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In the 1970s, the United States and West Germany developed a vital transatlantic partnership focused on new military doctrines and technology that met the challenges of the late Cold War. Due to domestic politics and strategic concerns, the United States never recreated this type of relationship with countries in the Indo-Pacific region--specifically with South Korea. Using a unique synthesis of American, German, and Korean sources, this article argues that another partnership is required in Asia today. Rather than fall back on European partners, Washington should collaborate with Seoul to develop a new generation of doctrine and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the rise of emerging powers through the lens of international political economy (IPE). While scholarship focuses on established emerging powers such as China and India, a subset of underrepresented countries including Indonesia, Turkey, and South Africa warrant deeper analysis. Contextualizing their ascent through IPE processes highlights how these regional leaders-in-the-making transformed from developing to emergent status amid evolving global power dynamics. The research explores their roles within a Western-dominated order facing challenges to its liberal democratic foundations. By unpacking the implications of their non-liberal capitalist development paths, it provides a refreshed perspective on whether these newly influential states pose a threat to US hegemony or are simply manifestations of an increasingly multipolar world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1990s, tensions loomed large on the Korean Peninsula unlike the disintegration of the global confrontations and the movements to open the former Soviet socialist world brought about by the post-Cold War conflict structure. Despite the signing of the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement in 1991, the North Korean nuclear issue that emerged drove the Korean Peninsula into a crisis, and its resolution through the US-DPRK Geneva Agreement also failed to produce ultimate results. This study explores the reasons behind the strategy of assurance pursued by Washington failed under such circumstances. In particular, this research examines the aspects of both assurance and deterrence of Washington’s policy toward Pyongyang. Shedding new lights on assurance as an imperative part of successful deterrence, this study aims to provide policy implications for future policy toward North Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the continuities and changes in Ethiopian peacekeeping practices since its inception in the early 1950s to the present. It focuses on how international operations have interacted with historical, structural and ideational factors to shape Ethiopia's involvement. Drawing on archival sources, policy papers, and media material as well as interviews with officials in Ethiopia, it singles out four distinct periods that have influenced Ethiopia's participation in peacekeeping mission. It shows that all were characterised by the interplay between geopolitical factors, regional developments in Africa and domestic political changes. By identifying the major shifts in Ethiopia's foreign policy orientation and involvement in peacekeeping, the article seeks to explains the rise of Ethiopia's as a major actor in international peacekeeping since the early 2000s. It concludes by highlighting uncertainties facing Ethiopian peacekeeping due to regional complexities and political constraints resulting from internal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building a new international system after the end of the cold war turned out to be a complex and multifaceted process, which found its expression in several global developments and scenarios proposed by various scientific schools, opinion leaders and representatives of different cultures and religions. Even if the opportunity to identify certain more constructive and less violent forms of interaction between the international actors is expressed, patterns may bear the imprint of the conflicting logic between the poles, the latter receiving, alongside the traditional realistic treatment, yet another dimension, extracted either from the reflection of new realities or from intellectual speculations. The polarity certainly remains the basic problem of the world geopolitical architecture of the international security, also determining the configuration of the international system structure. Under the conditions of the global anarchy of international relations that define the power's world hierarchy, the existence of the geopolitical hegemony between the major actors is a natural thing conditioned by the need to contribute to the achievement or the impairment of the process of guaranteeing international security, by further maintaining the tendency of extending its sphere of geopolitical influence, intensifying the role of the political and military factor, which has not decisively lost its relevance and topicality, being on the contrary strengthened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian intervention in Ukraine in February 2022 has served as a catalyst or actualizer of a long-standing trend in NATO: that of justifying its existence by its geographical expansion. This is both in organic terms, through the incorporation of new states into its structure, and in operational terms, through the execution of so-called out-of-area operations, and the intensification of its rivalry with Russia. This dynamic, which has been firmly established since the mid-1990s, has been overridden by the growing contradictions between the interests of its members, the successive changes in US administrations, and the transformation of the international system, characterized by an inexorable trend toward multipolarity. Altogether, these factors explain the extent to which NATO is facing a definitive choice. Starting with the implications of the war in Ukraine for NATO, this article provides a historical analysis of this phenomenon, noting the vicissitudes of NATO’s enlargements and operations over the past thirty years, and how these activities have enabled the alliance to weather the successive internal crises it has faced. Ultimately, the authors argue that the war in Ukraine marks the end of this dynamic and of NATO’s masculinist dilemma either to limit its operations to the defense of its members (in line with the collective security clause enshrined in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty) or to complete pending enlargement processes, thereby endangering international peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article talked about the position of academic researchers of the both neighbour regarding Mongolia’s «Third Neighbor» policy. Mongolia’s foreign policy analysis in south neighbour underway at the Academy of Social Sciences under the State Council of China, Global Times, the central daily newspaper of the CPC in chinese and english languages, School of International Studies, Beijing People’s University, Beijing Foreign Studies University. It should be emphasized that the Institute of Russian and Mongolian Studies of the Academy of Social Sciences, Inner Mongolia, the Department of Mongolian Studies of the Inner Mongolia University, the Inner Mongolian University of Education, and the Institute of Near Neighbour Studies of the Shanghai East China Normal University are concentrated. Regarding Russia, it is mainly focused on the Institute of Oriental Studies, the Institute of Far Eastern Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, the Moscow State University, the Diplomatic Academy, MFA, the Russian International Affairs Council, St. Petersburg State University, Irkutsk State University, and Ulan-Udе University, ect., China’s researchers has a tendency in “advise” and some times “educate” to Mongolia on the importance of developing cooperation with its “real neighbour”. For Example, Mongolia’s geopolitical position shows that it should cooperate smartly with China and Russia. The researchers of Russia wrote that Mongolia’s “Third Neighbour” policy is utopian, and it is observed that the principle is “stuck” in its principles. Recently, the deepening of the geopolitical conflict between the two neighbour and the “third neighbour” is a matter of concern, and the criticism of the neighbouring countries is expected to transation from the level of Track 1 to the level of Track 1.5. Finally, The New paradigms of Mongolia’s foreign policy has priority to vital national interests, openness, peaceful, multi-pillars, multi-dimensional, non-Aligned, independently, priority to democratic values and pragmatism. It should be emphasized that it is not a policy directed against the two neighbors, but only peacetime geopolitics. Монгол Улсын «Гуравдагч хөрш»-ийн бодлого: Хоёр хөршийн судлаачдын дүн шинжилгээ Хураангуй: Монгол Улсын «гуравдагч хөрш»-ийн бодлогын тухайд хоёр хөршийн судлаачид ямар байр суурь, хандлагатай байна гэдэг анхаарал татсан нэн чухаг асуудал мөн. Өмнөд, Умард хөршүүд албан ёсны түвшинд дурдсан асуудалд тааламжгүй эсвэл бүр сөрөг байр суурь албан ёсоор илэрхийлж байгаагүй ч, олон улсын харилцаа, геополитик, стратеги судлаачид олон нийтийн хэвлэл, мэдээллийн хэрэгслүүд үзэл бодол, байр сууриа чөлөөтэй илэрхийлж ирсэн байна.

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Erciyes Akademi is the property of Erciyes Universitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NATO never managed to settle how the Alliance should manage Russia post-Cold War. Consequently, the Alliance is still experiencing an internal dichotomy. This article explores the Alliance dynamics since the end of the Cold War and argues that the North-eastern flank countries’ perceptions of Russia and Russian intentionality appear to be based on fear which lead them to pursue an ever-strengthened forward defence. Moreover, this is seen by the flank to be at odds with their Western allies that are willing to pursue a more cooperative approach to Russia. Risk reduction policies therefore become a potential point of contention between the allies, however also a vehicle for the North-eastern flank to boost the forward defence in the region.

Recent electoral victories by left-leaning leaders and parties mark another turn in the oscillations of Latin American politics, but they also signal enduring changes. The electoral success of the left is a sign of both the durability of electoral democracy and the persistence of social pressures in highly unequal societies. In this article, we discuss how the electoral fates and governing strategies of leftist movements and parties reflect the conditions in which they emerged. We analyze the political and organizational legacies of Cold War repression as well as the ways in which global events such as 9/11, the commodity boom of the 2000s and its exhaustion, the covid-19 pandemic, and the new global wave of progressive movements, have shaped the ebb-and-flow of left-wing politics. We conclude with reflections on the possibilities for the construction of social democracy as an alternative to radical populist and right-wing oligarchical politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I explore a range of approaches to the colonial heritage (or colonial heritages) in the Americas in both their popular and academic iterations during the Cold War and the post-Cold War era. Overall, I argue that the most obvious elements of the Hispanic colonial heritage are cultural and linguistic, as well as various forms of economic dependence and high levels of socio-economic inequality. Economic dependence and social inequality remain a central, if now diffuse, Hispanic colonial heritage, as does the diverse cultural and linguistic post-colonial milieu that is the New World. Over three decades out from the end of the Cold War, the cultural complexity, shifting economic contours and geographical diffusion of the Hispanic colonial heritage is more apparent than ever at the same time as (contrary to several recent accounts) it hangs no heavier over the present than the Anglo-Protestant colonial heritage; nor should either be deployed to do too much heavy lifting as far as explaining contemporary developmental outcomes is concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors begin from the premise that it is useful to analyse broad trends in international affairs by identifying key moments of change. The primary focus is the current phase of international affairs that has been labelled the post-Cold War world. The authors accept that the fall of the USSR at the end of 1991 marked an important change in geopolitics but argue that the 30-year time period since the fall of the Soviet Union has been marked by some very important changes. The era began with a seemingly omnipotent United States that proclaimed a New World Order of peace, prosperity and democracy. The authors analyse how that vision did not come to pass in the context of wars in the Middle East and the rise of China as a great power and the recovery of Russia. Cuba's role in the post-Cold War era is analysed and preliminary thoughts are made on the potential changing world order in the context of the Russia-Ukraine War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the subject known in the Anglophone context as 'runaway' film productions through examining records by peripheral film workers and the legacy associated with a specific film location in Thailand. Considering the post-Cold War period when 'foreign' filmmaking had just taken off and the more recent (post)-COVID-19 labour movement within the country, the article proposes a revisit to film production history via a consideration of on-the-fringe paratexts, sporadically circulated in the public domain, as a way to explore discourses associated with this kind of transnational film productions. The article draws on two key written records associated with the making of The Killing Fields (1984) namely a set diary by the late Sompol Sungkawess, a writer/translator who worked as a local assistant director for the film; and a published monologue by the late Spalding Gray, a playwright/performer who took a minor role in the movie. By conducting a 'palimpsestuous reading' of these accounts along with various site-specific traces, the article explores past and present conditions and practices with the aim to project alternative imaginaries of transnational screen service industry from a global South standpoint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia is one of the main extra-regional actors that plays a role between India and Pakistan, two states that have been in a state of enduring conflict in Southeast Asia. Although Moscow's policy was to side with India during the Cold War, it began to pursue a middle-way approach between the two actors in the Post-Cold War era. It is the aim of this paper to examine the reasons for the shift in Moscow's approach through the method of pr ocess tracing. An analysis of Russia's Southeast Asia policy also requires focusing on how Russian foreign policy was affected by the systemic transformation caused by the end of the Cold War. Indeed, an analysis of why Moscow began to pursue a more flexible and pragmatic foreign policy after the Cold War helps make sense of its policy towards Southeast Asia. Different from the Cold War phase, Russia has stayed away from the bloc -politics approach and set out to diversify its foreign policy. And, this accounts for the pragmatic and versatile foreign policy Russia began to pursue along the India-Pakistan axis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critical technologies movement was an effort among Democrats and Republicans to enact policies to fund scientific research in twenty-three areas of technological growth crucial to economic competitiveness and military security. These areas included micro- and nanofabrication, ceramics, and software, among others. Unlike during the early Cold War when policymakers were unwilling to admit openly whether research and development spending constituted government intervention in the free market, with critical technologies, policymakers actively and publicly collaborated with business interests to selectively target technologies they believed were likely to proffer returns on government investment. This article traces the rise and fall of a political consensus: it discusses how and why these technologies were selected, the policies passed in this area, and ultimately, why this bipartisan convergence around critical technologies fell apart. More broadly, the critical technologies movement provides a fulcrum for understanding two key political shifts: how President Bill Clinton and his fellow Democrats captured Silicon Valley and major business interests to their ascendant political coalition, and why the Republican Party compromised its free-market principles to support critical technologies in the leadup to the 1992 election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disintegration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) has substantially changed the shape of the international environment. The role of the world power shaping international relations fell to the United States. Undoubtedly, it was a result of the triumph in the Cold War rivalry. The Russian Federation, the successor of the USSR, found itself in a diametrically opposite position. It faced the challenge of determining its place in the new international reality. Due to its political and economic weakness, it was doomed to build this position in cooperation with the West. This article deals with the relations between the Russian Federation and the West in the years 1991-2014. The author aims to identify factors shaping those relations and describe the mutual relations, focusing on key events. The study carried out confirms that the mutual Russian-Western relations over the years were characterized by both successes and failures, which, regardless of their character, shaped these relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-Russian sentiment - what some call “Russophobia” - is subtle, but visible in the American foreign policy discourse since the end of the Cold War. Most recently, it can be found in the Obama-era discourse about Russia, despite the positive bump in relations after the so-called “reset” of 2009. This paper contends that, among the many irritants in Russia - U.S. relations, anti-Russian sentiment among the American foreign policy leadership is an understudied phenomenon. Russophobia matters because it is present even at times of promise in the relationship; it impedes striking a “normal” relationship with Russia, and it influences policy decisions. This paper conceptualizes Russophobia, considers the source of its persistence in the American foreign policy discourse, and identifies examples of anti-Russian sentiment among key members of Barack Obama’s foreign policy team through an examination of memoirs and personal reflections about Russia. The paper asserts that anti-Russian attitudes in the American foreign policy discourse throughout the post-Cold War era must be identified and understood in order to gain a better understanding of why forging stronger, mutually beneficial relations with Russia continues to evade American policy makers. Anti-Russian sentiment undermined the Obama - Medvedev reset and, while it is certainly not alone responsible for deteriorating relations with Russia, it helped to perpetuate the downturn in relations and must be identified and better understood. The arguments made in this paper and in the selected citations herein, are based upon non-partisan scholarly inquiry and are not a consequence of the author’s personal or political views.

This article examines how melancholia constitutes a psycho-geopolitical space interweaving Korean subjects' psychic and political lives with the dynamics of the (post) Cold War alliance between Japan and the US. The Wednesday Demonstration is the weekly protest in Seoul that calls for an official apology and legal compensation from the Japanese government for comfort women who worked in the sexual slavery system under the Japanese Empire during WWII. The fact that the weekly protests have continued for 30 years since 1992 signifies that the comfort women issue has remained an unresolved (geo)political issue between South Korea and Japan for three decades, despite apologies and monetary compensations by the Japanese government. This article offers a psychoanalytic-geopolitical rationale for the endless grief of Korean postcolonial subjects who cannot accept the measures of the Japanese government regarding the comfort women issue. Based on 1-year's participant observations and in-depth interviews with Korean activists who engaged in the Wednesday Demonstration from September 2019 to August 2020, this article aims to accomplish three goals. Firstly, this article shows how Korean postcolonial subjects were/are haunted by colonial past. Secondly, I examine why Koreans cannot complete mourning for comfort women in the context of ROK-US-Japan geopolitical relations. Lastly, this article interrogates how ethno-nationalists intervene to turn melancholia into a motivation for ethnic solidarity and how their attempt might have failed by exploring a Korean postcolonial subject's psychic lives. In doing so, I argue that the wounds of Koreans related to the comfort women issue are not simply from colonial history, but they are postcolonial wounds that have not healed 'appropriately' under the (US-sponsored) South Korean/Japanese (post-)Cold War security arrangement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Co-herencia is the property of Universidad EAFIT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We adopt the maximum entropy bootstrap methodology in a rolling window framework in order to investigate the time varying determinants of the US demand for defense spending. Our results based on annual data between 1967 and 2018 show that the US defense demand is mainly driven by lagged military burden, economic growth, GDP share of non-military government spending, election cycle, relative costliness of defense as well as the Russian and the Chinese military burdens. Moreover, the signs and the magnitude of the coefficients show significant variations throughout the sample period. The results also provide a strong evidence of the rising rivalry between the US and China, reflecting the developments in the world economy and the global military arena in the last two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims & Backgrounds: The US and the Soviet Union led the east and the west camps during the cold war and the geopolitical order was laid on the foundation of the rivalries between these two superpowers. But, after the collapse of the bipolar system, the US became the undisputed power in the international arena and the geopolitical order underwent changes during three decades after that and the conflicts between the superpowers was continued. Based thereon, the current study aims at explaining the geopolitical structure after the cold war and the method of power distribution in the situation after the collapse of Soviet Union up to the present time. Methodology: The present study makes use of a descriptive-analytical method using qualitative content analysis and reviewing literature and the theories presented through reasoning and inference to find answers to three key questions in line with perceiving the relations between the superpowers after the cold war. The method of data and information Collectionis library and documentary. Findings: The present study will show that the world witnessed a geopolitical transition after cold war and that no power is in a hegemonic position currently and the world is bearing witness to a spectrum of unipolar, bipolar and multipolar fluid powers. The conflict between the superpowers can be explained based on subjective and objective geopolitical factors. Conclusion: Powers have chosen such strategies as withdrawal, bandwagoning and, balance of power which is including soft and hard in respect to one another according to the type of conflicts

Theoretical and practical structure of the power system behind the implementation of the global powers’ foreign and security policies should be analysed with the postmodern understanding. In this context, the global powers’ interests – in their soft or hard forms of manifestation – are crucial elements of democratic development and crisis management within the network strategy in Balkan policies. The security culture is about the states’ security perception and about the tools, which are used to combat specific threats. According to postmodern geopolitics, the Post-Cold War realities – with the axis of global powers – and Balkan policies of these powers are related to the political changes. United States (US) maintains its military superiority in the world order with state actors, and on the other hand, cooperates with the European Union (EU) as an international organisation. According to the post-modern understanding, there is neither a new world order nor a new world disorder in the world today. Instead, there is a security zone in Europe and a zone of danger and chaos outside. Balkan policies of global powers are essential because of the problematic issues in the region. Balkan geography constitutes a critical equation in this regard. This study emphasises that EU democratic development projects are different from the US in terms of strategy and institutional means. Some of the projects are considered within the EU enlargement strategy, while others are viewed as a foreign policy strategy, which is mainly assumed by leading countries like China. Compared to the US, the EU strategy focuses more on non-military operations, and the Balkan policies of these states represent a specific feature of the postmodern geopolitics.

The present paper aims at analyzing the cultural dialogue in the post-Cold War era, the Cold War being perceived as a security dilemma. The study makes a clear-cut distinction between the political differences regarding the United States of America and Russia laying emphasis upon concepts, such as: security and risk. This work tries to highlight if the cultural dialogue between the United States and Russia is a failure or a success. Another important issue is diplomacy related to the Soviet ideology and the American response. The concept of power is of paramount importance being viewed as a cultural device in the post-Cold War era. Politics is presented as an instrument of power. Both the United States and Russia fought to be the most powerful nations having the power to rule the world.

In his essay, Moraru contends that Mihai Iovănel’s 2021 History of Contemporary Romanian Literature: 1990-2020 is a breakthrough in Romanian literary historiography and criticism overall. According to Moraru, the History revisits radically the terms of the Romantic contract that, in Romania and elsewhere, has typically been underwriting modern criticism. A form of critical realism and an exemplar of postmillennial Romanian literary and cultural studies, Iovănel’s book is, in Moraru’s view, not only provocative but also effectively transformative. To gauge the scope and nature of the changes advocated and enacted in the History, this article examines how Iovănel has put together what he calls the “system” of contemporary Romanian literature. Thus, Moraru is less concerned with which writers are included in the book and which are left out, seeking, instead, answers to a series of questions concerning primarily Iovănel’s cultural-materialist and transnational studies-informed methodology. Along the same theoretical, historical, and political lines, Moraru discusses the project’s makeup as well as the strength of the case the History makes for the need to have another look at a range of pre- and post-1990 literary movements, directions, styles, and authors, principally at postmodernism and its competition and successors in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effect of bargaining power on the allocation of U.S. military assistance. Conceptualising U.S. military assistance as an aid-for-policy deal, it applies a two-tiered stochastic frontier model to a data sample of the post-Cold War era. It shows that the bargaining effect accounts for a huge variation in U.S. military aid distribution. The volume of U.S. military assistance in equilibrium is lower than the baseline volume by 4% at the mean and by 6% at the median. The donor U.S. extracts a slightly larger portion of the transaction surplus at these central points. However, the game of surplus division is not always about equally strong hagglers as it may first appear. In fact, the quartile values show substantial variance in bargaining performance and, hence, an outcome of surplus division across transactions. The bargaining effect is highly significant in the allocation of U.S. military assistance in the post-Cold War era. The donor U.S enjoys a bargaining advantage at the mean and median, but rich variations are noticeable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]