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This study examines the political motivations behind changes in labor migration rates in Chinese villages. Using data from the China village survey, we estimate the impact of the tenure gap between the village committee director and party branch secretary on village labor migration rates. We find that within the dual power structure of villages, a longer political tenure for the secretary relative to the director significantly suppresses village labor migration rates, while a shorter tenure significantly promotes them. IV estimation supports the causal interpretation found by OLS estimation. This mechanism of causality is associated with vested interests stemming from ambiguous ownership, having a director or secretary with a longer political tenure tends to bias these interests towards villagers or township authorities. Other accompanying effects of the tenure gap should not be ignored, including the amplification effect of the non-laboring population, the feedback effect of labor, and the shrinkage effect of outsiders. This causal relationship is heterogeneous, the dual role analysis shows that the structure and stance of village leaders will affect the strength of the causal relationship, and the regional heterogeneity analysis shows that economic factors that drive village labor migration may be more important than political factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Meta-analyses have shown the negative effect of power disparity on team performance and noted that team conflict is the key process variable to explain this outcome, but there is a gap in the research on how power disparity leads to team conflict. From the perspective of the conflict theory of power and based on the division of team conflict into relationship conflict and task conflict, this study constructed a theoretical model of the effect of power disparity on team conflict with power struggle as the mediator and power distance as the moderator. In the study, based on the convenient sampling method, we conducted a survey of 27 enterprises in different industries. With participants voluntarily participating and informing the purpose of the survey in advance, a total of 483 participants from 93 teams were invited to fill in questionnaires, and finally utilized SPSS 23.0 and AMOS 24.0 software to conduct empirical analysis and testing of 426 valid questions collected from 82 teams. The results showed that power struggle acts as the mediator in the relationship between power disparity and team conflict (relationship conflict and task conflict), and the negative effect of power disparity on team conflict can be effectively alleviated under the condition of power distance. This study discloses the negative mechanism of power disparity, expands the research on the conflict theory of power, and provides a warning for the design of enterprise power structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict in Sudan between its military forces and a rival paramilitary group, exacerbated by allied militias, has escalated into a dire humanitarian crisis, reminiscent of past civil wars where hundreds of thousands perished. This ongoing struggle, marked by thousands of casualties and millions displaced, centers on a power struggle between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), with global powers seeking to influence the outcome. Despite initial hopes for democracy following the ousting of former dictator Omar al-Bashir in 2019, political turmoil ensued, culminating in a failed transitional government and the assumption of power by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. Despite agreements aimed at civilian-led transition, missed deadlines and the contentious integration of the RSF into the national armed forces perpetuate the conflict. Amidst this turmoil, international sanctions target entities funding the conflict, such as Alkhaleej Bank, Al-Fakher Advanced Works, and Zadna International, among others, reflecting broader efforts to disrupt funding sources and facilitate a democratic transition. In this context, this research delves into the underlying factors driving the conflict in Sudan. Received: 05-19-2024 Revised: 05-27-2024

Increasingly, both China and the US frame the secure domestic supply of semiconductors as a national security issue. Yet it is difficult to differentiate between the securitization of semiconductors as a national security vulnerability or as an arena for geopolitical competition. This article leverages Barry Buzan's theory of the power-security dilemma to provide a framework for deciphering and decoupling the two countries' efforts to reduce their semiconductor supply-chain vulnerabilities and related power struggle. First, the US's and China's supply-chain vulnerabilities are explored as a security struggle, with special attention paid to their dependencies on Taiwan's semiconductor industry. Second, recent American efforts to restrict the flow of semiconductor technologies to China are explored as a power struggle. This article concludes by using Buzan's theory to draw conclusions about the origins and potential evolution of the US-China semiconductor power-security dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper would try to look at the India-China relations of cooperation within BRICS framework. A comparison of this stance with India and China in power struggle Asia would form another part of the paper. India has opened up new platforms on either side of the subcontinent such as Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral Technical Cooperation, Chabahar port project as well as joined Shanghai Cooperation Organization as its means of outreach. This has all been a part of India’s changing role in Asia. However, it must be also kept in mind that there is a China-Pakistan angle to it. A battle for power and influence has been there in the region of South Asia even before the pandemic. Now post covid19 scenario as the western world shrinks and the power fulcrum shifting towards Asia with USA pivot to Asia program as well as the geo-political tensions between USA and China coming up there is a new role for South Asia right now. The paper would like to understand these scenarios with an eye on India-China relations in a cooperative competition relationship scenario. On one side of the paper the joint role of India-China in BRICS framework would be looked at against the Indo- Pacific Asian power struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has been facing various border disputes with the neighboring countries in the Far East. Among them is the "South China Sea Dispute" which has become the leading dispute of the region in recent years whereby China's acts with a sovereignty claim on the South China Sea Islands and the borders in the surrounding area led to the participation of neighboring states into the conflict. It is understood that the South China Sea dispute is becoming a predominant issue not only on a regional scale but also a power struggle between the USA and China in that it is a multidimensional problem with its geopoliticalgeostrategic, legal, and military pillars. The aim of this research explain the multilayered features of the South China Sea dispute with the rivalry between the USA and China in the background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Driven by stability and security concerns stemming from the recent past, the European Union (EU) has decided to include the Western Balkans (WB) in its enlargement process. In the meantime, the United States of America (USA), Russia, and Turkey have become engaged in promoting the need for balance of power in the region, although their interests have been mutually conflicting. In fact, the USA has supported the policies of the EU towards the WB to consolidate Euro-Atlantic integration and to maintain its authority as a superpower on the eastern side of the Atlantic. Another major power, Russia, has sought to counterbalance both the EU and the USA in the region by leveraging its close relations with Serbia. On the other hand, a neighboring country in the region, Turkey, has adopted the policy of soft power and good neighborly policy towards the WB to strengthen relations with old partners, based on perception of shared culture, heritage and history. This article analyzes the diverging national interests of the USA, Russia, and Turkey in the context of the Normative Power Europe approach pertaining to the WB.

Human individualistic loneliness impels us to live as a couple and achieve complementarity between man and woman, affection, and reciprocity. The science journalism of this article reviews the choice of partner, their satisfaction and complications, and preventive instruction of circumstances that cause rupture. The failure from the election ignores the mechanisms between reason and sexual instinct. The problem of love is not to be loved but to develop such a capacity, for it is extinguished by maladjustment and monotony. The voting/elected act and its simultaneous reasons are described: Conscious (homogeneity/heterogeneity of the encounter; emulation of the animal model; type, dynamic link and social networks; Sociodemographic aspects; sexual sharing and immediate/future expectations). Unconscious (electoral problems, dyadic interaction, and parental background; defense mechanisms, exchange of dissociations; idealization; negative reciprocity, power struggle, projective identification, search for appreciation for the other; narcissism, false self, mechanisms of procrastination/evasion of responsibility, insecurity, intrusion, and collusion). A healthy couple, understands/attends to the creation and maintenance of the "we", eliminates the power struggle and produces permanent conciliation. Tolerant agreement and understanding are indispensable for a satisfying, stable, and lasting emotional relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to explain the social violence phenomenon of power struggle and the assassination of conflicting interests through formal traditions. These phenomena have been factors to naturalize the reprocessing process. The seal made humans become incompetent, leading to the use of violence. Powerful ideology under foster relationships is considered as the main artery of the political and business sector at all levels, which is difficult to suppress. This epic narrative discourse on self-obsession has led to murder and assassination, resulting in the establishment of a professional criminal. This article is expected to spark some deterrent measures, and motivate people involved in society to discover the problems of crime in order to solve them, and use as a basis for formulating policies that can be used to prevent the accurance of future crimes

Working within the framework of the "city-as-archive," this article investigates recent place-making processes that have occurred in Seoul, South Korea—debates over the function and symbolism of Gwanghwamun Square. The nature of the dynamics in who archives a city is determined by which actors hold power in place-making. In turn, archiving a city is a vigorously political process. In order to understand how the actors of Gwanghwamun Square's place-making affect the visualization and formation of shared city stories and memories, three significant stages of development at Gwangwmun Square will be examined: 1) the construction of a historical site that archives political ambition and nation-building, 2) the creation of an icon for global brand-building, and 3) as the archival site of conflicts between political leaders' ambitions and their citizens' priorities. By analyzing three phases of re-development, it becomes clear how power shifts, and how the scope of stakeholders expands and changes. It reveals the city as an archive, how a public space has been (re)collected, revised, retrieved, and erased by different stakeholders during different political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu makalede güç mücadelesi olgusu etrafındaki güç-din-toplum ilişkisi, güç olgusunun anlamındaki değişmeye, sosyolojik mücadele ve çeşitlerine değinerek ele alınmıştır. Böylece, mücadelenin sosyolojik boyut üzerinden bilhassa dini ve toplumu kapsayan Teo-sosyolojik ve Teo-stratejik yönü vurgulanmıştır. Bu vurguyla dinin; gündelik yaşamdan siyasete, ekonomiye, ülkeler arası ilişkilere ve tarihe kadar olan ilişki ağı içerisinde stratejik bakış açısıyla yorumlanması amaçlanmıştır. Bu şekilde dinin, sübjektif yönü dışında sosyolojik müdahalenin bir aracı olarak kullanıldığı ortaya konulmuştur. Teo-Stratejilerin özellikle Selefi zihniyeti temel alan örgütler üzerinden yapıldığına dikkat çekilmiştir. Gerçekliğin, güçler mücadelesinde tarihten bugüne ne şekilde dönüştürülebildiğini, kavramların ne şekilde istismar edildiğini gösterme adına, insanların doğal bir özelliği olan tanımlama, adlandırma, yorumlama özelliklerinin en önemli uygulama alanı olduğuna vurgu yapılmıştır. Ayrıca gerçekliğin güç mücadelesine bağlı olarak sürekli değiştirildiği ve yeniden inşa edildiği vurgulanmıştır. Gücün geçmişten günümüze yayılan ve onun zamana, bağlama, şartlara, önemine ve güç araçlarına göre değişen durumunun onu tanımlamayı zorlaştırdığı ifade edilmiştir. Çalışmada disiplinler arası bir yaklaşımla, nitel yöntemin doküman analizi tekniği kullanılarak yeteri miktarda kaynak taranmış, anlamlandırılmış ve analiz edilmiştir.

In this period when the global power competition has increased considerably, the USA and China, two important actors in the world, are facing each other on many issues. An important issue that has brought the two great powers face to face in recent times has been the power struggle in the seas. Especially the shift of power to the Asia-Pacific geography has led the USA to turn to the region. The interests of China, which has started to rise in Asia and recorded a steady growth, and the USA, which does not want to lose its superpower position, coincide in this geography. The South China Sea, with its geopolitical importance, underground resources, biodiversity and important position in maritime trade, has dragged the USA and China into a geopolitical rivalry in the Western Pacific. The South China Sea, which is the scene of struggle between the countries of the region and the great powers, is becoming an even more unstable region with increasing conflicts. In addition to its individual initiatives, the USA is trying to surround China and limit Chinese sovereignty in the region with its bilateral and multilateral alliances in the region. In the study, the China-US struggle in the South China Sea will be tried to be discussed with the moves of the two countries towards each other in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The renowned Bangladeshi novelist Humayun Ahmed is well-known for his engaging stories, easy narratives, satiric tone, and humorous characters. Despite being a popular writer, he has gained less critical acclaim than comparable novelists from other countries. One of his best works Kothao Keu Nei (There Is No One Anywhere) was a huge success both as a novel and as a television adaptation. The novel essentially centres on the leading female character Muna's struggle in a male-dominated society. It also focuses on the lives of some other women who are subjected to patriarchal tyranny. The novel, however, became popular because of the major male character Baker's comical antics and his tragic death at the end of the story. As a result, the book's central issue of female representation remained unappreciated and unexplored. Therefore, this paper looks at Humayun Ahmed's representation of Bengali women, especially those from the middle class, through a feminist lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the nearly universal acceptance of the maxim "institutions matter", disagreements prevail with respect not only to which sorts of institutional arrangements are most conducive to fostering growth and effective government and what countries can or should do in order to get "the right institutions" in place, but also to the origins and determinants of institutional change per se. This article seeks to contribute to the debates concerning institutions, institutional change and development through a case study of the introduction, implementation and ultimate defeat of the World Bank-supported decentralization reforms in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. Promulgated under the rubric of Devolution Plan, the decentralization reforms culminated in subverting provincial government's autonomy in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province over key political and administrative issues at the grassroots. However, intent on regaining its devolved powers in anticipation to come to grips with its dwindling political clout at grassroots levels, the provincial government pursued an organized and sustained campaign of introducing a raft of amendments to the North West Frontier Province Local Government Ordinance 2001. Many of these contentious amendments proved so insidious that they not only gradually undermined the newly established system of local self-governance but ultimately precipitated its dismantlement altogether. The findings offer implications for the New Institutional Economics' conception of institutional change upon which contemporary development policy and praxis hinge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Detecting divergence in a play that is set in a different country than the one from whose culture its text is nourished, and in a different time that qualifies the text as a piece of historical fiction is a challenge even in the eyes of the playwright’s contemporaries. In Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra, every example of divergence is defined with the norm it transgresses and the norms have various sources. Elizabethan conventions of drama make the setting of the play a domain for a political discussion stretching over centuries. Yet, a more socially reflective source of conventional notions is the Elizabethan era itself. The play is set in Alexandria and Rome, foreign destinations to veil the political allegory that exists between the fictional characters and real political figures. Italy and Egypt, therefore, serve to make the audience alien to the physical sphere of the discussion and blur the most direct of these allegories. This essay aims to discuss ways in which Rome and the West are portrayed as opposed to Egypt and the East and to explore how the West and the East consider each other on a mutual basis and how they interact with one another in Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra. Along with representations of the West and the East, the paper aims to explore political references integrated into the play through the use of concepts like cosmopolitanism, mobility, and hybridity.

Summary: Motivation: Aid fungibility and aid ownership have largely been discussed separately in the development literature. This is unfortunate because donors have often aimed to reduce the former and to increase the latter, without fully understanding the relationship between them. Purpose: We analyse what happens to aid fungibility when the recipient government takes ownership of its development process by examining the case of Rwanda. Methods and approach: We use a mixed‐methods approach for our analysis. We start with an econometric model to determine if aid fungibility is present in Rwanda. To complement and explore quantitative insights, we interviewed key informants in Rwanda. We used the principal–agent framework to help interpret our findings. Findings We find that aid is fungible, albeit in a U‐shaped relationship. Initially an increase in development assistance causes government development expenditure to fall, but subsequent increases in assistance cause government development expenditure to increase as well. We conclude that the government took over its development process through: (1) stimulating the donor to align their spending to its priorities; and (2) urging donors to switch from project aid to budget support. Policy implications: While government taking ownership of its development process should reduce concerns about fungibility, it could also contribute to marginalization of certain sectors or themes if this ownership is not inclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the evolution of cyber regulation in Vietnam since its inception, that is from the events of January 1997, when cyberspace first arrived in Vietnam, to the momentous protests instigated by the Cybersecurity Draft Law in June 2018. A Vietnamese cyber regulatory regime is imagined as an analytically constructed regulatory space where different actors enter, struggle, and gain in their pursuit of regulatory interests. The study argues that cyberspace in contemporary Vietnam has aided non-state actors to participate in the law-making and regulatory processes by inducing state actors to respond with cyber laws, regulatory approaches, and measures. Moving beyond the dichotomy of cyberspace as an inevitable tool for liberation or oppression, Vietnamese cyberspace has been both an instrument for non-state actors to participate in lawmaking, and a regulatory measure for state actors to regain control. A sociological landscape in contemporary Vietnam is depicted through the evolution of a Vietnamese cyber regulatory regime, shaped by dynamic interactions between domestic actors. In sharp contrast to the previous image of an authoritarian Vietnam, cyberspace has aided contemporary Vietnam to metamorphose into a more pluralistic society where organically formed social actors co-regulate cyberspace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Native American agriculturalists in Oklahoma have been attempting to decolonize their agricultural livelihoods in the face of obstacles to obtain funding and preserve traditions. These efforts were born in part due to power struggles with government and financial institutions in obtaining agricultural loans and funding and with corporate and government entities to preserve culturally important seeds and foods. This commentary describes the efforts of these agriculturalists to organize in the face of continued struggle, efforts that can be viewed as prideful acts of resistance to tear down roadblocks and to publicize their plights and gain support. These actions appeal to the value of local traditional knowledge, cultural identity, revitalization of traditions and community, agricultural independence, and grassroots self-determination.

This paper analyzes the critical opinion created and spread by various factions of power in Majorca, during the final years of a period of transition between two different government systems. The trial opened after a physical aggression suffered by the alleged author of a satire allows us to know the existence of social and political nature clashes: austracists against bourbons, Majorcans against outsiders, civil power against military power. It also allows us to observe both the way the critical literature was spread, and the societal manipulation carried out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Apuntes Universitarios: Revista de Investigación is the property of Universidad Peruana Union Filiar Tarapoto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A feminist group within a union, and the production of records, understood as traces of our militant activity, has a triple political dimension. As material tools for the description and representation of political and feminist action, records inscribe in time, the reality and the materiality of our commitments and our achievements. Despite the fact that the context is a social and union one, it is nonetheless marked by relationships of male domination in its functioning and militant activity. Records and archives therefore constitute fundamental sources of legitimization of our feminist actions. Finally, the process of production of our group's records constitutes in itself a feminist practice.Through examples of activist objects, digital tools and formats we illustrate the construction of a singular feminist power struggle. The conditions of creation, and the uses and the methods of preservation of our archives demonstrate deliberate political practices, all with the objective of fighting against the patriarchy.

Copyright of Adab Al-Basrah is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of "the people" against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the "elite." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este trabajo pretende mostrar cómo funcionaban los resortes de la alianza hispano-francesa mediante el estudio de uno de los casos diplomáticos más interesantes: el fallido intento de paz entre Portugal y Francia con la mediación española. Unas negociaciones sujetas a multitud de problemas y cambios políticos, así como a la corrupción, a las luchas de poder, a miedos y al cumplimiento de las respectivas alianzas, en el periodo que va de 1796 a 1800. El artículo se ha estructurado en cuatro grandes bloques que dependen del cambio en las conversaciones. Abstract This paper aims to show how the threads of the Spanish-French alliance worked by studying one of the most interesting diplomatic cases: the failed attempt at peace between Portugal and France with Spanish mediation. These negotiations subject to a multitude of problems and political changes, as well as to corruption, to power struggle, to fears and to the fulfillment of the respective alliances, in the period from 1796 to 1800. The article has been structured in four large blocks that depend on the change in conversations.

Recensione di Rosalba Galvagno, La litania del potere e altre illusioni. Leggere Federico De Roberto(Marsilio, 2017). Review of La litania del potere e altre illusioni. Leggere Federico De Roberto, by Rosalba Galvagno (Marsilio, 2017).

The importance of research into voice behavior for organizational effectiveness has recently become even more evident. We explored the impact of the mismatch between power and status on employees' voice behavior through the mediating mechanism of power struggle and the moderating mechanism of power distance. Hypotheses were derived from legitimacy theory. Participants were 647 Chinese employee−supervisor dyads. We found that the mismatch between employees' sense of power and status positively predicted their voice behavior via power struggle, and the positive indirect relationship was amplified when power distance was at a higher level. Theoretical contributions and future research directions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A survey is given of how the Estonian Soviet Writers Union was created and developed as a Sovietized creative organization and how the final formation of its membership took place from 1943-1946. Special attention is paid to the Board meeting of the ES Writers Union (22.12.1945) and the general meeting of Soviet Estonian writers (30.12.1945) as key events of the process. The membership formation of the Estonian Soviet Writers Union as a Soviet-minded creative association started in 1942 in Soviet rear, when four leading writers were accepted as members of the Union of Soviet Writers, which united writers from all over the Soviet Union. The founding conference of the Estonian Soviet Writers Union, which took place in Moscow in 1943, granted membership to nine writers, followed by four more the following year. Thus the new union exited the Soviet rear with 17 members. The writers who had remained in Estonia during the war were not immediately admitted to the organization after Soviet reoccupation of Estonia in 1944, but they were registered as candidates for membership. Only at the end of 1945 the merger of the two groups into a single membership with equal rights was completed. On December 30th, at the general meeting of Soviet Estonian writers, that membership elected full-staffed governing bodies of the union. This was the consummation of the process in progress since the very first year of Soviet power in Estonia (1940-1941) leading to a full Sovietization of the Estonian Soviet Writers Union. Another important point in the agenda of the 30th December general meeting was the change of the chairman of the ES Writers Union: August Jakobson was replaced by Johannes Semper. This administrative change was orchestrated by Nigol Andresen, then responsible for the management of the whole Estonian culture, who blamed the previous board for a failure in effectively launching the union, the implementation of its ideological reform and its involvement in serving the new authorities. The new chairman Johannes Semper was rather a representative figure, while practical management of the union became the responsibility of its vice-chairman Mart Raud and its secretary Paul Viiding. The knotty personal relationships and rivalry did not make things easier for anybody. The settling of accounts and taking sides after A. Jakobson's removal in December 1945 had lasting ramifications. The confrontation (both behind the scenes and public) lingered for many years significantly affecting personal destinies as well as further developments in Soviet Estonian literary life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explain the causes of the growing popularity of the illiberal right, taking the Polish political party Law and Justice as an example. The adopted analytical approach combines insights derived from the work of Karl Polanyi and the tradition of historical institutionalism. The victory of Law and Justice in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections is argued to constitute a critical juncture that initiated a fundamental break with the liberal order. Following Polanyi, we argue that the seeds of the recent anti-liberal counter-revolution can be found in the malfunctioning of the Polish economic order built during the period of transition. However, Law and Justice has managed to make use of the critical juncture arising from social discontent and has used it instrumentally to dismantle liberal constitutionalism and the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to analyze the political use of the Barranquilla carnival by the city's ruling class. The notion of political power is taken from Foucault to examine satire, irony, picaresque and their social significance. Based on the thesis that carnival as an anthropological space is manipulated by the dominant political class as a stage to communicate their proposals. This socio-anthropological space is used by the people to express political messages, through satire and mockery. Each one struggles to impose its vision of the world. It is a power struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review essay analyzes the literature dealing with Xi Jinping's anticorruption campaign. It identifies two major debates in the literature that see the campaign either as an inner-Party power struggle or as a genuine attempt to deal with the problem of corruption and organizational issues the Party is facing. In a second step, the review essay links these two understandings to larger trends in the understanding of the Chinese Communist Party in the literature. These understandings focus either on elite politics and theories of factionalism or connect to the larger debate on the decline versus resilience of the Party. It concludes that different understandings of Xi's campaign are not mutually exclusive but adopt different points of focus and are rooted in different debates on the Chinese Communist Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kanizsa castle, conquered in 1600, remained under the rule of the Ottoman State until 1690. After its capture, Kanizsa province center was built. As far as can be determined, during the 90 years of domination, 57 administrators served in Kanizsa province. Although the terms of office of the governor/grand seigneur are determined by law, this period has been shortened or extended for various reasons. When we look at the history of the administrators assigned to the Kanizsa province, it is seen that most of them have management experience in Rumelia. In the special of Rumeli, the appointments of Budin and Timişvar grand seigneur/governors to Kanizsa were made. In addition to the prise, some administrators were assigned here to keep away from the center, as Kanizsa province is a city of boundary. Fındık Mustafa Pasha, who is the last grand seigneur/governor of Kanizsa province, unable to withstand months of siege and handed Kanizsa to Austria (Habsburg) in 1690. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]