, Poland, Romania and Czechoslovakia.

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary History / Časopis za Suvremenu Povijest is the property of Croatia Institute for History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary History / Časopis za Suvremenu Povijest is the property of Croatia Institute for History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Film Quarterly / Kwartalnik Filmowy is the property of Kwartalnik Filmowy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the months between the Italian armistice (September 1943) and the end of the war (May 1945), Italy became the destination of a large group of Yugoslav exiles who, in various ways, opposed Tito and the Socialist and Federal Republic in the process of being formed. These exiles, divided by nationality and political affiliation (ranging from exponents of the resistance linked to the government in exile in London to the most radical collaborators with the Nazis), were united by their staunch anti-communism. Carefully observed by both the Italian secret services and the Allied military government, with the approach of the Cold War this Yugoslav “refractory community” was increasingly used as a centre of propaganda and in part also of information by the West. After the Tito-Stalin split, this function was reduced, and the community waited for new developments that would only appear forty years later with the dissolution of the disdained Federal and Socialist Republic. This essay is an integral part of research based on the archives of the Italian Military Intelligence Service (SIM) kept at the Historical Office of the Italian Army General Staff in Rome, in the fonds of the Confidential Affairs of the General Directorate of Public Security of the Italian Ministry of the Interior and in the “Affari Politici - Jugoslavia” collections of the Historical-Diplomatic Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The research is still in progress and aims to create a map of the Yugoslav anti-communist community in Italy from the end of the Second World War until the dissolution of the Federal Republic between 1989 and 1992.

Jiří Lederer (1922–1983), a journalist and writer, has left a permanent mark on the history of Czech culture and democratic opposition in Central and Eastern Europe. In the 1960s he became one of the spokespersons of the Polish-Czech agreement and an expert on Polish affairs. From the 1967 he was already a dissident, he secretly collaborated with the centres of Czech emigration in the West (Free Europe Radio Station, “Svědectví”). He was one of the champions of the Prague Spring and one of the first victims of the so called normalization (deprived of the possibility of publishing and removed from public life). A signatory to Charter77, he was condemned in 1977 for three years jail. The focus of the article is the analyse of the texts concerning the Polish independent trade union Solidarity, which were written by Lederer after 1980, when he lived in exile in Germany. During his forced stay abroad the journalist was trying to integrate Czech, Polish and Slovak political émigré centres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period from October 1944 through May 1945, represents the least researched part of the Ravna Gora Movement and the history of the Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland [JVuO]. At this time, most of these forces had gone through the so-called Bosnian Golgotha, where they experienced a military collapse. One of the key witnesses of this event, Major Aleksandar Milošević, in his memoirs, described the retreat of the JVuO through Bosnia and gave his insight into the cause of the defeat. Pointing out his political resume and presenting the most important parts from his memoirs connected to the events of 1944–1945, this paper will try to shed some light on one of the most controversial and underresearched episodes of World War II.

The State Security Service (SDV), or prior to 1967, the State Security Administration (UDV), which is known in history as the Slovenian secret political police, maintained constant control over Slovenian, particularly political emigration - which was divided into moderate, loyal, and extreme. According to the Slovenian secret political police the political emigrants were classified into several heterogeneous groups with different ideological platforms, which were supposed to be strongly opposed to each other. They were allegedly united, however, by a common hate for the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which aided the rise of radical nationalism, separatism, and anti-communism. In the paper, the authors present "hostile" or dangerous organizations of Slovene political emigration to the Yugoslav authorities, explain the methods of monitoring emigrants in the West, and their activities, which were expressed through Yugoslavia's "hostile" propaganda press through the eyes of the Slovene political police based on mostly unpublished archival material kept by the Archives of the Republic of Slovenia within the fond of the Republic Secretariat for Internal Affairs (AS RSNZ). The authors focus on the turbulent 1960s, when the number of emigrants increased, and because of the sharper schism between the Eastern and Western blocs, as well as the rise of anti-communist ideas in the West, they increasingly voiced ideas after the change of Slovenia's Yugoslav one-party political system. The tasks and goals set by the Slovene political police regarding political emigration included the preventive cessation of extreme "hostile" actions, the infiltration of employees into Slovenian political emigration organizations and associations to obtain information, and operational actions to stop various emigration activities directed against Yugoslavia. Slovene political emigration thus arose and developed its identity alongside existence of an "external enemy" in the form of the Yugoslav political regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the research on diasporic and migrant communities' engagement the democratisation of their home countries. It focuses on the case of the most recent wave of political emigration from Russia that has taken place during President Putin's third term. It confirms the thesis that emigration, particularly forced emigration, whereby political dissidents are squeezed out from their country by the authorities in hopes of calming simmering political protest, has stopped being the safety valve it once was. Drawing on Levitt's seminal work on social remittances, it analyses the content and channels of political remittances by recent Russian emigrants. In terms of the democratic remittances' content, six main broadly defined thematic areas of mobilisation can be distinguished: free and fair elections; human rights and civil freedoms; fighting corruption; environmental protection; anti-war activities; counteracting Russian propaganda and the 'hybrid war'. The channels of these democratic remittances are divided into direct (activities targeted at the Russian society) and indirect ones (targeted at Russian diaspora and political elites and society in the receiving countries). It draws the attention to immeasurable political remittances, those which cannot be easily assessed, yet undeniably impact the country of origin and its society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Polonijne is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The text presents the assumptions of the Polish overseas colony project published in 1864. This document appeared in the face of the social crisis caused by the defeat of the January Uprising and the empowerment of the peasants in the Kingdom of Poland. The idea of the planned resettlement of Polish political emigration contains a mixture of its traditional, pre-modern forms and some democratic and ideas of Ultramontanism. A detailed and contextual analysis of this historical evidence leads to valid conclusions on the shaping of a specific pre-modern form of Polish nationalism: exclusive and uniform in confession and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay reconstructs the history of the Italian League for Human Rights (LIDU), an anti-fascist organization in exile that played a meaningful role, between the World Wars, in the field of the legal protection and assistance of Italian political emigration to France and in the consistent condemnation of the repressive, liberticide and bellicist nature of Fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the given article the main topic under research is a scientific pedagogical work during the war-period in the Czecho-Slovak Republic by M. A. Slavynskyi (1868–1945), a prominent Ukrainian historian, ethnographer, man of letters, interpreter, publicist, poet and a diplomat. Here, in this article, for the first time the generalization approach attempts to study the history of the scientific pedagogical work of the famous Ukrainian social and political figure.

The obsession with the opponents of the communist system, and the internal and external enemy in socialist Yugoslavia that was used as a slogan for homogenization of nations and nationalities, was widely spread not only in the media and professional literature, but also studied closely by Yugoslav authorities. In addition to general assessments, the federal and republic state security services carried out analytical reviews of activity of individual system opponents residing in Yugoslavia, as well as of political emigrants whose actions influenced the situation and dissident activity in the country. The writer, editor and translator Mirko Javornik came under control of Yugoslav authorities as early as 1945 following his emigration, and even more intensively after 1965. The fi ndings collected from the archive material of the Archives of the Republic of Slovenia show that the State Security Service's assessments made on the basis of operationally gathered documentary material and analysis of Javornik's journalistic activity in emigration and other security-relevant material regarded his engagement against political regime in Yugoslavia and Slovenia as dangerous mostly because of his aspirations for democratic and independent Slovenia or, as it was noted, because of Javornik's »ideological limits of the great Slovenian idea within Central European political context«. This served as a source of his authority as a writer and a politician, which he enjoyed among Slovenian people and organizations in the neighbouring countries, in immigration, and in Slovenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The antifascist emigration of the interwar period, which forms part of the political class of the Italian Republic, may seem little concerned by the institutional issue, whether this emigration is seen as unanimous Republican or it is considered preferable to silence the possible differences. Yet the debate exists, even if it is rudimentary and often instrumentalized, as the reformist socialists were under the illusion that they could find support from monarchist liberals or even from the Crown. The controversy agitate the Italian Human Rights Leagueand the Anti-Fascist Concentration before dying in the late 1920s with an overall republicanization, that the attempt to broadest national unity, wanted by the Communist party in the time of the Popular fronts, disturbed only temporarily, as it was contrary to the identity of the parties, including this party, to the militants’ opinion, and to the influence of republican France as principal place of political emigration.

The work analyzes forms of terrorist activities of political émigrés against the communist régime in Yugoslavia that culminated from the second half of the sixties until the beginning of the eighties of the last century. Also, it gives an overview how the State reacted to challenges posed by terrorists’ through the process of neutralization of the extreme emigrants. According to the analysis executions of the emigrants reached peaks during the 1960s, then in the 1970s and between 1983–84. Intensity of the terrorist activities and the State’s radical answer to it was noticeably high during the 1970s or during the global expansion of the terrorist activities. It is indicative that serial killings of political emigrants in the USA began after 1977 following the high jacking of the plane in the USA and the arrest of the members of the SOPO terrorist organisation. Besides the terrorists many prominent political figures, journalists and media moguls, anticommunist intellectuals mostly from Germany were targeted. In an attempt to stop organised propaganda activities aimed at economic emigrant the State applied methods for neutralisation of political emigrants, threats and preventative measures against the terrorists which reached its peak at the end of the 1960s.

Turgenev Public Library history in late XIX - the first third of the XX centuries is represented. The reasons of the library popularity growth among the Russian emigrants after 1917 revolutions are revealed. It was found that since the establishment of Turgenev Public Library the Russian official authority in France had negative attitude towards it, therefore the most of readers were political emigrants and students. At the time the visitors did not have enough money for the library maintenance, this fact put it under constant threat of closure. After the revolutions of 1917 the library became the important cultural and scientific center of the Russian emigration. Memoirs of the library board members allowed us do such conclusion. Studying history of Turgenev Public Library let us to reveal and confirm differences of book culture significance at various stages of the Russian emigration in late XIX - early XX centuries.

The article deals with the activities of the postwar Yugoslav communist one-party regime in the establishment of a security system on the Slovenian (Yugoslav) border. Based on the analysis of archival records from the Archives of the Republic of Slovenia in Ljubljana, Military archives in Belgrade and literature, the authors analyze how the system of state border protection in Slovenia (Yugoslavia) towards its western democratic neighbors Austria and Italy has been developed. They furthermore present activities of the Yugoslav state security service in recruiting agents for the so called »Special war« against »external« and »internal enemies« of the post-war Yugoslav communist one-party regime. By analyzing the statistics of the Yugoslav internal affairs bodies, they present the dimensions of the fl ight of population and reasons for it; they also present the activities of the internal affairs bodies in order to prevent them. On the case of the Hermagoras Society in Klagenfurt (Austria), they present the attempt of the Yugoslav State security service to infi ltrate the society in 1986 and 1988 in order to sabotage the work of the political emigration abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postwar world, the problem of refugees, exiles, displaced persons and fugitives - different groups of forced migrants - became one of more important issues. Focusing on just a single aspect of it, which is the fate of the Polish DPs in France and the French occupation zone, we want to show how resignation from returning to their home country influenced this numerous group of people under the pressure of the Yalta policy practiced by particular countries. The hesitation about being repatriated to Poland led to the emergence of highly emotional and uncompromisingly anti-communist attitudes. The manifestation of such a behaviour in the years following the war was incomprehensible for the French, just like the decision to remain in exile. French economy needed hands to work and was eager to see the DPs as economic migrants but not as political refugees. It was not until the 1950s when the progressing Cold War created better conditions for the migrants to settle, to establish their own organizations, and also to gear up for ideological struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Pages is the property of National Technical University of Ukraine KPI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the development of the Yugoslav state's policy of transnational political engagement of Yugoslav citizens on temporary work in the FR Germany during the late 1960s and 1970s. This politicization of labor migrations was shaped by the interplay of the internal turmoil in the Yugoslav federation and the conditions peculiar to West Germany of the time. The change of the state's perception of external migrations is being examined through the extension of the agitation apparatus of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia onto the territory of the FR Germany and the mobilization of economic emigrants against the “hostile” political emigrants residing in that country. The main goal of these measures was to maintain the emigrants' transnational links to their homeland and ensure that their political standing was kept in line with the official Yugoslav ideological tenets until the time of the prospective return migration cycle. The extraterritorial character of these measures, coupled with the specific position of Yugoslavia within the Cold War diplomacy, led to a peculiar ideological interplay and shifting web of cooperation and confrontation between various actors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During World War II, post-war Europe was planned mostly along federalist lines. This article concentrates on four Baltic proposals by Kazys Pakštas, Alfrēds Bīlmanis, Aleksander Warma and Jānis Volmārs for Baltic and/or European unification, which mostly have been ignored in the previous literature. The variety of the contents and mutual relations of these proposals demonstrate wide alternatives in political thinking even from such a small region as the Baltic States. Instead of grouping them as Baltic due to their origins, they can present different types of plans for unification: Nordic, Western, Central Eastern and Postwar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of Italian communities in Switzerland in the period after the September 8, 1943 armistice and the surrender of Italy in World War II. Reference is made to Italian community self-government in Switzerland and the establishment of the Federazione delle Colonie Libere Italiane (FCLIS) federation for free Italian colonies in Switzerland. Topics discussed include background on the history of Italian economic and political migration to Switzerland, anti-Fascist activism among Italian communities in Switzerland, and the development of Fascist organizations in Switzerland.