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What is power? What is knowledge? What is the link between power and knowledge? This paper interrogates the relationship between knowledge and power in the context of Guinea's epidemic crises and political events. It draws on observational data collected during the Ebola epidemic (2013-2016), the COVID-19 pandemic (2020-2022), and the ongoing military transition in the country since September 2021. The article first looks at the conception of the relationship between power and knowledge in decolonial literature and the writings of Amadou Hampâté Bâ. The text then describes this relationship in the context of the Ebola and COVID-19 epidemics, and in the ongoing political transition. Finally, the analysis provides an epistemological reflection on knowledge-situated in Guinea to rethink the conceptual and empirical research perspective on the production and circulation of (academic) knowledge in the country's knowledge ecology.

We offer insights into the factors impacting faculty-led academic/research collaborations between Mexican scholars employed in the USA and their Mexican colleagues working in Mexico. Founded on the idea that "diasporic relationships" include people involved in cross-border migrations yet maintaining ties with their homeland, we are referring to these faculty-led collaborations as "diasporic." To offer nuanced understandings, data analyzed were obtained from 25 semi-structured interviews exploring collaboration in "different" professional, institutional, disciplinary, and regional contexts. Relying on Network Analysis of Qualitative Data, we were able to identify the most relevant drivers (e.g., personal relationships, common research interests, and cross-cultural understandings) and deterrents (e.g., political and legal challenges and institutional contexts) of diasporic collaborations influenced by institutional, national, and sociopolitical power dynamics. Our use of "diasporic academic collaborations" is intended to transcend this study; that is, although our analytic sample is comprised by diasporic Mexican academics, we argue that similar barriers and drivers may apply to academics from other countries who may be interested in participating in "diasporic academic collaborations." Accordingly, we invite other researchers to expand this understudied research topic by providing access to our interview protocols and the detailed list of codes used to apply Network Analysis of Qualitative Data.

The Indonesian education system, in general, still has many challenges in learning science. The results of the 2018 PISA survey put Indonesia in 74th place, which is sixth from the bottom. Indonesian students' reading ability, with a score of 371, is in the 74th position; Mathematics, with 379, is in the 73rd position; and Science, with a score of 396, is in the 71st position. This situation is intriguing to explore how history influences the education system's current conditions, especially in science learning. The article will explore the effect of changes in the education system on science learning in Indonesia. Exploration of science learning will start from the education system before the independence of Indonesia to the current education system. Using a historical approach, and this article concludes that political power influences change in the ideological orientation of the system and the direction of education, especially in education policy, curriculum changes, and learning activities. This change in situation plays a huge role in determining the achievements of current science learning and achievements.

One of the primary goals of Franco's education policy was to train the working class in the doctrinal principles of the regime. Labour Universities were one of the education institutions created for this purpose; there were three for women (Zaragoza, Cáceres and Huesca). This article focuses on analysing the purposes sought by these macro-institutions when training working-class women, using diverse primary sources: documentary, audiovisual, archive and legal. Findings indicate that Women's Labour Universities aimed to provide specialised vocational training and also to impose the doctrine of the ideological principles advocated by the regime in relation to the model of women. However, these goals were somewhat incompatible as providing women with vocational training promoted their emancipation, contrary to the female ideal mainly advocated.

The processes of formulation of language policies have not been researched thoroughly. This paper aims to explore the relationship between ideas, power and agency in language policy-making and specifically with reference to the formulation of language-in-education policy for multilingualism in Ireland. Through an argumentative approach to language policy and using a discursive institutionalist framework, the paper examines data from policy documents and interviews with policy actors in the Department of Education and Skills. The paper reports on the ways in which agentive discourses are constrained and enabled by institutional structures. The analysis shows how power resulting from asymmetric internal forces and the hierarchical architecture of institutions prevailed over the capacity of some actors to promote their ideas through discourse. Moreover, it shows how static ideational elements are powerful structural constraints on agency. The paper argues for a conceptualisation of actors in policy-making as agentive individuals who engage in a dynamic struggle over ideas to realise complex and changing policy goals. It concludes by claiming that a focus on discursive forms of power in the policy analysis at the so-called macro level would be beneficial for language policy scholarship.

As Chamoru scholars with experience working at two universities within the University of California (UC) system, the authors write from institutions deeply implicated in interconnected projects of settler colonialism and militarism. Addressing the UC's historical narrative in the authors' pedagogy is an important way to connect with ongoing calls for justice for Indigenous peoples in California and beyond. Located in the US nation-state with the most military bases and installations, these universities are networked within a vast military infrastructure made possible by federal investments from the Department of Defense (DoD). Several UC campuses and institutes have long-standing financial relationships with the DoD, meaning the US military plays a notable role in shaping contemporary institutional priorities and economy. In this essay, the authors interrogate the lack of sustained education on militarism as a communicative practice that functions to maintain ignorance. Thus, the authors utilize place-based communication pedagogy to explicitly address settler colonialism as an interrelated structural issue. Given the authors focus on the US/California and specific characteristics of military power in these places, the authors urge practitioners from other regions to scope these proposed interventions within their own local contexts. According to the authors, they have demonstrated the significance of Communication teaching to provide more robust and life-affirming educational opportunities for students that directly prepare and educate them to simultaneously confront the violent structures of militarism and settler colonialism.

Purpose: The present article seeks to further the analysis by examining the epitext employed by the press seeing as the epitext in the digital spaces might have given "Animal Farm" and its Thai re-translations a new lease on life. Design/methodology/approach: The interest in the study of translation and paratext has primarily been in analysing peritextual material of translated texts, not on the epitext, the distanced elements located outside the book. To add to a limited amount of research into epitext, this study focusses on the element that is external to the published re-translations: the news items published by the media in the Thai and English languages from May-June 2019, immediately after the Thai PM's book recommendation. Findings: These news items, as an epitextual element, primed, explained, contextualised, justified and tempted readers. The "Afterlife" of "Animal Farm" in Thailand is sustained by political upheavals and re-translations. Rather than through their textual qualities, the re-translations of "Animal Farm" compete with each other through epitext. Originality/value: In discussing literary re-translation of "Animal Farm" in the digital age, Genette's categories of paratextual field are not without their merits. The materials examined in this article are posted by web administrators with collective identity or institutional affiliation. In some of these news items or articles, materials created by different paratextual creators are selectively coalesced within a singular textual space. The site users or news readers encounter various elements in the texts that had been curated by journalists. In other words, these elements had been consciously crafted.

We examine the political power exerted by Italian rectors by investigating the preferential treatment received by the organisational subunits they belong to in terms of personnel resource allocation. During the rectors' mandate, their organisational subunits tend to grow significantly more (by [approximately]9%) than the others. The effect persists even after the implementation of the New public management-inspired policy - the Gelmini reform.

This paper displays a Systemic Functional Linguistic and Critical Discourse Analysis of Boris Johnson's first public speech on COVID-19. COVID-19 is a very dangerous infectious disease caused by the last discovered virus of the Coronavirus strain. This virus began in Wuhan's Chinese city in December 2019. COVID-19 has spread from Wuhan to the rest of the world. It has now turned into a pandemic affecting the whole world. Halliday's (2004) model of systemic functional linguistics (meta-functions), relying on interpersonal and ideational meta-functions, and Van Dijk's ideology and discourse (2000) model depending on the argumentation categories, are the adopted models of analysis. The paper's main objectives are to analyze the speech of Prime Minister Boris critically to uncover the used ideologies to advise, persuade and control the people's beliefs and actions. In addition, this paper aims to identify the interpersonal and ideational meta-functions in the selected speeches of the chosen figure stating their frequencies, then finding out how these features uncover the ideological strategies used to affect all people; Finding the argumentation categories that are used by the prime minister to support the ideas and actions presented. The paper presents a theoretical background of discourse, Critical discourse analysis, dominant, and ideology. Explains the adopted models; Analyzes the speech critically.

Recent consciously curated conditions of political polarisation have prevented English schools from taking even the first tentative steps towards decolonising the curriculum. Since returning to power in 2010, successive Conservative Secretaries of State for Education have resolved to restore traditional learning methods to English classrooms, championing the need for children to passively accept content chosen for them by government appointees who are answerable to political rather than to pedagogical priorities. This had already created an unsupportive political environment for transforming what children might learn, before such difficulties were magnified following the Brexit referendum of 2016. Decolonisation has increasingly been identified by Conservative Party strategists as one of their beloved wedge issues, something that can be used to stoke electorally expedient anger against 'the Remainer elite' among Leave-voting communities. Hopes for a serious debate about the principles of decolonisation were frustrated by the Johnson government hijacking the very mention of the word to use as evidence that the 'woke' brigade was running hopelessly out of control. The case for decolonising the English school curriculum has been subjected to a full-frontal populist culture-war attack on an educational establishment accused of refusing to allow children to see the good in their country.

With some degree of regularity, Norwegian authorities revise the curricula across all subjects within primary and lower secondary education, including social studies. In 2019, the most recent revision of this subject was adopted. It was labelled SAF01-04, and came into effect in August 2020. This article aims to identify areas where SAF01-04 implicitly encourages pupils to take specific normative positions in contested political-ideological questions. The article concludes that the implicit political-ideological content in SAF01-04 is moderately politically left-leaning and that pupils are expected to adopt moderately left-leaning positions. The article concludes that the ideological leanings of SAF01-04 are surprising given that the government behind SAF01-04 was centre-right.

This paper aims to analyze the temporary teachers' hiring policy in Cametá, during the last two municipal administrations (2013-2020). The main focus is the interface between disputes for local power and the municipal administration of education. This is a case study using a qualitative approach, employing the procedures of documental analysis, interviews, participant observation, and a survey for data collection. Our theoretical framework was based on understandings from the anthropology of politics, with the concept of "clientelism" as the central analytical category. Moreover, we draw from literature that centers research done from a municipal perspective. The results indicate that the practice of hiring temporary teachers occurs mainly in schools in the rural area, being based on clientelist relationships. Several actors are involved in the hiring process and these clientelist relationships, with emphasis on city council members, school principals, and temporary teachers. Furthermore, the precarization of the labor of temporary teachers was observed, with recurring delayed salaries and months worked without payment. The performance of the public prosecutor's office proved to be insufficient in a scenario of non-compliance with the legal framework that regulates the teaching profession in the Brazilian education system.

This study aimed at establishing the impact of extra lessons on the political field in Zimbabwean urban day high-density secondary schools. It was guided by the interpretivist perspective based on the interpretation of interactions and social meaning that teachers, learners, parents, and school inspectors assigned to the role of extra lessons on the political environment. The study was qualitative and thus aimed at reporting detailed views of informants. The multiple case study method was used as the focus was on three high-density high schools in Chegutu town. The researcher adopted the multi-technique approach to generate data, thus interviews and focus group discussions were used. Data saturation was arrived at after the involvement of 23 participants. These consisted of 8 teachers, 6 learners, 6 parents and 3 school inspectors. Findings from the study show that political expedience was one reason why extra lessons had been carried out with the blessing of some political players. From the academic outlook, politicians in favour of the extra lessons capitalised on them to gain continued existence in the political arena. While the political elite benefitted in the short term, through political expedience, in the long run, they stood to lose political support as this could also lead to civil disorder when many youths passed examinations but found no formal employment. Extra lessons made teachers generate extra income and created informal employment in many private colleges. This translated into low political tensions which were usually sparked by poor teacher incentives and high unemployment. Extra lessons paved the way for some meeting point among and between the different stakeholders and politicians still were guaranteed their votes regardless of whether they were for or against the extra lessons. Since there is evidence that most stakeholders were in favour of the extra lessons, it is prudent these lessons should continue to be carried out. Extra lessons also created informal employment in private colleges, and this has translated into low political tensions as teachers get some extra incentives, at the same time lowering the high unemployment of qualified teachers.

The article highlights the history and features of parliamentarism development in the Latin America countries. In addition, the need for training on the subject and the effect of increasing students and educators' awareness in this field is examined. This process was lengthy, replete with the examples of various social groups, political trends and parties struggle intensity increase. Since the beginning of the 19th century, there have been almost no favorable conditions for the practical implementation of democratic government in the countries of Latin America, and the institutionalization of the party system has not taken place yet. However, there have been exceptions to the general rule in the history of Latin America. Chile and Argentina were such an example. The success of democratic transformations in the countries of the region depended on various reasons: (a) whether the country had a democratic experience in its past; (b) the conditions for the political and economic development of this country to develop representative institutions in the future; (c) the importance of the parties in the political course development and the adoption of state decisions. The results of democracy and parliamentarism development in the states of Latin America are rather complicated by the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. On the one hand, the last decades of the XX-th century and the beginning of this century was marked by the democratization of political life, reforms, and the replacement of military regimes with civilian governments. Since the beginning of the 60-ies, they started the process of democratization and formation of independent island states in the Caribbean and Central America. Despite the successful development of the economy, culture, education, the presence of a large middle class in Argentina, the military governments overcame civilian ones in the 30-70-ies. Therefore, it is needed to consider this aspect as a part of education system to improve the educators' level.

This article explores the positioning of dual qualifications (DQs) in the Finnish education policy and the education system since the late 1980s. The analysis is carried out in the context of academic-vocational divide. At the end of the 1980s, Finland questioned the functionality of the strict academic-vocational divide in post-compulsory education, and a unified upper secondary education was initiated. DQ was the result of two contradictory political discourses: the aim to make education system more equal and the 1990s' market oriented education policy. In the 2000s, although segregation at the upper secondary level was strengthened, the DQ simultaneously became an established study route. However, in 2007 due to changes in political power, the DQ was repositioned on the periphery of education policy and academic-vocational divide became stronger. The main focus as regards the functions of DQs until the end of the 2010s was on efforts to enhance the use of educational resources and improve the possibilities for individual and flexible education choices. The aim of the current government, elected in 2019, is to strengthen cooperation at upper secondary level, which is also expected to include DQs. However, the actualisation might be mitigated by the educational reforms of the previous government.

With a particular rise since the turn of the millennium, cyber-security become one of the most important security sector in contemporary security politics. Despite this, the convergence of cyberspace and security has mostly been analyzed within the context of technical areas and had been neglected in the political realm and international relations academia. The article argues that in line with developments in the domestic and international arena, the AKP government shifted towards the securitization of cyberspace. Secondly the article argues that there seems to be two waves of securitization and desecuritization within the case. The first wave starts from 2006 through the end of 2017 whereby cyber securitization took place within the subunit level and very much connected to political and societal sectors. This first wave particularly heightened after the 2016 attempted coup and the eventual collapse of the peace process with the PKK. The second wave came in the 2018 onwards and instead of securitization, there is a desecuritizationn of cyber attacks took place mostly at the unit level. In both waves, the desecuritization and securitization is constructed within the national security discourse. However in the first wave, a threat to national security is constructed and hypersecuritized particularly in relation to developments at the societal level. In the second wave, the emphasis is put on the strength of national security therefore the threats and cyber-attacks at the unit level that are originated from other states is downplayed in order to construct a national pride and strength. The main goal of this article therefore is to fill the gap in the Copenhagen school related to cyber security sector. The second aim is to fill the gap specifically in Turkey's response to events in cyberspace and construction of a cybersecurity discourse and culture.

Media freedom and independence are the pillars of a given democratic society. Since the media makes up the bridge between the political authority and the public opinion, its independence is crucial for the survival of democracy. However, the history of the media has always been paved with obstacles of different kinds. This paper examines the obstacles to the freedom and independence of the media in the world in general and Turkey in particular. The critical political economy of the media was used as the theoretical framework for the study and, as for the method, a qualitative analysis of secondary data was performed. The existing literature showed that media concentration ownership, commercial stakes, and political interference make up the main obstacles to media freedom and independence in the world. Also, the literature revealed that political interference, economic stakes, and the legal framework in which the media operate consist of the main obstacle to media freedom and independence in Turkey. It was revealed that even in countries where freedom of expression is guaranteed by the Constitution, the media still struggle to maintain a completely independent editorial policy. he negative world trends in media freedom and independence consequently imply a negative trend in democracy in the world. The rise of electronic journalism contributed significantly to the freedom and independence of the media. However, political power and digital capital control the media content, which often leads to censorship.

Notwithstanding their contribution to the development of any society, women are the underclass. Their participation in social, economic, and political spheres could be limited because of illiteracy. To improve their involvement, providing adult education is incontestable. This article examines Ethiopian women's empowerment through Integrated Functional Adult Education, using social, economic, and political dimensions. The paper confirms that providing adult education programs to illiterate women improved their day-to-day lives. The study concluded that Integrated Functional Adult Education improves women's lives in social and economic dimensions. However, the study also found that women's participation and empowerment in political issues remain unimproved.

On April 20th, 2018, Moroccan youths launched a boycott campaign on social media targeting three commercial brands. This incident has reinvigorated the debate on youth engagement in civic activism. Thus, this article compares Moroccan college-level students' civic engagement through formal processes and online social networking as well as predicting students' levels of engagement based on their demographic characteristics and political orientation variables. The analysis revealed that social media use was significantly correlated with youth virtual civic activities. Political interest and self-efficacy also had a significant impact on youth civic engagement. However, of the five demographic variables involved, only two were found to be significantly correlated with youth online civic activities. The study therefore identifies evidence corroborating other researchers' finding that Moroccan youth play a role in influencing policy and decision-making through informal channels of civic engagement.

Although voting is a fundamental mechanism through which Americans engage with their democracy, social workers often do not see it as a valid component of practice. Voting is an important source of political power and provides a means to ensure equitable representation. Educating social work students on how they can encourage voter engagement within practice is an important step to rectifying this missed opportunity. This article describes the implementation of a voter engagement model in social work education. Pre- and post-tests from 475 participants demonstrate the efficacy of this model in increasing social work students' perceived importance of voting to their practice, their likelihood of voting in future elections, and their likelihood of engaging others in voting in future elections.

This multi-method qualitative study explores how immigrant-origin (I-O) youth express civic engagement on social media, and how youths' immigrant identities shape their online civic engagement. We analyzed 2,203 Twitter posts collected over a 6-month period from 32 racially and ethnically diverse I-O youth (an average of 69 posts per participant). Interviews with 11 participants supplemented Twitter analysis. Using a critical consciousness framework as a guiding lens, we identified three broad themes: Using Critical Reflection to Shift Culture and Minds, Navigating and Drawing on Multiple Identities, and Building Collective Political Efficacy. Findings contribute to a growing body of literature on how I-O youth are harnessing social media as agents of their own, and their peers', critical consciousness development.

This article argues that the worlds which comparative education has explored and is exploring are characterised by three main political patterns. The first and oldest is the competitive nation-state as the starting point of the comparison, an educationalised nation-state, one whose relative global strength in economy and military prowess is attributed to the education system. The second pattern, easily visible in the Cold War, is the idea of an almost standardised progression, linked to economic, military and thus geopolitical power. And the contemporary pattern is that this nexus of global potency and education can be broken down into comparative school performance tests (for example in PISA currently) through which reform needs (almost automatically) are formulated at home, and elsewhere. If this analysis and its history -- which is illustrated in the following -- is even approximately accurate, 'comparative education' may need to re-think some of its basic assumptions about itself.

We examine school governance in populist era, using contemporary readings of pragmatist philosophy. We are in a "populist moment," a time of uprisings and movements of the "demos" making political claims (Mouffe, 2018). School officials in the U.S. are subject to an array of political demands in the form of protests and campaigns. We focus on the struggles around critical race theory in K-12 schools. Glaude (2017) has advocated pragmatism's use in light of racial revaluing and democratic struggle. Rogers' work (2009) has highlighted inquiry, founded on contingency, in the face of disagreement and power struggles. These scholars show us educational governance's dual task in this moment: a revaluing of racialized Others in educational institutions done while simultaneously crafting conditions for deliberative judgment and meaningful policymaking in the face of political contingency. In light of this racial reckoning, we argue that populism presents a democratic irony for educational governance. Racial justice cannot be achieved without populist expression, taking the form of campaigns and persistent nonviolent signals that institutional racism is unacceptable. Yet our populist moment also contributes to the increasing political polarization that makes the conditions for democratic deliberative policymaking more elusive. Deliberative conditions for policymaking and curriculum development in schools are critically necessary for reinventing and reimagining our shared society.

This article engages with three commonly traversed social studies topics--depictions of violence and death from the French Revolution, during the Vietnam War, and regarding U.S. histories of racial segregation--through the lens of Achille Mbembe's "necropolitics" (i.e., political and social machinations of power that determine who lives and who dies). In particular, this article theorizes how specific necropolitical concepts (e.g., "necropower," "the living dead," and "slow death") can be a generative and powerful form of analysis for social studies educators and their students that exposes intersecting complexities between life, death, political alliance, and power. While this article argues that social studies curriculum is replete with undertheorized moments of death and underutilized opportunities to engage with death, this scholarship is guided by the questions: "What place is given to life, death, and the human body (in particular the wounded or slain body)? How are they inscribed in the order of power?" The overall aim of a necropolitical engagement is to foster a deeper understanding of why/how death continues to disproportionately come into being again and again for specific, targeted peoples.

The article develops a model for how an academic discipline like Political Studies can embrace work-integrated learning (WIL) to the benefit of students, the discipline, and wider society by interpreting WIL in relation to discipline-specific forms of knowledge and knower. The model is of a new Master's in WIL in Political Studies (WIPS) at University West, Sweden, an institution that is experimenting with the idea of WIL as a discipline beyond the mainstream framing of WIL as pedagogy only. In this innovative context, three ideas are central to WIPS. First, the content of WIPS is about research knowledge, rather than Political Studies knowledge. Second, drawing on political philosophy, the important relationship between theory or science ("episteme") and practice ("techne") is framed in terms of an additional concept of practical knowledge ("phronesis") regarding the particulars of political action to equitable ends and wisdom ("sophia") in regard to the philosophical and ethical nature of those ends. Third, WIPS re-thinks student learning in ontological ways that focus on the capabilities of the political knower. In sum, WIPS frames WIL as "reflective practice on research-intensive political work", offering a novel and enriched theoretical model of higher education learning of interest to other academic disciplines looking to embrace WIL.

Afghanistan's history over the last century is littered with incidents and bloody conflicts. In other words, the history of this land over the last century has been one of blood and fire, as well as a conflict between "tradition" and "modernity." Over the last century, the citizens of this land have witnessed life-threatening and subversive changes. These changes have had both positive and negative effects on Afghans' lives. Meanwhile, Afghan women, education, the right to political and social activity, and the right to work and employment have been among the issues that have undergone change and transformation, along with political, social, and cultural changes and developments, willingly or unwillingly, and have been seriously harmed as a result. A qualitative research method has been used, in which data was collected from previous literary sources such as research articles, magazines, reports, and documents kept in the archives and national libraries of Afghanistan. This paper investigates and examine the position of Afghan women in Afghan law from various angles and perspectives. The researchers approached the subject of women by taking into account their worldviews, assumptions, and subjective variables. The purpose of this research is to evaluate Afghan women's active, long-term, and meaningful presence in Afghanistan over the last century. The study's findings show that despite deliberate campaigns, efforts, and ongoing struggles over the last century, Afghan women are still denied the right to education, political participation, and institutional employment.

I examine the ways in which words such as "evidence" are used inappropriately to support policy that may be formulated for convenience, cost or political dogma. I interrogate the processes by which this happens, as words and terms are bestowed with symbolic power to support and promote favoured policy. I examine the ways in which such power may be acquired and deployed by exploring the use of the word "evidence" and its derivatives in education discourse. Via corpora and discourse analysis of extracts from policymakers' statements, speeches and assertions I examine how "evidence" -- a powerful word in lay use because of its association with research and reason -- is used habitually as a proxy for the specification of actual evidence, simply to add weight to an argument or to impart legitimacy on a policy position. I conclude that the idea of "evidence-based" persists only because of its value in enabling and promoting particular policy agendas.

Attacks on education, both physical and symbolic in nature, have various motives and consequences, and thus attempts at comparison can be challenging. This article is a descriptive comparative analysis of political attacks on higher education, defined for this purpose as attacks supported, ignored, or perpetuated by political powers. The units of analysis are Zimbabwe and Iraq, selected for their historical contexts that include long-term oppressive regimes and violence against higher education. This article employs document collection as a methodological approach and Galtung's (1990) Violence Triangle as a lens for document analysis. Contextual equivalency between Zimbabwe and Iraq is established; political attacks on higher education are compared and contrasted; and implications for policymakers, educators, the international community, and researchers are provided.

This article builds upon Robert Cowen's (1996) work on educational coding in transitological settings and post-spaces by deciphering the efficacy of political and economic compressions in Tunisia from the French protectorate period to the 2011 post-Jasmine revolution. First, I diachronically decrypt and elucidate the specific experiences and trajectories of Tunisia's transitologies, while paying attention to the emergence of specific synchronically educational moments. It is suggested that educational codes during transitory periods are framed by political compressions and preconceived philosophies of modernity. It is postulated that four educational codings can be derived in Tunisia's post-spaces: (1) the protectorate code defined by la Mission Civilisatrice (the civilizing mission); (2) the post-protectorate code defined by le Bourguibisme (Bourguibism); (3) the post-Bourguibisme code defined by la Sécuritocratie (securitocracy) in the form of the national reconciliation; and (4) the post-Sécuritocratie period defined by the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) -- as economic and political power is compressed into educational forms. I situate educational patterns within the Tunisian context to illustrate how educational codings shape post-spaces across these four transitory periods. [For Robert Cowen's "Last Past the Post: Comparative Education, Modernity and Perhaps Post-modernity," see EJ533103.]

This paper studies how Emerson's 'Self-Reliance' offers a meaningful account of political and moral self-education in Western democracies. Emerson's moral perfectionism involves an ethical, political and democratic individualism that needs to be reconsidered. This paper explores a perfectionist interpretation of the modern forms of self-education as political and ordinary practices, first with the case of conspiracy theories, which express an individual desire for self-education but appear as the result of a lack of self-reliance and a failure of political self-education, and then through the explicit claim to self-education made by activists in ecological, anti-racial or feminist organisations, which embodies the democratic need for self-reliance. These two examples reveal a new kind of efficient and ordinary political power at the edge of civic commitment. This leads us to define an alternative conception of pedagogy, in which equality in self-reliance matters. This also underlines our moral and ordinary political responsibility and challenges the traditional philosophical opposition between personal and public, subjective and universal. This paper underlines the accuracy of Stanley Cavell's interpretation of Emerson's 'Self-Reliance' in order to provide a perfectionist interpretation of activism. It also opens a new crossed perspective between the French and American approaches.

It might appear that the limits of toleration are so obvious that there is hardly a need to define them. Surely evil should not be tolerated. On the other hand, whatever is good should not only be tolerated but also encouraged. What is neither good nor evil should be tolerated; lest freedom of action and thought be impaired unnecessarily. Yet, this paper argues that these "obvious" truths are not obvious at all. The problem is that our understanding of the limits of toleration "presupposes" the distinction between good and evil, which raises two difficulties. The first is that there is considerable difference of opinion about what makes good dispositions, actions and policies good. Beyond that, there is a problem of applying the distinction between good and evil to particular cases, which we typically find to be good in some ways and not so good, or even evil, in other ways. Distinguishing good from evil presupposes a sophisticated form of critical self-knowledge that takes care not to assume that any description of an individual case can be readily extended to all the particulars of that case. Therefore, it paradoxically seems that there are times when intolerance should be tolerated; and times when toleration should not be tolerated. The paper argues that the way to a coherent view of toleration is to distinguish various degrees and levels of toleration. The analysis presented is especially indebted to the writings of John Locke, John Stuart Mill and Jean-François Lyotard.

Due to its historical and geopolitical contestations, Taiwan is a country whose people possess divergent imaginations of the national community. Such a condition has been described as institutional liminality, which captures Taiwan's status as not a complete nation state nor a non-nation state; not China nor non-China. Under such a condition, people recognize themselves either as Taiwanese, Chinese, or both. Through utilizing the concept of imagination, especially Anderson's notion of "imagined communities" and Harvey's interpretation of "geographical imagination," this paper investigates the representation of imagined communities embedded in various revisions and makings of the national curriculum in Taiwan. A specific focus is put onto the revision of the national historical curriculum at the senior high school level and the resistance to it during 2014-2016. It is argued that through organizing protests and boycotts against the revision, students are no longer simply pure receivers of official knowledge, they actively express their imagination of the national community and participate in the negotiation of official knowledge, which gives the national curriculum a more democratic base.

This article is concerned with the memory of the Uganda Railway in Kenya. Built during the heyday of British imperialism at the end of the nineteenth century, the colonial railway has been a highly contested infrastructure. Drawing on museum exhibitions, public speeches, and publications, the article argues that the main narrative of the railway line as a tool of oppression began to change when the railway infrastructure gradually deteriorated in the mid-twentieth century. I show how three distinct groups (white expatriates, Kenyan-Asians, and Kenya's political elite) were involved in creating a new public memory that popularized the Uganda Railway as a cornerstone of the postcolonial nation. Their uncoordinated but simultaneous efforts toward a new reading of the past all aimed, albeit for different reasons, at reimagining the nation. The article thus shows mechanisms of coming to terms with the colonial past in a postcolonial nation.

In this analytical essay, part of Harvard Educational Review's symposium on Platform Studies in Education, Ben Williamson, Kalervo N. Gulson, Carlo Perrotta, and Kevin Witzenberger argue that global technology companies have begun acting as governance organizations in education. Their analysis focuses on the global technology company Amazon, which has begun penetrating education through a connective architecture of digital infrastructure and platform services. Looking at Amazon technical documentation and publicly available materials, the authors identify and examine five interlocking governance operations and their effects: inscribing commercial business models on the education sector, habituating educational users to Amazon technologies, creating new interfaces with educational institutions, platforming third-party education providers on the cloud, and seeking market dominance over provision and control of key information infrastructures of education. In showing how Amazon is potentially developing infrastructural dominance in the education sector as part of its transformation into a statelike corporation with significant social, technical, economic, and political power to govern and control state and public services, this article highlights the broader implications of increasing technological governance in education.

We discuss how the colonisation of the island of Ireland has marginalised and delegitimised Gaeilge, the Irish language, and the relationship of this colonial genealogy in place to local educational institutions and the practices therein. The hegemonic and homogenising processes of British colonialism continue to reverberate in modern discourses that frame the language as so politically charged that the 'Acht na Gaelige' (Irish Language Act) giving Gaeilge and English equal status contributed to a three-year (2017-2020) collapse of the power-sharing government in Northern Ireland. As with many minoritised languages worldwide, community members have turned to schools to reclaim language that can no longer be maintained in English-dominant homes, though these reclamation efforts are often segregated from educational policies and practices intended for the public. We explore these issues through a Bourdieusian analysis of symbolic power, linguistic capital and language reclamation to challenge the perceived 'neutrality' of the local university. We argue that by failing to recognise that Gaeilge could have parity with English, the university tacitly supports the hegemony of English.

This study is an attempt at better understanding the education choices of top-performing students in elite schooling. It applies a 'glonacal' framework (Maxwell 2018, "Changing Spaces -- The Reshaping of (Elite) Education Through Internationalisation." In "Elite Education and Internationalization: From the Early Years Into Higher Education," edited by C. Maxwell, U. Deppe, H. Kruger, and W. Helsper, 347-367. London: Palgrave Macmillan.) and focuses on the case of academically elite students who have graduated from an elite secondary school in Singapore, and their attitudes toward a scheme of undergraduate state scholarships. Drawing on life history interviews and focus group discussions with such individuals, I uncover how Singaporean informants portrayed aspirations of moving abroad for university education, and of returning to Singapore, commensurate with the state's strategy of tying them to the local through contractual bonds. Their characterisation of the scholarship in terms of 'comfort' and 'stability' must be contextualised within a nationalistic regime linking an elitist education system via scholarships to the local sphere of social and political power. The discussion serves to demonstrate relations between transnational mobility, the school and the local political economy, and how these have an influence on student subjectivities regarding education choices.

The United States is at a turning point in its history. Insurrection has become a dominant motif describing a country torn between the promises and ideals of democracy and an emergent authoritarianism that trades in lies, lawlessness, and a rebranded fascist politics. In this article, I analyze the contrasting visions, politics, and role of education that are central to both notions of insurrection. In the first instance, I argue that insurrectional authoritarianism is wedded to a fascist legacy that calls for racial purity, militarism, ultra-nationalism, and state terrorism. In the second instance, I analyze insurrectional democracy as a mode of resistance that has a long legacy in the battle for racial justice, economic equality, and a politics of inclusion. The article explores how both positions are motivated by particular understandings of education, agency, and the future. Within this distinctive historical moment, both participate in a landscape in which images, the social media, and the Internet play a decisive role in merging political education, power, and cultural politics. Both notions of insurrection infuse cultural politics with a specific language that narrate their visions and work to produce particular modes of agency, identifications, and social relations. At the core of the article is an analysis of how each narrative uses language and cultural politics to define their different notions of insurrection and how education and politics merge to create militarized identities operating in a warring environment in which the very categories of politics, education and democracy are on trial. I conclude that insurrectional authoritarianism has created the context for a civil war marked by a number of counter-revolutionary interventions in which ideas are married to violence and present a threat to democracy. I conclude with a call for an insurrectional democracy that makes education central to politics in order to produce an anti-capitalist consciousness as the basis for a mass movement in defense of socialist democracy.

This paper attempts to look at the Colombian case of secularisation, touching on the current state of religion and Religious Education from three perspectives: the law, the Catholic Church, and the wider society, to determine the challenges acquired by the gap developed between religion, religiosity and secular legislation. With this in mind, the article recognises that Religious Education an Colombian law have fallen short from addressing the issues presented by the Colombian situation. Finally, it introduces some ideas on what the focus of RE and law should be for the subject to be able to respond to some challenges particular to this South American country.

Recent articles on the problems of 'locus of enunciation' have focused on research and publication as well as on theoretical development of the concept. It is an issue in teaching and learning too, and this is the focus of this article which argues that to reject teaching approaches in 'the South' because they come from 'the North' is, first, counter to the principles of academic freedom upheld as much in the South as the North, second, prevents learners from having access to important knowledge and third, ignores the ways in which learners in 'the South' can 're-enunciate' what they have learned from 'the North'. Our argument has its origins in our own experience of censorship in the name of 'locus of enunciation'. As language teachers, we demonstrate that internationalist and pluralist ways of thinking can and should lead to cultural, intellectual humility and that this is a better basis for making judgements than a preference for 'our' locus of enunciation over 'theirs'. We illustrate our argument with the pedagogic project that gave rise to the use of 'locus of enunciation' as the basis for rejection of our teaching, to show how the project can be read 'otherwise'.

This paper reports a study of permanent secretaries who served at the Department for Education (DfE) from 1975 to 2011. Located within a context of theories that explain how government bureaucracies operate, it focuses on Michael Bichard. Appointed in July 1995 when attempts were being made to open Whitehall to non-career civil servants, he retired in May 2001 having served 21 months with a Conservative and 48 months with a Labour Secretary of State. He was an unusual permanent secretary. An outsider, state school and red-brick university educated whose father had been a docker, his prior service was in local government. Inter alia, the paper traces his background and career; his role in the merger of the Departments for Education and Employment (DfEE); his relationship with his Secretaries of State; his contribution to education policy; and his estimation of his style and achievements. Consideration is also given to the value of external appointments and to the merits of a descriptive based approach to the study of public sector administration.

The main aim of this article is to use the case study of comprehensivisation to examine the role of party activists as policy entrepreneurs and public intellectuals during the period 1950-1965. The intention is to widen the traditional notion of the public intellectual in order to better evaluate policy-making processes within the Labour Party. It will be argued here that these figures were also policy entrepreneurs, who actively created and advocated new policy solutions, not just unconnected idea merchants hawking impractical or ignorable ideas without a clear strategy. Previously, Labour policy on comprehensivisation was viewed as a 'missed opportunity', a case study of ambivalent policymakers lacking vision. However, this article demonstrates that, over a long period of time, a methodical policymaking process considered and adopted a position that advocated a more comprehensive schooling system. In this process, the sustained activities of Fabian Society and NALT members, acting as policy entrepreneurs within the Labour Party's policymaking organs to transform often non-committal and vague conference resolutions into a usable policy solution.

A century after partition, this article presents a critical reflection on efforts to address educational disadvantage in Northern Ireland using a Foucauldian genealogical theoretical framework. Beset by religious, political and cultural divisions from the very formation of the state in 1921, the article charts the history of opportunities heralded and then lost, including the initially ambitious though arguably naïve vision of the first Minister of Education, Lord Londonderry; the post-war egalitarian promise of the 1947 Education Act; and the introduction of the common Northern Ireland Curriculum in 1989. It is argued that, historically, education and in particular addressing educational disadvantage has not been a key policy priority for successive governments in Northern Ireland, whose attention has instead too often focused on political power struggles. Set against such a context of political instability and intransigence, the article critically examines the latest and perhaps most promising of all opportunities presented by the publication of "A Fair Start," the final report and action plan of the Expert Panel on Educational Underachievement in Northern Ireland, established under the terms of the "New Decade, New Approach" political settlement of January 2020 and published in June 2021.

In recent years, many populist leaders and parties have succeeded in taking over the levers of state power, in spite of the fact that much of their political rhetoric in opposition expresses anti-state sentiments. This paper examines how populist leaders and parties in Asia have been able to use the institutions of the state, including education, to exercise and perpetuate their power. Focusing on the examples of India, the Philippines and Singapore, the paper shows how in each of these cases, populist politics consists in attempts to reconfigure the nature of the state and its relationship to civil society, often seeking to obliterate the distinction. A great deal of effort is put in to transform the institutions of the state, including education, making it possible for them to translate populist sentiments into governmental practice. This explains how, when in government, populists are often able to extend their appeal and influence.

Political parties are often construed as playing an imperative role in democratic systems. However, what happens inside a party once people have joined as members and during their continued engagement is underexplored in research. This paper investigates the organisation of party education within political parties in Sweden and how political participation may be fostered. The vantage point is the institutional level in the party organisation when designing education and providing learning opportunities for party members. The empirical material consists of interviews with central representatives from all eight parties represented in the national parliament following the elections in 2018. This collected material has been analysed using concepts from the community of practice framework. The results indicate attempts by the parties to affect both individual members and local party branches through the organisation of party education.

This article focuses on the analysis of the pedagogical component of ethno-educational experiences developed in different departments of Colombia. A qualitative methodology that integrated a systemic explanatory analysis model was chosen for this study together with a content analysis of these experiences from a systemic point of view, in order to consider those educational practices as the expression of interests, struggles, relationships and social dynamics. The text includes a fragment on the emergence of ethno-educational processes in Latin America and examines the conceptualization of the term, the objectives, the emphasis given in literature to political empowerment, the struggle for preserving culture, and the debates concerning the need to focus on the pedagogical component of the ethno-educational experience. The results of this analysis confirm the importance that struggles of Afro-descendant and indigenous peoples have had in strengthening pedagogical processes in the ethnoeducational proposal in Colombia.

This study aims to find out the attitude of teacher candidates of Agri I.Ç. University Faculty of Education who study at the Department of Elementary Turkish Education to the statements related to effect of politics on lecturers and educational administrators' competence of ensuring unity. A-) The statements accepted as effect of politics on lecturers that consisting following statements: Lecturers work without being influenced by dominant politic powers, lecturers don't think the students who have high political activity as superior to the other students, lecturers work without being influenced by the political views of their principals, lecturers work without bestowing privilege on the students who are on the side of local politic powers, lecturers assess the students who don't share the same politic views with them objectively. B-) The statements related to educational administrators' competence of ensuring unity that consisting following statements: Educational administrators don't discriminate between the people who work at their service, educational administrators don't appoint the people with whom they have consensus on the same political views with certain authorities, educational administrators don't favour the unqualified employees who have the same political view with them, educational administrators don't prevent qualified employees who don't have the same political view from getting promotion, educational administrators do everything in their power to make all the employees who have different political view unified. A survey which includes questions related to A-) effect of politics on lecturers and B-) educational administrators' competence of ensuring unity are conducted to determine the attitudes of teacher candidates towards A-) effect of politics on lecturers and B-) educational administrators' competence of ensuring unity. Research sampling consists of 121 teacher candidates of Agri I.Ç. University Faculty of Education who study at the Department of Elementary Turkish Education. According to findings of the research teacher candidates have answered the questions containing information on A-) The Statements Related to Effect of Politics on Lecturers and B-) The Statements Related to Educational Administrators' Competence of Ensuring Unity with variable rates. The findings make it possible to come to that conclusion that teacher candidates have responded to scale which is reliable according to its Cronbach's Alpha value (a = 0.91) in varying ratios as given in Field [5].

Historical events in Arizona, including very recent ones, are eerily similar to those of Rwanda. In this article, stories of Arizona's political history are relayed while recalling those leading to Rwanda's genocide. The stories include references to key roles education policy has played in the oppression of students labeled Tutsi and students labeled Mexican. These stories are then mapped with respect to Barbara Harff and Ted Gurr's checklist evaluating conditions that may portend impending oppression. Conclusions derived from the stories and the mapping suggest that Arizona's phenomena extend beyond its borders and into a Trump presidency, necessitating our obligation to be leaders by extending cur-rent technical conversations supporting multiculturalism to boisterous multilingual advocacy regarding any dehumanization of oppressed communities.