Search

Cadre de la recherche : À Taïwan, les parents sont de plus en plus préoccupés par l’avenir de leurs enfants et investissent délibérément dans leur future compétitivité. Dans un contexte très concurrentiel où la beauté féminine peut apporter de nombreux avantages matériels et immatériels, les mères sont encouragées à transmettre certaines valeurs et conduites esthétiques à leurs filles. Objectif : Cet article vise à analyser le phénomène peu étudié de la transmission du souci pour la beauté par les mères à leurs fillettes dans le contexte néolibéral taïwanais. Méthodologie : Pour ce faire, nous avons mobilisé une méthodologie qualitative consistant en 70 entrevues semi-dirigées et en de l’observation participante à Taïwan entre 2014 et 2017. Résultats : Notre recherche a montré que la beauté est perçue comme un atout décisif pour les filles dans la maximisation de leurs chances de réussite dans la vie, autant pour le mariage et la carrière que dans la vie en société de manière générale. Les mères sont alors responsables de transmettre à leurs filles un souci esthétique afin qu’elles apprennent à être attentives à leur apparence. Trois thèmes dominants se dégagent des propos des participantes concernant cette formation esthétique : modérer et réduire l’appétit, avoir une peau blanche et avoir une attitude et une apparence mignonnes. Conclusions : Les compétences nécessaires au travail esthétique sont acquises depuis l’enfance par un investissement délibéré. Les mères ont généralement la responsabilité de cette formation esthétique. Cette dimension genrée et générationnelle de la formation des futures « entrepreneures de l’esthétique » est décisive, mais souvent invisibilisée dans les discussions sur l’individualisme néolibéral. Contribution : Notre travail de recherche permet d’appréhender les nouvelles modalités genrées de parentalité dans un contexte où les enfants sont considérés comme un capital humain en devenir., Research Framework : In Taiwan, parents are increasingly concerned about their childen’s future and deliberately invest in their future competitiveness. In a highly competitive environment where female beauty can bring many material and immaterial benefits, mothers are encouraged to transmit some aesthetic values and behaviors to their daughters. Objective : This paper aims to analyze the little-studied phenomenon of the transmission of beauty care by mothers to their daughters in the Taiwanese neoliberal context. Methodology : To do so, we mobilized a qualitative methodology based upon 70 semi-structured interviews and participant observation in Taiwan between 2014 and 2017. Results : Our research showed that, in order to maximize their chances of success in their personal, marital, professional and social life, beauty is seen by women as a decisive asset. Mothers are then held accountable to teach their daughters to take care of their physical appearance. Three dominant themes emerged from the participants’ comments regarding this aesthetic training: moderating or reducing the appetite, having white skin, having a cute behavior and appearance. Conclusions : The skills necessary for aesthetic work are learned from deliberate investment. Mothers have the responsability for this aesthetic training. This gendered and generational dimension of the training of future "aesthetic entrepreneurs" is decisive, but often invisibilized in discussions of neoliberal individualism. Contributions : Our research allows us to understand the new gendered modalities of parenting in a context where the children are considered as human capital in the making., Marco de la investigación : En Taiwán, los padres se preocupan cada vez más por el futuro de sus hijos e invierten deliberadamente en su competitividad futura. En un contexto altamente competitivo en el que la belleza femenina puede reportar muchos beneficios materiales e inmateriales, se anima a las madres a transmitir a sus hijas determinados valores y comportamientos estéticos. Objetivo: Este artículo pretende analizar el fenómeno poco estudiado de la transmisión de la preocupación por la belleza de las madres a sus hijas en el contexto neoliberal taiwanés. Metodología: Se utilizó una metodología cualitativa consistente en 70 entrevistas semiestructuradas y observación participante en Taiwán entre 2014 y 2017. Resultados: Nuestra investigación demostró que la belleza se percibe como una ventaja decisiva para que las muchachas maximicen sus posibilidades de éxito en la vida, tanto en el matrimonio como en la carrera profesional y en la sociedad en general. Las madres son entonces responsables de transmitir a sus hijas una preocupación estética para que aprendan a estar atentas a su aspecto. De los comentarios de los participantes sobre este entrenamiento estético surgieron tres temas dominantes: moderar y reducir el apetito, tener la piel blanca y tener una actitud y apariencia bonitas. Conclusiones: Las habilidades necesarias para el trabajo estético se adquieren desde la infancia mediante una inversión deliberada. Las madres suelen ser las responsables de esta formación estética. Esta dimensión de género y generacional de la formación de los futuros "emprendedoras de la estética" es decisiva, pero a menudo se invisibiliza en los debates sobre el individualismo neoliberal. Contribución: Nuestra investigación permite comprender las nuevas modalidades de género de la parentalidad en un contexto en el que los niños son considerados como un capital humano en formación.

L’article propose d’analyser la participation des ménages agricoles aux transitions alimentaires dans les espaces ruraux périurbains de l’Île-de-France par le biais de leurs pratiques et représentations en tant que mangeurs. Par une méthodologie exploratoire d’entretiens avec une vingtaine de ménages agricoles issus de toutes les filières de la Seine-et-Marne (France), nous montrons comment du point de vue de la pratique, les transitions alimentaires sont des processus hybrides, qui relèvent de la coexistence entre plusieurs systèmes alimentaires. Notre étude révèle également la création d’espaces sociaux locaux autour de l’alternative alimentaire, ce qui interroge la capacité de tous à s’approprier les transitions alimentaires, soit par refus de l’alternative, soit par incapacité économique à y participer. This article proposes to analyse the participation of farmers in food transitions in the peri-urban rural spaces of Île-de-France through their practices and representations as eaters. Through an exploratory methodology of interviews with about twenty farmers from all sectors in Seine-et-Marne (France), we show how, from the point of view of practice, food transitions are hybrid processes, involving the coexistence between several food systems. Our study also shows that local social spaces are being created around the food alternative, which raises questions about the ability of everyone to appropriate food transitions, either because they refuse the alternative or because they are economically unable to participate in it.

En los últimos años, el uso de la noción de «patrimonio alimentario» se generalizó en América Latina, tanto entre los actores públicos como en las asociaciones y académicos. Con el objetivo de discutir esta noción, los autores de las contribuciones que conforman este libro produjeron reflexiones críticas para evitar la trampa de utilizar el «patrimonio alimentario» como un elemento de lenguaje cargado de romanticismo, como suele ser el caso, a veces, en los círculos de activistas y en los discursos de gobiernos. Desde diferentes enfoques disciplinarios, los trabajos empíricos publicados en este libro, producto de investigaciones llevadas a cabo en Argentina, Cuba, Bolivia, Brasil, Ecuador y México, constituyen un aporte clave para los estudios sociales que articulan los temas de la alimentación y del desarrollo. Así, la presente reflexión colectiva busca impulsar nuevas investigaciones y nuevos debates acerca de la utilidad de valorizar la diversidad de las prácticas alimentarias en América Latina a fin de enfrentar los desafíos de la soberanía alimentaria y de la economía local, de conocer mejor la biodiversidad y sus beneficios, y de reconocer la diversidad cultural regional a favor de una mayor inclusión social de los grupos étnicos y de las minorías marginalizadas.

Introducción Desde la época precolombina el cacao es un producto emblemático de lo que es hoy Ecuador, su cultivo y consumo son parte de la vida de las familias campesinas de la Costa y de la Amazonía. Su valor nutritivo y energético es reconocido por todos y, por ello, fue introducido en la alimentación de la sociedad serrana desde los primeros días de la Colonia, cuando se registra formalmente su comercio (Norton, 2006). El chocolate (en agua o en leche) es probablemente la primera bebida q...

En las últimas décadas, mientras que las políticas liberales constituyeron el marco del modelo de desarrollo tanto económico como social, la región latinoamericana experimentó cambios profundos. En efecto, desde los años ochenta, la llegada a los mercados nacionales de cereales subsidiados desde los países del Norte y el crecimiento de la agroindustria llevaron a la transformación de las zonas rurales. Este proceso de «modernización» agrícola provocó una pérdida importante de agrobiodiversida...

Introducción De las 60 prácticas y expresiones latinoamericanas registradas entre 2008 y 2018 en la «Lista Representativa del Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial» de la Unesco, Bolivia tiene nada menos que cinco: Recorridos rituales en la ciudad de La Paz durante la Alasita (2017); El Pujllay y el Ayarichi: músicas y danzas de la cultura Yampara (2014); Ichapekene, la fiesta mayor de San Ignacio de Moxos (2012); El carnaval de Oruro (2008) y La cosmovisión andina de los kallawayas (2008). Como tal...

1. Introducción. Marginalización de la agricultura familiar y situación alimentaria crítica en los Andes ecuatorianos Desde los años noventa, los campesinos andinos ecuatorianos se movilizaron masivamente para vivir dignamente de la agricultura, hasta participar en la renovación del discurso oficial en los años 2000 al contribuir a la emergencia del paradigma del «Buen Vivir» (Bretón et al., 2014; Giunta, 2014). De la misma manera, poblaciones urbanas optaron, cada vez más, por una alimentaci...

El discurso institucional sobre el patrimonio alimentario, surgido en la década del noventa, se sustenta en la consideración de que la cocina cobra forma en el marco de los ecosistemas locales, las historias de ocupación territorial y los particulares desarrollos económicos (Menasche, 2012). Esto en consonancia con los planteos provenientes de la antropología alimentaria que comprende los procesos alimentarios atravesados simultáneamente por dimensiones sociales, culturales, económicas y polí...

Introducción El potencial de los productos de la biodiversidad del Cerrado brasileño ha sido tema de varios estudios que, en general, afirman que la utilización de estos artículos, especialmente de los frutos y de las semillas, puede contribuir a la valorización de los patrimonios culturales y de la identidad de las poblaciones locales (Andrade et al., 2012; Coelho et al., 2009; De Oliveira et al., 2006; Diniz et al., 2013; Matthes & Silva, 2017; Medeiros, 2011; Zaneti, 2015; Rodrigues, 2004)...

Introducción Quito, capital de Ecuador, ubicada en la provincia andina de Pichincha, ha conocido un crecimiento demográfico rápido a lo largo de las últimas décadas con la llegada de poblaciones originarias de varias provincias ecuatorianas y de países vecinos (Perú, Colombia, Venezuela, entre otros). La población local de Quito se compone de los tres principales grupos étnicos del país: afroecuatoriano, indígena y el de origen europeo. Así, varias influencias alimentarias existieron y existe...

1. A modo de introducción: algunas premisas teórico-metodológicas 1. 1. La alimentación como fenómeno sociocultural Quienes investigan la alimentación desde la Etnografía y la Antropología no tienen dudas acerca de su importancia como fenómeno sociocultural, más allá de su papel en la satisfacción fisiológica de las necesidades nutricionales, el hambre y la sed. Desde el propio surgimiento de la disciplina, la alimentación se constituyó en eje explicativo de la cultura en las escuelas antropo...

Introducción La cocina, asociada generalmente con los aspectos más nobles y genuinos de una cultura, suele ser una de las cartas de presentación más positivas de las identidades étnicas en América Latina. Las cocinas étnicas, presentes en festivales, restaurantes, recetarios estatales y leyes de fomento cultural, promueven la imagen de culturas indígenas armoniosas, socialmente homogéneas y con orígenes inmemorables. Sus saberes culinarios permanecen inmutables de generación en generación com...

1. La alimentación como rasgo cultural kichwa La alimentación es un elemento indispensable de la existencia humana. Ella incluye representaciones de los alimentos, técnicas de adquisición y procesamiento, usos, intercambios comerciales y no comerciales (Suremain & Katz, 2009; Kuhnlein, 2014). Por lo tanto, los alimentos son objetos cargados de conocimientos, portadores de historia y de la identidad cultural de un grupo social (Santilli, 2015; Fischler, 1988). En sí, los alimentos (así como lo...

Une approche globale de l’alimentation est nécessaire pour pouvoir proposer des actions de prévention adaptées et acceptables culturellement. Dans cette perspective, cet article présente et analyse le contexte alimentaire et nutritionnel du Laos, ainsi que ses pratiques alimentaires et culinaires. Le régime alimentaire, resté très traditionnel, est caractérisé par la place centrale du riz, accompagné de légumes et de condiments, et de protéines animales (poisson, viande, insectes) selon les disponibilités. Les populations rurales (plus de 80 % de la population totale) sont des agriculteurs-chasseurs-pêcheurs-cueilleurs. L’utilisation des ressources naturelles dans leur diversité est un trait marquant du régime, qui permet de varier les apports alimentaires et de les rendre suffisants quand l’agriculture ne le permet pas. Le Laos est toutefois dans une période de transition alimentaire et nutritionnelle, avec d’importantes conséquences sanitaires et économiques. Il semble fondamental de placer les femmes et les enfants au cœur des politiques alimentaires et nutritionnelles et d’améliorer les conditions d’hygiène et d’accès à l’eau potable et aux soins médicaux. Il est aussi essentiel que la mise en place de ces politiques se fasse dans le respect des traditions alimentaires et culturelles et des richesses naturelles du pays, ainsi que de leur diversité. A global approach to alimentation is required to design cultural/y appropriate and acceptable preventive action. This article describes and analyzes Lao PDR’s food and nutrition status and its eating and cooking habits. The diet has remained very trsditionsl, prominently featuring rice, witti an accompaniment of vegetables and spices, and the available animal proteins are (fish, meat, insects). The rural fraction (over eighty percent) of the country’s populationfarm, hunt, fish, and collect. It clearly appears that the whole range of natural resources is resorted to, which provides a food input that is both veried, and sufficient even when cultivated foods are wanting. ln terms of food and nutrition, however, Lao PDR is now in a transitional phase witti important health and economic effects. It appears critical, in future food and nutrition policies, to focus on women and children and improve hygiene and access to drinking water and medical facilities. It is also momentous that, in their implementation, these policies appreciate the country’s eating and cultural traditions and its natural assets, as well as their diversity.

The idea of holding a Byzantine dinner as part of the POMEDOR conference was conceived in the initial POMEDOR project, but it really emerged from a meeting between Ilias Anagnostakis and Yona Waksman in Athens in December 2015. I know no more, but I allow myself to guess that it was a lively, wide-ranging discussion nourished by food and wine. Ilias is surely the most knowledgeable of all living scholars who have worked on Byzantine food and wine (e.g. Anagnostakis 2013). He was eager to help...

Omelette soufflée (diplosphoungaton) Serves 8 6 eggs split 50 g ground hazelnuts 50 g ground almonds 100 g liquid honey 200 ml white wine Black pepper Oil Pinch of saffron Dried rose petals Heat the wine and honey together and boil briefly to reduce, add saffron and rose petals and cool. Whip egg yolks to full creamy texture; add 2 tablespoons of the syrup. Whip egg whites to soft peaks. Gently add ground nuts to yolks and blend one part of the whites into the yolk mixture, then fold this int...

Although scarce, there are hints in historical sources concerning those bulk goods in high demand that were most probably transported in amphorae, wine being the most common. Supplementary data from archaeobotanical analyses of the contents of amphorae as well as epigraphic evidence, such as graffiti and dipinti, confirm this and enable a larger variety of products to be identified, sometimes pointing towards secondary uses of amphorae. Additional light is shed on the primary uses of Byzantine amphorae by the fact that Günsenin type I amphorae were produced according to specific metric standards depending on the product that they were intended to transport originally – red wine, white wine or wheat. In conclusion, it may be stated that, like Early Byzantine specimens, amphorae from the 9th to the mid‑15th century were containers with several purposes, but it is still difficult to establish a definitive link between certain vessel types and the corresponding products they carried.

International audience; The POMEDOR project gave the opportunity to investigate the provenance and contents of some of the main types of Middle and Late Byzantine amphorae, for which we had very little information so far. This paper presents the first results obtained by residues analyses on amphorae of types Günsenin III and IV, which were widespread in the Mediterranean and the Black sea in the 12th-13th century AD, and are probably among the latest Mediterranean transport amphorae. We also studied another type of amphora, known only in the Levantine area in the Crusader period. The samples were analysed with gas chromatography-mass spectrometry. Different extraction methods were carried out in order to identify the residues preserved. The results of the analyses show wine was likely contained in almost all the amphorae. However, residues of plant oils were also present together with animal origin products and Pinaceae products probably used to coat the amphorae. In general, the results of the analyses seem to indicate that the analysed amphorae were often reused.

Among the numerous ceramic finds from Kadıkalesi (Kuşadası) excavation, only a few have been identified as used wares related to medieval daily life at the site. However, data were obtained which show pottery production in the Late Byzantine period. In comparison to glazed ceramics, unglazed ceramics make up the majority, in which amphorae in different types and sizes are prevalent. Although we are aware of overseas trade of some glazed ceramics, no chemical analyses concerning amphorae have yet been carried out, and we lack information on their geographical distribution. Based on only one document, it is known that wine was sold in Anaia. Besides these cargo vessels, a group of glazed chalices/goblets was included in trade related to wine. It is also possible to suggest that some cooking pots and service wares were produced for trade. In this paper, following a brief presentation of the Kadıkalesi excavation and its ceramic production, information concerning onsite production sectors is provided; the markets and commercial actors in this trade are discussed.

L’étude de cas constituée par le statut des « canutes » dans le royaume de Chypre apporte quelques éclairages sur certaines modalités de contrôle exercées par les Francs, puis par les Vénitiens, sur les échanges quotidiens dans la société insulaire. En dépit d’origines institutionnelles difficiles à préciser, la « canute » apparaît comme le seul lieu de vente habilité à vendre du vin, qu’elle soit prise dans le cadre de la seigneurie rurale ou dans celui des villes, où l’autorité royale organise la distribution du vin à petite et à grande échelle. Si les « canutes » sont habilitées à servir des plats, voire à vendre d’autres denrées et parfois à proposer un couchage, elles semblent peu fréquentes sur les itinéraires empruntés par les voyageurs et les pèlerins, qui utilisent les hospices et les monastères pour organiser leurs visites dans l’île. Il faut attendre le milieu du xvie siècle pour observer l’activité de tavernes, qui offrent, dans les ports, des services de restauration et d’hôtellerie aux visiteurs.

Les relations commerciales entre l’Europe occidentale et l’Orient à la fin du Moyen Âge ne se limitent pas au trafic est-ouest ou ouest-est. Les hommes d’affaires italiens sont, à partir du xiiie siècle, des intermédiaires obligés effectuant le ravitaillement des villes pontiques et de Constantinople en céréales, sel, poissons, miel et cire. Leurs interventions, indispensables, ne sont pas exemptes de crises, provoquées par de mauvaises récoltes ou par la spéculation des marchands italiens.

The goal of this multidisciplinary study was to determine whether there was continuity or change in ceramic production and consumption in the southern Levant between the Fatimid and the Crusader periods, in relation to the arrival of new populations having different cultural backgrounds and dietary habits. It combines the results of our previous studies with new chemical and petrographic analyses, in order to examine the productions of local pottery workshops, their typological repertoire and their markets. The results detail the developments that occurred in the local pottery production with the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem.

Excavations and surveys at five sites in the ‘Akko plain revealed evidence of sugar production from the 11th to the 17th centuries. Three of these are the subjects of a multidisciplinary study within the POMEDOR project. The results show typo-chronological development of the sugar molds, and the transfer of workshops from the coastal area under Crusader rule farther inland during the Mamluk period. This change coincides with the transfer of government from ‘Akko to Safed, and archaeological and archaeometric investigations provide clear indications of the active involvement of the central government in sugar production.

In western Anatolia, the second half of the thirteenth century corresponds to the arrival of Turkish populations with the creation of the Beyliks, the first Turkish emirates. These Turkish people came with their cultural identities and caused the introduction of new traditions and practices such as those related to food. This is illustrated for example by the use – and the production – of different types of tableware, such as Moulded Wares and Turquoise Glazed Wares. Thanks to archaeological and archaeometric studies, it was possible to identify some production centres of these new types of tableware and to define their techniques of manufacture. The first results show that there were several centres in western Anatolia producing these early Turkish vessels, and that some of these wares, such as the Turquoise Glazed Wares, were produced using new recipes, particularly in the nature and composition of their glazes. New populations, tableware types and techniques of manufacture are correlated, illustrating these new influences.

The goal of this paper is to combine the results of long-term archaeological research in central Greece for the period between the 9th and the 15th century with the chemical and typological reports concerning the local ceramic production of Chalcis. We present a model of thought that integrates ceramic typology with agricultural management, food production and food consumption. We also discuss the extent to which changes in diet and dining habits could be discerned through our material.

The medieval city of Corinth (Greece) was one of the first to be studied in relation to the comparative study of food and foodways. These studies have so far been carried out by the American School of Classical Studies and are focused on the area of the Forum, which was occupied by a commercial and domestic quarter during the 12th, 13th and early 14th centuries. The Forum has provided evidence for occupation by Frankish as well as Greek populations.Today it is possible to compare the Forum evidence with ceramic finds recovered from rescue excavations by the local Archaeological Department of the Greek Ministry of Culture in various quarters of the city. This contribution is a first attempt towards this end. It presents ceramic finds of the 12th and 13th centuries found in the Koutsougera plot, at the western border of the area “Kraneion”, east of the Forum. There is no historical evidence that attests to the ethnic identity of the residents of this area, thus all conclusions rely on archaeological evidence.The first results show that the residents of this area made choices similar to those of the Forum residents in regard to the purchase and use of pottery. At the same time, however, there are marked differences, which the present paper attempts to explore.

The Byzantines, influenced by the traditions of ethnographic literature, readily condemned their enemies’ real or imaginary food practices as signs of barbarism. The ethnographic literature rarely mentions the practices of foreigners without adding a negative value judgement. The differences in food habits between nomadic peoples and the Byzantines were described in almost exactly the same manner as in the sources, from Antiquity up to the Middle Ages, which renders these descriptions useless for reconstructing the diet of nomadic peoples. This article explores how the “taste for blood” of the Pechenegs, the Coumans and the Turks are described in Byzantine sources. Some neighbours of the Byzantines, such as the Bulgarians, eventually converted to the Christian faith, and when their land was incorporated into the Byzantine Empire, these converts were forced to abandon certain foods that were repellent to the Byzantine Greeks, such as horse meat and raw meat. Nomadic peoples were not alone in being denounced as bloodthirsty barbarians, so were the Latins, because they did not bleed animals before eating them. In the context of military attacks against the Byzantine Empire, the leap between consumed blood and the figure of a bloodthirsty and monstrous Latin was easily made. The food taboo on animal blood thus contributed to the creation of a specific Byzantine identity as opposed to the barbarians and the Latins, who were condemned for eating unbled animals.

The intention of this paper is to use ceramic finds from excavations at Athens (Greece) in order to discuss food habits and household archaeology in the western Aegean during Byzantine times (ca 700-1500). The first part shows previous research of some of my projects, among which methodologies and approaches that have been explored in past years with respect to ceramic finds and eating manners in the Eastern Mediterranean. The second part focuses on the Byzantine eating experience by comparing the location of pots, pans and pithoi (large storage jars) in excavated structures at Athens (dating to ca 700-1500). An attempt is made to look through the looking glass of food in both directions by asking questions like: what can food tell us about daily life in the Byzantine/medieval period, and what can pottery assemblages of this period tell us about eating habits and dining customs in the Aegean region?

This paper deals with archaeological structures related to one specific aspect of Frankish daily life in the Holy Land during the 12th and 13th centuries: cooking and baking as part of food preparation. Observations made about forms of ovens and their size and positioning within a dwelling allow conclusions to be drawn, not only about cooking and baking methods and the amount of food that was prepared, but also about storage of processed food, meal-serving and food consumption. This contribution presents a comparative analysis of archaeological evidence for cooking and baking in indigenous and Frankish contexts. The similarities and dissimilarities in the dwellings inhabited by indigenous locals and by Frankish newcomers, and in the paraphernalia of food preparation, clearly demonstrate that cooking and baking in both a narrow and a wider sense were quite different. Frankish behavior in relation to cooking and baking, whether on an intimate familial scale or at a collective-communal level, was not only a function of family structure and the specific cultural settings, but also reflected religious attitudes and cross-cultural interactions that resulted in the adoption or rejection of different customs.

Thanks to its geographical position and its leading role in the Mediterranean region, Venice developed during the Middle Ages important cultural, economic and political connections with the Islamic world. Between the 13th and the 15th centuries, Venice became the main commercial partner of the Mamluk Sultanate; ships carrying spices, precious textiles and artistic objects (glassware, metals, ceramics) left the harbours of Alexandria, Beirut and Acre for the Serenissima, from which these products were later traded all over Europe. This paper focuses on the rich material culture from the Islamic world that was present in Venice in the Late Middle Ages, taking into account in particular the presence of ceramic artefacts discovered in the lagoon that were imported from the Mamluk Sultanate (Egypt and Syria) and identified during archaeological investigations. Supported by this material evidence, this article reconstructs the most popular ceramic types from the Islamic world that have been found in the city and endeavours to describe their use in Venetian kitchens and dining rooms, focusing in particular on flavours, recipes and aromas.

Within the rapidly expanding area of research on food and foodways, the intention of the POMEDOR project was to explore and develop this field in the medieval Eastern Mediterranean, using a multidisciplinary archaeological, archaeometric and historical approach. It was mainly based on studies of different categories of pottery involved in the production, storage and transportation, preparation and cooking, and consumption of food – from transport amphorae to table wares, through cooking wares and sugar molds. Case studies from Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and the Levantine coast focused especially on developments in transitional periods related to new rules and to the arrival of new populations (Crusades, Turkish conquests), and to the cohabitation of populations having different cultural identities and food traditions (Byzantine, Latin, Muslim, Turkish and others). Examined in a broader context were changes in pottery repertoire in archaeological contexts with known dating and nature of occupation, adaptation of pottery production to new uses and fashions as shown by analyses of raw materials and techniques of manufacture, and food products revealed by analyses of organic residues. From preliminary approaches to medieval amphorae contents to regional syntheses on Crusader Cyprus and the Levant, from insights into the introduction of new wares and techniques in early Turkish western Anatolia to highlighting the prominent role of the harbor of Chalcis throughout the Byzantine and Frankish periods, the POMEDOR project provided new and steadier grounds on which further studies may be built. It also created research and educational tools and assembled a network of researchers contributing different specialties to the study of food and foodways, for a period and in a region in which such studies had been little developed thus far.

Written and visual materials concerning different types of pottery and food consumed during the Ottoman period are significant sources for research. However, the historical geography of the Ottoman Empire and the local and regional differences between the provinces must be taken into consideration. Although it is very difficult to match the visual materials and archaeological finds with the written sources, an attempt can be made to show the main forms of the pottery used at least in Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, and the Palace. This paper introduces these sources and endeavours to provide a relevant list concerning pottery forms and the food consumed in Istanbul.

During the work carried out for the Marmaray Project which began in 2004 at Yenikapı, Istanbul, the harbour of Theodosius, one of the largest harbours of Constantinople on the shores of the Sea of Marmara, was excavated. The harbour of Theodosius has not only demonstrated its importance in ancient times by providing specific finds, but has also enabled us to recover valuable information on the history of Istanbul (Constantinople). Details concerning daily life, technology, religion, economy and trade, as well as food consumption and nutrition in the harbour city of Constantinople, have been revealed. Thousands of archaeological finds recovered in an excavated area of over 58,000 m2 have enabled us to better understand which animals were exploited and their role in nutrition. The skeletal remains recovered were evaluated and their relation to food consumption in the Byzantine period was analysed. So far 65,535 (NISP = 65,535) remains have been analysed. In the excavated area, the remains of cattle, sheep, goat and pig show that these are the most frequent species related to food consumption. Dromedaries, deer, tuna, dolphins and other species were also exploited. The majority of the animal remains found in the Theodosius harbour (66.20%) are domestic ruminants. Most of the skeletal remains present butchering traces, indicating that these animals were intended for consumption.

Much concerning food production and consumption is known from historical sources. But research on these subjects requires the archaeobotanical investigation of plant macro-remains, as plants were a major part of human everyday life. The study of plant remains can provide direct evidence for the species used in food production and consumption. The results from more than 50 investigated sites covering the entire Byzantine period (395-1453 AD) are included in an overview of the archaeobotanical evidence for important crops in nutrition and agriculture. The investigation focuses on the plant macro-remains: seeds and fruits of cultivated cereals, pulses, oil and fibre plants as well as cultivated and imported fruits, nuts, vegetables and spices. The aim is to learn which crops were cultivated and which were economically significant in the different regions of the Empire from the Early to the Late Byzantine periods. Cereals in particular provide by far the largest database and the best results. The non-cereal species are in general less well preserved but also provide interesting evidence on production, consumption and trade.

The study of the physical remains (bones and teeth) left behind upon the death of an individual offers insights into lifestyle, demography, health and disease patterns (palaeopathology), as well as diet. Expanding research in the field of Byzantine bioarchaeology has shifted the focus from church and crown to the dirt and dust of everyday life, intertwining several of these issues. In this paper a brief overview is presented concerning the current studies of Greek Byzantine dietary patterns (7th-15th century AD), using a biocultural model. Such a multidisciplinary approach, combining different data sets (i.e. documentary evidence, anthropological and chemical analysis), provides us with a wealth of information on the complex interaction between physiology, culture and the environment, and offers new perspectives for future dietary studies on Greek Byzantine populations.

Collective data show a high increase in the number of Late Roman/Early Byzantine shipwrecks in the Aegean, but a dramatic decline in the rest of the Mediterranean. A second even greater increase is reported for the 12th-13th centuries AD. In absolute numbers, Byzantine shipwrecks rival in the Aegean those of the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The intention of this paper is to examine Byzantine shipwrecks with cargoes of amphorae, focusing on their chronological and spatial distribution and their contents, as well as to put a spotlight on the consignments of glazed tableware favored by markets from the middle of the 12th century onwards.

In this paper the institutional role of the Latin Church and that of its clergy as producers, consumers and distributors of wine and foodstuffs will be examined and discussed. The source materials used are chiefly papal correspondence, although travellers’ accounts, Episcopal wills, the records of the clergy responsible for collecting papal taxes from Cyprus and the records of the trial of the Templars on Cyprus in the years 1310-1311 are also utilized. The records of cereals and other alimentary products, wheat, barley, beans, cheeses, livestock, oil and wine, collected as rents or tithes by the Latin Church from various estates located in the dioceses of Paphos, Nicosia, and Limassol are valuable sources, especially when they also show how such foodstuffs were then distributed. To a more limited extent Genoese documentation from Famagusta and the records of Latin diocesan and provincial synods held on Cyprus are also employed, and they are particularly useful in showing how prohibitions on excessive drinking by the clergy were not always observed. One subject not examined in this paper is the agricultural production of Hospitaller estates on Cyprus, a topic that has been dealt with elsewhere.

The reconstruction of everyday life in the past, particularly in the field of the history of medieval nutrition, depends upon the nature of the respective landscapes and the changes that occur in them (physical conditions, geology, climate) and on three groups of sources: written evidence, archaeological remains and pictorial representations. The number of Byzantine narrative sources and documents available will probably not increase significantly in the future. Moreover, they offer often onl...

In this paper two letters from Eustathios of Thessaloniki describing recipes (mainly for cooking game birds) have been selected for detailed study. These recipes are described as being linked to special cooking and serving utensils (cooking pot, plate) and the food as being cooked in “a pastry pot”. In both cases a particular stuffed and roasted bird is an excuse for Eustathios to play with rhetoric and seemingly to satirize the customs of his day in order to amuse the recipient of the letters. He creates a recipe-riddle (“What is plate and cooking pot and food and bread and table all at the same time?”) and provides the answer: it is none other than the roasted bird within a crust and a crispy dough that function both as the cooking and the serving vessel. In letter 4 Eustathios relates a difficult journey through snow to reach the country house of a friend, Nikephoros, where wonderful meals await him. In describing his adventure through the snow he borrows elements from the wandering of the Hebrews during their Exodus from Egypt. In letter 5 (provided in translation), the description of the roasted bird wrapped in crust, a recipe in which the food is tableware and the tableware is edible, leads Eustathios to a classic quotation about eating plates and tables, one that refers to the founder of Rome, Aeneas. In the two letters, filled to excess with dietary allusions and references to the Bible and the Classics, Eustathios, whether in the guise of Moses or Aeneas, attempts his own journey to reach the Promised Land of Byzantine gastronomic and rhetorical achievement.

Excavations during the last decade at the Tawahin es-Sukkar near Safi, to the south of the Dead Sea in Jordan, revealed structures connected with sugar cane milling and the refining of sugar. Study of the sugar pots from the 2002 excavations at the Tawahin and the adjacent settlement of Khirbet Shaykh ‘Isa (which can be equated with ancient Zoara) indicates that sugar production was taking place on a significant scale from the 11th century to the late 14th century.This paper presents the morphological and material characteristics of these sugar pots, comparing them with their counterparts from elsewhere in Jordan and Palestine. This is considered within the broad model of production and consumption, reviewing the evidence, for example, for centres where storage and secondary refining occurred separately. The issue of the extent to which sugar pots travelled with their contents is discussed, as is the potential of integrating typology with fabric analysis to begin elucidating some of the steps within the chain that led from primary production to secondary refining to selling, first within southern Jordan (encompassing the southern Ghor and the region administered by Kerak), and second, more widely within the Levant.

Cette contribution se propose d’examiner l’importance de la pêche et de la consommation de poisson dans le royaume médiéval de Chypre sous la domination de la dynastie franque des Lusignan (1192-1474) puis de Venise (1474-1571). Par le biais du contrôle de la pêcherie du lac d’Akrotiri près de Limassol, le pouvoir royal a assuré l’approvisionnement en poisson (dorades) des élites latines chypriotes. L’examen de cartes de l’époque moderne et les récits de voyageurs permettent de comprendre le fonctionnement de ce vivier naturel. D’autres lieux de pêche, fournissant des poissons de moindre qualité au peuple, peuvent également être identifiés. Les poissons capturés sont ensuite transportés sur les deux principaux marchés urbains de l’île Nicosie et Famagouste, placés sous l’autorité des Lusignan. Consommés sur place par l’aristocratie insulaire, les produits de la mer sont également l’objet d’exportation à travers l’Europe sous forme de salaisons comme l’attestent les manuels de commerce. Au final, il s’agit de montrer comment une autorité politique centrale, au départ étrangère à l’île, a su mettre en place l’exploitation d’une ressource dans le but d’assurer l’approvisionnement des marchés locaux en denrées vivrières et d’accroître les revenus de la couronne par l’exportation de poissons salés.

This report presents the materials from the excavations of a medieval church located at the top of the Tuzluk Hill in the Yedi Evler area, Crimean peninsula, near the village of Semidvorie (Alushta, Crimea, Ukraine). The excavations were carried out by the Mountain-Crimean Archaeological Expedition (Crimean Branch of Archaeological Institute, NAS of Ukraine) in 2007. This church was linked to a large agricultural and pottery-producing settlement. It was in use from the first half of the 9th to the first half of the 10th century. It was initially a double-apse building belonging to a relatively rare type of church of the Middle Byzantine period. Around 860-880 it was completely rebuilt and became an ordinary rural Byzantine church with one apse and one nave. Thanks to careful excavations and the involvement of a professional team of researchers for post-excavation studies, many liturgical features and elements of everyday life characteristic of Byzantine rural churches could be recorded and studied. In particular, it became possible to localize the places of community festivities and to determine the composition of church festive meals. The meals included wine, which would have been delivered to the table in local amphorae, as well as a variety of birds, mammals, marine mollusks, land snails, and a few fish. On special occasions, probably associated with the sanctuary’s consecration after its construction and reconstruction, oxen were sacrificed.