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This article addresses Slovenia as a case of a post -communist country in terms of its sustainable development. It deploys an in -depth historical analysis and extensive empirical data while exploring Slovenian society through the analytical lens of morpho-static/morphogenetic approach (Archer 2017). The focus is on (1) the country’s structural and cultural settings in each selected period in order to explore whether there has been a mutual reinforcement of the levels of both, contributing to the sustainable development; (2) ways in which agents respond to such changes reinforcing or changing the structural settings. The selection of quantitative structural indicators of sustainable development is based on the indicators of sustainable development that have a direct reference to the Sustainable Development Agenda of the United Nations 2030 and also adopted by the current Strategy of Development of Slovenia. The selection of survey data was based on their connection with the same sustainability issues and their availability for a longer period, particularly close to the time points of the cycles observed. The findings show that in terms of contributing to sustainable development, the presence of morphogenesis in the selected cycles turns out to be rather limited, and there is a severe lack of political reflexivity (cf. Al -Amoudi 2017) among actors.

Many observers have written with concern about a growing "opposition to gender equality," "anti‐gender campaigns," and even a "war on gender." Often, these trends take place in countries that are witnessing a decline in democratic quality, a process captured by such labels as "democratic erosion," "democratic backsliding," or "autocratization." This thematic issue brings together literature on gender equality and de‐democratization with an emphasis on the role of illiberalism and a regional focus on post‐communist Europe.

Over the past decade, Slovakia has witnessed the dismantling of public human rights institutions and gender equality policies and incessant efforts to limit sexual and reproductive rights. While these processes have been mostly discussed in relation to the transnational anti‐gender movement, this article conceptualizes them as part of an illiberal turn. We argue that recent rhetorical, institutional, and policy processes in Slovakia have been enabled by a discursive shift positing a new subject: conservative people and their rightful demands. Our argument is bolstered through two analyses. Quantitative content analysis of media articles published between 2002 and 2020, firstly, traces the increased emphasis on the signifiers "conservative" and "liberal." This examination demonstrates that the anti‐gender discourse in the 2010s accelerated and normalized this specific discursive frame. Furthermore, it underscores how the carriers of the conservative label shifted away from institutions towards individual politicians and, more importantly, toward a collective subject - people. Qualitative discourse analysis, secondly, focuses on the anti‐gender discourse, understood here as a Laclauian populist practice. It posits three types of demands entangled in an equivalential chain - demands dealing with cultural recognition, material redistribution, and political representation. This analytical approach enables us to show how the construction of the conservative/liberal divide goes beyond the struggles for so‐called traditional values, but is embedded in broader socioeconomic processes, and how it led to calls for political representation of the "conservative people" and for a "conservative" (in fact illiberal) transformation of political institutions.

Many theoretical perspectives have touched on the concept of sovereignty, but the need for more sovereignty-based discussion in relation to the postcommunist era still exists. The question of sovereignty and its survival in the post-communist era touches on some general features such as the attributes, signs, properties, and conditions of the concept of sovereignty that have evolved. In the case of Kosovo, the issue of sovereignty can be linked to two distinct features, namely democracy and human rights. For Kosovo to be a sovereign state, it had a mandatory prerequisite to fulfil these two features. These features implied the fulfilment of two criteria, in the forms of legality and legitimacy and, in reality, these two criteria stem from the will of the people. This refl ection shows that sovereignty in the post-communist era had to be in line with respect for human rights as a feature of the principles of democracy. However, the transition from the communist system to democracy was not an easy one. In this regard, Kosovo has come a long way in achieving sovereignty and managed to be declared a sovereign state in 2008. The conditioning of Kosovo’s sovereignty by the above criteria represents the influence of the post-communist era, and its earlier form differs from the prevailing form of absolute sovereignty as it existed, for example, in the former federations of Russia and Yugoslavia. Kosovo’s sovereignty is refl ected in accordance with the will of the majority of over ninety-five percent of the country’s population. Moreover, in Kosovo, minorities have privileges, such as positive discrimination and the special right that constitutional changes on vital issues pertaining to those minorities cannot be made without their vote. However, in the post-communist era, it was not possible to democratise all sovereign states. Some states focused on the power and manner of expanding power in their respective territories and fought for the recognition of reconfigured sover

In order to detect changes in social connectivity, we examined evolutions in the personal network structure by analyzing over-time trends in the composition of the population’s core discussion networks on four cross-sectional, nationally representative surveys between 1997 and 2015, in the era of post-communism, in Hungary. There has been a very significant change; in fact, a reversal of trends regarding the composition of the core discussion networks (CDNs) concerning kin and non-kin ties over the past decades. Our data suggest that friendship ties gained more importance. There seems to be a generation-specific aspect of the change: young people include family ties less often than older people and this effect strengthens over time. Women still have a higher ratio of kin ties compared to men and this effect does not change significantly during the analyzed period.

After the fall of communism, the healthcare systems of Central and Eastern European countries underwent enormous transformation, resulting in departure from publicly financed healthcare. This had significant adverse effects on equity in healthcare, which are still evident. In this paper, we analyzed the role of government and households in financing healthcare in eight countries (EU-8): Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia. A desk research method was applied to collect quantitative data on healthcare expenditures and qualitative data on gaps in universal health coverage. A linear regression analysis was used to analyze a trend in health expenditure over the years 2000-2018. Our results indicate that a high reliance on out-of-pocket payments persists in many EU-8 countries, and only a few countries have shown a significant downward trend over time. The gaps in universal coverage in the EU-8 countries are due to explicit rationing (a limited benefit package, patient cost sharing) and implicit mechanisms (wait times). There is need to increase the role of public financing in CEE countries through budget prioritization, reducing patient co-payments for medical products and medicines, and extending the benefit package for these goods, as well as improving the quality of care.

This paper explores the trends in participation in a variety of cultural activities in Slovakia. Although the research on cultural participation has thrived and there have been plenty of empirical studies published about the consumption of cultural products in different countries, there is still a lack of comprehensive research from former post-communist countries. The paper aims to test the link between cultural participation and social and economic characteristics, which has previously been done in other international studies. The cluster analysis suggests four types of Slovak cultural participants - the heritage visitors, the omnivores, the popular genre visitors, and the inactive. The outcomes point to a strong relationship between cultural inactivity and heritage visits to socioeconomic status, while there is a weak relationship between highbrow cultural participation and the upper-class. The results challenge cultural policies to be adjusted for different groups of cultural participants with the objective of increasing the overall consumption of cultural goods in Slovakia.

The series of recent crises (EURO, refugees, backsliding, Brexit) challenge the self-portrayal of the European Union (EU) as a community of shared values. Against this backdrop, we analyse European Values Study data from 1990 till 2020 to assess the level and change in publics’ acceptance of the EU’s officially propagated values: personal freedom, individual autonomy, social solidarity, ethnic tolerance, civic honesty, gender equality and liberal democracy. We find that EU publics support these values strongly and increasingly over time. The EU-member publics are also remarkably distinct culturally from Eastern European non-EU-nations, especially concerning individual freedoms and gender equality. Simultaneously, however, member nations internalize EU-values at different speeds - alongside traditional religious fault lines that continue to differentiate Europe - in the following order from fastest to slowest: (1) Protestant, (2) Catholic, (3) Ex-communist and (4) Orthodox countries. In conclusion, the EU writ large evolves into a distinct value-sharing community at different speeds.

This paper proposes an updated approach to explaining two outcomes unforeseen by the existing comparative literature on post-communist successor parties: 1) the electoral stabilization (and even growth) and 2) the divergent developments of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS; later DIE LINKE) in Germany and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). The paper proceeds by integrating a critical reexamination of earlier studies' organizational and programmatic explanations of electoral success with an analysis of the party-system level of government-opposition signaling and positioning vis-à-vis other parties, which can be expected to take on heightened importance in 'third-generation elections.' It is argued that both parties’ successes were tied to a strategic orientation toward going beyond their confinement in a delimited electoral 'milieu' and occupying a wider electoral ‘vacuum’ to the left of their Social Democratic competitors, albeit with early programmatic modernization and delayed organizational centralization in the PDS as opposed to a near-total continuity of programmatic non-reform and decentralized organization in the KSČM. The findings suggest that earlier studies specifically overlook the impact of subsequent ('third-generation') iterations of party competition on successor-party success as well as the mediation of organizational and programmatic factors by the party-system level.

Friedliche Revolution und deutsche Einheit jährten sich 2019 und 2020 zum dreißigsten Mal. Was ist seit 1990 im Osten Deutschlands im Rahmen des Transformations- und Vereinigungsprozesses passiert? Wie wirken die Umbrüche bis in die Gegenwart? Wie einig ist die deutsche Gesellschaft heute und welche Zukunftsperspektiven zeichnen sich ab? Die in diesem Band versammelten Studien bündeln die Ergebnisse der Transformationsforschung der vergangenen Dekaden. Sie analysieren die Ursachen, Phasen und Wirkungen des postkommunistischen Systemwechsels, beleuchten dessen politische, ökonomische, soziale und psychologische Dimensionen und binden sie in eine langfristige Alltags- und Gesellschaftsgeschichte ein.

Romanian cinema in the 1990s was defined, among others, by its failed attempt at institutional reorganization, due to which fewer and fewer films were released towards the end of the decade - a process which culminated in 2000, when not a single feature film was released. However, before this virtual collapse of the Romanian film industry, sixty or so films were financed and produced. By taking a look at their opening credits, one would be perhaps surprised to notice mostly familiar names - directors and writers which were highly prominent during the communist era. In cinema, as in other cultural fields, the cultural elites managed, at the beginning of the 1990s, to use their cultural capital gained during the communist years in order to take over the industry. The films made during this transitional period were ideologically conservative, rich in anticommunist rhetoric and - paradoxically - financed and produced using a state-sponsored infrastructure developed two decades earlier, during Nicolae Ceaușescu's regime. Taking into account the long-lasting institutional transformation of the Romanian film industry and the critical reception of Romanian films before and after 1989, this article tries to offer a context for the processes taking shape in the 1990s and to suggest the main causes for the postcommunist reconfiguration of the cultural field, due to which mainly one kind of anticommunist rhetoric gained visibility during this decade.

The paper addresses the process of postcommunist denationalization by focusing on the privatization of cultural institutions, as it occurred in the case of major Romanian publishing houses in recent decades (Editura Politică/ Humanitas, Univers, Minerva, etc.). Our approach acknowledges the leading role of humanist intellectuals in launching and legitimizing devices of privatization immediately after 1989, a curious phenomenon which reasserted the larger pattern of literature-centrism developed in the former socialist cultures. These intellectuals’ enthusiastic siding with principles of market capitalism, from their new positions of book publishers and cultural managers, paved the way for the rapid implementation of neoliberal policies. At the same time, leading the process of privatization helped these intellectual groups gain the upper hand in the public narrative on main ideological topics, such as the memory of communism, the interwar far right, and the path towards Westernization. Our analysis traces several empirical stages of this particular privatization of culture: 1) the legislative frame of denationalization and market liberalization; 2) the publishing policies and the promotion of certain book collections; 3) the dissemination of anticommunism that enabled publishing houses themselves to serve as political platforms. Overall, we aim to explain how this intellectual enterprise failed to ensure direct economic and cultural profits but was spectacularly successful in establishing a long-term recipe for neoliberal restructuring in several areas of society.

This paper addresses the question of the major challenges for the regulation of lobbying in the European Economic Area countries. It attempts to disentangle this complex question by focusing, step by step, on three specific issues. First, the problem of the definition of lobbying, or the lack of one, is considered. The paper argues that even though European countries started to regulate lobbying already two decades ago, they have still not managed to arrive at a useful definition of the field and activity of lobbying itself, which considerably hinders their pro-transparency regulatory efforts. Second, the paper looks at other anti-corruption legislation in Europe and its links with lobbying rules. The evidence is inconclusive as to whether the level of corruption is significantly affected by the presence or lack of lobbying regulation. Finally, the paper shows that there is a noticeable weakness in the existing lobbying regulations in European countries in terms of enforcement. Without strengthening the enforcement mechanisms of lobbying laws, there will be no significant shift towards a better-regulated and more transparent lobbying environment in Europe.

The election of a socialist and pro-Russian candidate in December 2016 as president of Moldova marked a new turn in Moldovan politics. This election contrasts with the pro-Western attitudes of the previous government. Governing instability in Moldova and changing international orientations of many prominent political actors, as emphasized by this article, are partly due to political alternative victories of parties supported by different social groups. Focusing on young people activism, this article underlines the differentiation between the political success of pro-Western parties, made possible by the street protests of April 2009, and the political failure of December 2016. The findings of this research may add a new explanation to Moldova's permanent instability. The factor we emphasize here is the change in political values, attitudes and actions due to profound generational transformations. Since democracy is a life- long learning process, a continuous updating, changing of beliefs and action strategies responding to the varying political environment, different generations rely not only on different past experiences, but on different adapting capacities, on different meanings given to rights and freedoms, social standards and economic conditions.

A primera vista, es una cuestión de continuidad. En el 60 aniversario de la Revolución cubana, el referéndum propuesto por el gobierno sobre la reforma de la constitución de Cuba el 24 de febrero de 2019 consiguió nada menos que un 87% de votos afirmativos. Dos años después de la muerte de Fidel Castro, la constitución no solo continúa permitiendo un solo partido, sino que también sostiene que el país se guíe por las ideas de "Marx, Engels y Lenin". En el mismo momento en que la "generación histórica" entrega los puestos de mando del Estado a unos líderes más jóvenes, la constitución consagra el compromiso de Cuba con el "internacionalismo proletario" y expresa su convicción de que "solo en el socialismo y el comunismo el ser humano alcanza su dignidad plena" (Constitución de la República de Cuba 2019). El presidente Miguel Díaz-Canel, un año después de tomar el control de manos de Raúl Castro, lideró la campaña pública a favor del "sí" en el referéndum con el hashtag de twitter "#somoscontinuidad". Así pues, ¿nada nuevo bajo el sol del Caribe?. No exactamente. Un despliegue público tan exagerado de "continuismo" no sería necesario si los dirigentes no tuviesen dudas al respecto. Ha habido tantos cambios en la sociedad de la isla, así como en el mundo que rodea a Cuba, que en la era post-Castro "continuidad" no puede traducirse simplemente como "seguir haciendo lo de siempre". Este artículo esbozará los cambios y los retos a los que se enfrenta Cuba. Argumenta que si bien el gobierno de Díaz-Canel ha sido tímido en las reformas políticas concretas, trata de establecer un estilo diferente de gobernanza en el socialismo cubano. Aunque a un ritmo lento, podría estar evolucionando una nueva cultura social y política. Sin embargo, la combinación de la crisis en Venezuela con el endurecimiento de las sanciones estadounidenses amenaza con llevarse por delante el fundamento económico sobre el que descansa el enfoque gradualista de Díaz-Canel. Antes bien, el gobierno cubano

Many of the world's conflicts today are self-sustaining and ongoing, making the application of transitional justice measures difficult. Particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, namely Georgia and Ukraine, both of which have experienced regime changes in the twenty-first century and implemented lustration and vetting measures - the question of whether or not transitional justice will be successfully utilized is very much still under debate. My research explores the relationship between lustration and vetting policies and corruption in Ukraine and Georgia. Past studies of corruption in these countries have focused the extent of state exploitation of the forms through which corruption is expressed such as political appointments, and protection from prosecution. This research, by contrast, aims to study the relationship that corruption has with the particular transitional justice measure of lustration and vetting.

For decades traditional religions in the countries of the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe were suppressed by the communist regime. After the fall of the Soviet Union most of these economies experienced the revival of religiosity. This report documents differences in religiosity trends between country groups in transition economies and underscores implications of religiosity revival for economic policies.

In recent years, the internet has been increasingly adopted as a key means of communication by local authorities, organisations and news media throughout the post-Soviet context. This has led to the creation and on-line publication of content that is routinely consulted and quoted by scholars of area studies, who, however, seemingly approach the web as an inordinate mass of content that can be superficially explored thanks to search engines and meaningful keywords. Structured analysis of content is still uncommon in area studies for a few reasons: it is considered to be time consuming, difficult to learn and, fundamentally, relevant datasets are usually not readily available. This paper briefly presents how to overcome these obstacles by introducing an open source package developed by the author that facilitates the creation of structured textual datasets from web content, and allows for basic word frequency analysis in a straightforward web interface. This article argues in favour of a wider use of quantitative methods based on the analysis of word frequency in textual datasets extracted from the internet as a starting point for in depth research with established qualitative methods. The examples presented in this paper relate to the study of post-Soviet de facto states.

Our study investigates how gender inequalities in job opportunities evolved during communist and post-communist times in former state-socialist countries. Theoretical arguments (mainly based on studies referring to Western countries) led to the expectation of a surge in gender inequalities in these countries after the collapse of communism. Empirically, we explore the gender gap in job authority upon labour market entry by using life-history data from Russia, Estonia, and East Germany, with West Germany serving as a control case. The selection of countries was motivated primarily by the availability of rich life-history data, covering four decades of (post-) state socialism but also by divergences in institutional set-ups in the course of transition from state socialism to a liberalised market economy. Our findings yield four major results. First, accounting for education and the branch of economy, women were not disadvantaged during Soviet times; instead, we have even found evidence of a slight female advantage in Estonia and East Germany. Thus, our findings mirror the communist regime's effectiveness in equalising women's and men's opportunities at work. Second, in the pre-collapse decade, the advantage of women in terms of job authority decreased in East Germany and Estonia, whereas in Russia, women fell behind men. Third, with the Soviet Union collapse, a remarkable female disadvantage emerged in all formerly state socialist countries under scrutiny. In addition, we observe a growing gender gap in West Germany in the same period. The latter result strengthens the conclusion that times of economic liberalisation may go hand-in-hand with increasing gender inequalities.

Youth political participation via state-sponsored institutional settlements has always been considered a goal of youth policies, representing a means of creating politically active and caring citizens. Throughout Europe, however, the number of politically active young people seems to be diminishing, with youth frequently described as apathetic and disengaged. While a growing body of academic research has concentrated on exploring the reasons behind political inactivity, this article explores the motivation and activities of some of the young people who are involved in institutionalised youth organisations, asking if the meanings behind institutional political participation are undergoing a process of change together with the rest of the society. Based on qualitative in-depth interviews, participant observation and analysis of documents (including online communication) collected as part of the research project MYPLACE, we examine the meanings young people attach to their participation. We show that the character of these organisations and motivations behind participation are miscellaneous; sometimes strikingly similar to the forms of participation not traditionally associated with political activism but rather ascribed to disengaged youth.

This article presents a methodological approach to the study of nation-building in everyday life in the post-Soviet region. Although bottom-up and informal mechanisms of creating identity have been acknowledged in the literature and methodology of nationalism studies, they have seldom been applied to studies in the post-Soviet countries. This article discusses the strengths and limitations of such an approach, using the example of two studies - on consumption and national identity in Ukraine and on music and nationbuilding in Estonia.

The Civic Academy Foundation and its Memorial of the Victims of Communism and of the Resistance emerged in the mid 1990s as one of the most prominent actors of the memorialization and decommunization discourse in Romania after 1989. Considering the political context that was then dominated by the National Salvation Front, a party known for its political reluctance to dealing with the communist past, the Foundation’s success is astonishing. Contrariwise to the studies that focus on the discourses of the actors who made it, the purpose of our article is to analyze this endeavor from a sociological perspective. Through paying attention to the biographical trajectories of the main groups involved in the creation of the Civic Academy, the aim of this study is to bring to light their specific interests when addressing the communist crimes after 1989. Furthermore, this article establishes the connections between the social and professional positions of the intellectuals who launched the Memorial and a specific decommunization discourse that conquered the Romanian political life from 1996 onwards.

This article analyzes the relations between political parties and parliament, and the specific issue of the parliamentary mandate. It examines the issue of the increasing influence of political parties and how this causes the weakening of modern parliaments, and also changes the nature of the parliamentary mandate from a free to an almost imperative mandate. We focus on the specific instruments political parties have developed to establish and maintain full control over their representatives. We look into the specific experience of Montenegro and Serbia and the way these countries have changed their political system during the transition from communism. Among other factors that influence the weakening of the parliament, we focus primarily on the electoral system. The current proportional electoral system (proportional with closed lists) in both countries causes a lack of legitimacy for the members of parliament (MPs), which is why we analyze the effects of an electoral reform in order to strengthen the position of the MPs. The mechanism of the transition to a preferential proportional electoral system is analyzed, as well as the benefits and disadvantages of this kind of reform proposal.

This chapter examines the dynamics and determinants of different forms of protest activities in Southeast Europe. The author follows a longitudinal approach using statistical analysis of survey datasets, thereby capturing the dynamism of the phenomena allowing for both a single-country analysis and cross-national comparison. The contribution aims to profile different types of protesters and their elite-challenging protest action repertoire, as well as factors that may account for their preference for certain forms of protest actions over others. The chapter ultimately illustrates the implications for our understanding of how protest action repertoires are reconfigured in post-communist societies and their consequences for democratic governance in the region.

The erosion of media trust raises concerns about the ways in which the conduit of political information could undermine citizens’ trust in democracy. While a large body of research in western democracies shows that media trust is contingent on specific media-system, political and cultural factors pertaining to national contexts, little is known about the sources of media trust in the new democracies from Central and Eastern Europe. Based on statistical analyses of public opinion surveys, this research tests if levels of trust in various traditional (television, radio, written press) and alternative mediums (Internet and online social networks) are differentiated along political party lines and depending on media consumption patterns in post-communist Romania. The results reveal a stronger association between trust in political parties and trust in traditional mediums, while trust in online media is more strongly linked to consumption patterns. These findings have practical, theoretical and normative implications for the functioning of democracy in post-communist societies.

Language planning and control have played a prominent role in attempts of nation building in contemporary Romania, a nation-state formed in the early 20th century by binding together provinces that were previously part of multi-national empires. As a long-lasting process, language control stretches throughout many historical periods. In communist and post-communist era, it has largely interfered with the political logic of both socialist internationalism and post-socialist democratic citizenry. More recently, under the impact of the European Union’s expansion to the East and Romania’s integration to it, language control has switched from severe limiting minority languages to a fair acceptance of reasonable compromises with the official dominance of Romanian as national official language. Although Romania acknowledges several minority languages, the article focuses on the usage of Hungarian language, the most important minority language in Romania. The aim of the article is double. On one hand, it analyses political negotiations over the status and corpus of the Hungarian language, by assessing the importance of language policies in the broader context of the processes of historical reconciliation and neighbourhood policies between Romania and Hungary. On the other Hungarian political parties in Romania during the democratic postcommunist transition.

The purpose of this research paper is to assess the causes of the territorial distribution of the votes in Romanian local elections held in 2004. Using an aggregate level statistical analysis, I explore three competing theories. The territorial distribution of votes might be first function of geographical localization, people from Transylvania voting against the ruling party and largely favoring the opposition. Counties supporting the opposition are generally the most developed, least rural and wealthiest counties, but in the same time a number of these counties are located in Transylvania. All the same, people may support effective and accountable politicians in office and sanction the others. Testing the three hypotheses, I find that the economic voting has no empirical evidence. The only significant factor unraveled is the counties' location in Transylvania. This factor continues to be significant even when the relationships are controlled with different local development measures, unraveling a regional voting pattern in Romania.

To what extent the parliamentary activity of the Romanian political parties reflects the division line between "power" and "opposition", as it is defined by the alliances that shape the composition of the government and of its parliamentary support? According to data analysis, the most straightforward answer to this question should be: the parliamentary activity of the political parties reflects only moderately the division line between "power" and "opposition". There is a clear and frequent support given to the government and to its policies, by the parties that do not belong to the parliamentary majority. The division line between the two camps is crossed form both sides but, in most of the cases, the opposition parties are the ones who cross it. Nevertheless, the data gathered do not offer enough arguments neither to change completely the image of the "power" and "opposition" camps, as it was publicly perceived during the whole period, nor to nominate certain parties that have constantly transgressed the division line between the two camps.

Acknowledging the importance of gender studies for a rethinking of concepts such as democracy and citizenship, this article focuses on the development of the principle of equality of opportunities between men and women in postcommunist Romania. More precisely, starting from a case study that analyzes the functioning of the parliamentary commissions for equality of opportunities, this study seeks to analyze how Romanian society internalized gender equality. In this framework the author asserts that there is a gap between the institutional discourse and the daily realities and that the authorities still lack a coherent strategy for overcoming traditional attitudes concerning women's status within society. Considering the important role of international and regional organizations in transposing equality of opportunities in national legislation, this article provides a necessary insight into the dynamics of this principle within the United Nations and the European Union. The case study is based on an analysis of legal sources governing the functioning of the parliamentarian commissions, as well as on interviews with some of its members, seeking to reveal their goals and their comprehension of gender equality.