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Introduction. The article examines the activities of the Yevpatoria underground organization during the Great Patriotic War. In Russian historiography, the underground of the Crimea, especially the city of Yevpatoria, remains a little-studied topic so far.Materials and Methods. The article, based on previously unpublished sources from the funds of the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea (GARK), the archive of Sevastopol (AGS), the archive of Yevpatoria (MBU AGE), the Yevpatoria Museum of Local Lore (MBU ECM), debunks the myth of the insignificant contribution of the Yevpatorian patriots to the defeat of the German-Romanian occupiers of Crimea. The research was carried out on the basis of general scientific and special scientific methods. Using the comparative historical method, the author examines the establishment and activities of the Yevpatoria underground organization in 1942–1944 in the context of the key events of the Great Patriotic War. The methods of systemic and diachronic analysis make it possible to identify patterns and features of the activities of underground workers in Yevpatoria. The static method helps to investigate the size and composition of the Yevpatoria underground organization, to assess the damage it caused to the occupiers. The biographies of the leaders of the Yevpatoria underground are reconstructed using the biographical method: F. A. Pavlov, Ya. Tsypkin, M. D. Glushko, etc. The comparative method makes it possible to identify common and distinctive features in the strategy and tactics of the Yevpatorian underground fighters and the Crimean partisans.Analysis. The article examines the reasons for the creation of the Yevpatoria underground organization, analyzes its composition, forms and methods of anti-fascist struggle. Based on a wide range of documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the author not only shows the selfless feat and assistance of the Yevpatoria underground workers of the Red Army in liberating the city from invaders, but also notes mistakes and miscalculations in the actions of the underground patriotic organization. Results. Based on the results of the study, a conclusion is drawn about militant activity of the Yevpatoria underground organization in 1942-1944. The role of F. A. Pavlov and the Crimean Regional Committee of the CPSU (b) in the creation and activities of this organization was analyzed, its structure was studied, which included eight groups, among which the divisions of F. A. Pavlov, E. P. Rusina and A. S. Chepurny stood out. The errors and miscalculations made by F. A. Pavlov, the coordinator of the Yevpatoria underground, are outlined, the contribution of the underground sabotage group “Explosion”, which together with the A. S. Chepurny division set a course for an anti-fascist uprising in Yevpatoria, is considered. The contacts of underground activists with the command of the 4th Ukrainian Front, the preparation and organization of the uprising on April 11-13, 1944 are analyzed.

The study describes main aspects of the agitation and propaganda work of the authorities of the Khanty-Mansiysk National District and analyzes its impact on the socio-political conditions of life and behavior of the population at the initial stage of the Great Patriotic War. The source base of the study is the office documents of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, stored in the Historical Archive of the Omsk region and the State Archive of Socio-Political History of Tyumen region. The author comes to the conclusion that in the difficult conditions of the beginning of the war with Nazi Germany, the party leadership of the district showed determination and firmness in carrying out measures of a political and educational nature. The intensity and coherence of the work of the district’s party bodies in organizing rallies, meetings, lectures, talks, speeches and other forms of agitation and mass events contributed to strengthening the spiritual uplift of Ugra residents, neutralizing negative political sentiments, thereby ensuring the stability of the internal political situation in one of the rear areas of the country.

The paper discusses the system of political and ideological work among the population of the Far East of the USSR in the 1930s. While various aspects have already been elucidated in the historical literature, many issues of a problematic nature have not yet received due attention from researchers. Archival documents reveal that the authorities sought to introduce certain political and ideological levers of influence and control in all spheres of society in order to achieve high labor productivity. The peculiarities of political and ideological work in the Far Eastern region were directly related to organizational, personnel and functional problems. They proceeded from the limited material and human resources, the frequent substitution of economic measures, as well as the formal attitude to it on the part of the party and economic leaders in the field. It is proved that many features of the development of this system in the Far Eastern region resulted from its neglect of the socio-economic, cultural and domestic needs and the demands of workers, and from the state tasks of socio-economic development. This, in turn, led to an underestimation of the importance of political and ideological work on the part of workers and employees, their weak coverage, a low degree of attendance at events of a political and ideological nature, and the development of an apolitical attitude.

Background. No doubt, the media has a huge impact on people’s behavior and attitudes toward something. That’s why it is relevant to study the activities of the Soviet media in 1941–1945 the main purpose of which was to raise the moral and patriotic spirit of the citizens. The purpose of the article is to describe the content of the work of print media aimed at increasing the activity of the collective farm peasantry in the conditions of the Great Patriotic War based on documentary sources. Materials and methods. This study is based on systems analysis of the Penza regional newspaper “Stalinskoye znamya” publications and archival materials of Penza Regional Committee of the CPSU. Results. The content of the newspaper publications’ number targeted at rural workers and their propaganda component are investigated. The main requirements of the state and party leadership regarding the direction and order of using print media are established. Conclusions. The USSR leadership considered a newspaper article as one of the most important sources of raising the labor spirit of collective farm workers. Therefore the USSR leadership tried to establish a coordinated and focused work of the provincial press. The newspaper article didn’t just inform but it also propagandized and proved, instructed and advised, and often criticized and intimidated.

The article provides an overview of the main arguments by which the author defines the key role of the Soviet Information Bureau in the deployment of Soviet information and propaganda activities in the international arena during the Great Patriotic war. The paper contains a detailed description of the leading direction of the impact of this state organization on the public opinion of the alliance and neutral countries; it refers to the preparation and placement on the pages of foreign media of thousands of articles, essays, reports, etc. The author draws attention to the discrepancy between the huge number of texts prepared by the Information Bureau for foreign media and their low quality, that is, having clearly insufficient propaganda impact on foreign readers. Based on the analysis of the documents found in the archives, it was concluded that most of the materials sent abroad were not published. The researcher points to the reasons for the lack of adaptation of articles and essays of the Soviet Information Bureau to the requirements of the Western information market; among them there are ideological engagement of authors, lack of highly professional staff of writers and journalists, formalism in the work of the Soviet Information Bureau. However, the author emphasizes the importance of the initiatives of the Soviet Information Bureau for the international promotion of outstanding achievements of the Soviet people in the struggle against fascism.

The institution of "village halls" or "cultural house" appeared in interwar period in Romania as a result of elite's desire to increase the level of culture and education in rural areas of the country. The model was copied from Western an d Central Europe. After 1948, The Communist Party reach the power and used the "village halls" also for artistic, cultural and educational reasons, but in the same time the regime transformed the role of this institution which became an important propagandistic instrument, a way to sending the official propaganda message in Romania's villages, the rural part of the country reached after the World War Two, 80% of total population. This article wants to present the main activities developed by "village halls" in Romania in the first period of the communist era (1948 -1965). The sources used for this study was in principal, archival sources, interviews, press from the period, general studies and books about propaganda and communist press dedicated to cultural activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys the performative function of criminal justice practices in contemporary China. It explores this function in the context of the Harmonious Society agenda and its accompanying Stability Maintenance imperative in the decade of the 2000s. It examines three initiatives connected to promoting the harmony and stability agendas that were promulgated by the Supreme People’s Court (SPC) and Supreme People’s Procuratorate (SPP). These initiatives carried distinctive messages about how justice authorities were expected to dispense justice under the banner of Harmonious Society and Stability Maintenance. They provided a rhetorical framework, a new visual and conceptual space, for the SPC and SPP to promote the imperatives of stability and harmony-building. Overall, the article observes how this performative role is integral to maintaining the close link between law and politics and to sustaining the politico-legal culture upon which justice practices are based in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]