Search

Trade policies reflect prevailing theories about the benefits of trade, the economic interests involved, global strategic tensions and the ambitions of the government of the day. This article considers these [...]

Purpose: International experience has long been recognized as a crucial determinant for firms' knowledge management in the existing literature. However, within a global context, the relationship between international experience and the performance of multinational enterprises is intricate and remains ambiguous. While the impact of people mobility has been extensively studied, limited understanding exists regarding how global mobility of people and evolving external environments reshape the relationship. This study aims to integrate existing empirical evidence on this relationship and examines the contingencies posed by environmental factors. Design/methodology/approach: This study conducted a multilevel meta-analysis based on a sample of 231 effect sizes collected from 167 articles to systematically examine the international experience–performance relationship, considering the moderating effect of the global mobility of people and the rise of national sentiments (including authoritarianism and protectionism). A two-stage procedure comprising Hedges-Olkin-type meta-analysis and random-effects meta-analytic regression was adopted. Findings: The findings demonstrate a predominantly positive international experience–performance relationship that varies across studies owing to differences in research design, variable measurements and firm characteristics. The relationship is positively moderated by the global mobility of people, yet the positive effect is contingent upon the level of national sentiments within home countries. The beneficial effect of inbound mobility on this relationship is attenuated by authoritarianism and protectionism, while the effect of outbound mobility is positively influenced by authoritarianism and less affected by protectionism. Originality/value: This study offers novel theoretical insights into multinationals' knowledge accumulation in the internationalization process. It contributes to the existing literature by presenting an integrated framework elucidating the international experience–performance relationship. Building upon the knowledge-based view, it integrates environmental dynamics and national sentiments to investigate the performance implications of multinationals' international experience, thereby providing valuable practical insights for effective global knowledge management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: After decades of hypergrowth, since the 2008 global financial crisis there has been a deceleration of globalization and a partial jamming of its main engines (trade and foreign direct investment [FDI]). This study aims to critically reflect on the current phase, labeling it as "win-lose globalization" characterized by firm-firm competition increasingly intertwined with that between the respective nation-states, which aim to be the relative winners, even at the expense of joint absolute gains. Acting as "strategists," states implement policies to weaponize economic interdependences, which the paper analyzes. Design/methodology/approach: The approach is "problem setting" rather than "problem solving." The latter offers well-defined solutions but often assumes unambiguous definitions of problems, which obscure their complexity. This phase is so intricate that the problem itself is problematic. Thus, to advance knowledge, the focus is given on nation-state policies: FDI screening and the politicization of international trade relations; protectionism; misuses of antitrust and regulation. Findings: The intensification of firm-firm/state-state competition, seeking disproportionate gains over rivals, is the ultimate result of the contradictions and dissatisfactions accumulated over decades of globalization, the benefits of which have been far from equally distributed. Conflicts in international economic relations are bound to intensify, and a return to win-win globalization is unlikely. International cooperation to strengthen existing/new supranational governance institutions in the interest of absolute global inclusive benefits is urgently needed. Originality/value: The paper integrates the international business debate on the fate of globalization with interpretations from industrial policy studies and international relations theory. This allows for suggestions for policymakers, corporate executives and scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an original perspective on the origins and formation of the modern welfare state, arguing that the openness of national economies had a critical influence upon the kind of social insurance policies each country would adopt before World War I. If we classify Western national economies into two typical types, the free-trade open economy (FOE) and the protectionist closed economy (PCE), depending on their trade policy, we can make two hypotheses. FOE, which is under heavy pressure from international competition, is more sensitive than PCE to the increase in employers' cost. Therefore, hypothesis (1) is: PCE would precede FOE in introducing social insurance which involves considerable cost increases for employers. Hypothesis (2) is: if FOE dares to undertake a social insurance scheme, they would likely create social insurance that relies on general tax revenues to mitigate cost increases for employers. On the contrary, PCE can undertake social insurance schemes that involve considerable cost increases for employers more easily than FOE, as protective tariffs countervail their cost increases to some extent. Through the comparative analysis of all major Western countries, this article demonstrates the validity of these hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global economic landscape has recently undergone significant changes, marked by the rise of neo‐protectionist policies and the emergence of a new techno‐economic paradigm driven by smart automation technologies such as artificial intelligence and robots. Advanced nations have increasingly used neo‐protectionism and smart automation technologies to address their structural problems. These policies will inevitably trigger changes in global supply chains and trade networks. This could undermine the competitive advantages of catch‐up nations, and an economic growth strategy centred on foreign direct investments. While these changes in the global economy may have negative impacts on the economic progress of some catch‐up countries, they may open new windows of opportunity for others. This article examines the challenges and opportunities for catch‐up nations in an era of neo‐protectionism and smart automation technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economists became skeptical about the benefits of free trade for developing countries during the Great Depression, but in the 1960s some had come to recognize the problems with import substitution policies and the benefits of encouraging exports. This article examines how four economists who led this transition—Ian Little, Jagdish Bhagwati, Anne Krueger, and Bela Balassa—came to their views and helped build a new professional consensus on trade policy and economic development. In each case, practical experience, and empirical observation, particularly from India, helped shape their opinions, persuading two of the four to revise their previous beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization began in the late 1970s, shifted into "hyperglobalization" in the first decade of the twenty-first century, hit "peak globalization" around 2011, and has in the past 10 years given way to "de-globalization," characterized by nationalism and protectionism. The rules of globalization were built on a theory of competitive markets, while the world was in fact riven with growing asymmetries of power and a strong policy bias toward capital. This bias must be eliminated if the global economy is to become more democratic and sustainable as we emerge from this moment of de-globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geography has obvious theoretical advantages in explaining the globalization of enterprises' R&D. Based on the theory of international direct investment and the relevant theories of economic geography, this paper constructs an analytical framework for the globalization of Chinese enterprises' R&D from the two dimensions of location and relationship, and takes Huawei as an example to analyze the spatiotemporal characteristics of enterprise R&D globalization and the interaction mechanism between R&D globalization and enterprise innovation capability upgrading, so as to confirm the applicability of the interpretation framework. The study believes that the independent innovation ability and technology absorption ability accumulated by enterprises in related fields are the prerequisites for their R&D globalization. On this basis, choosing a suitable location to continue to deploy overseas R&D centers, making full use of the technical advantages and rich innovation resources of the host country, and relying on good inter-state relations and the cooperation network relationship between Chinese enterprises and host country enterprises, universities and research institutes are important strategic choices for enterprises to obtain innovation resources and knowledge spillover to achieve technological upgrading. However, in the context of increasingly fierce global science and technology competition and the prevalence of trade protectionism, the changes in inter-state relations have had a great impact on the R&D globalization of Chinese enterprises, and should also be regarded as an important factor for Chinese enterprises to consider overseas R&D investment. Finally, drawing on Huawei's R&D globalization development experience, suggestions are made for Chinese enterprises to choose appropriate locations to effectively implement overseas R&D investment to enhance their innovation capabilities. At the same time, it also provides theoretical and case support for relevant departments to formulate policies and measures to encourage Chinese enterprises to go global [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians state that the protectionism that arose in the nineteenth century resulted from the new Republican party embracing its Whig roots while acquiescing to lobbyists and “greedy manufacturers.” Justin S. Morrill, Republican Congressman then Senator from Vermont, was the person most responsible for both the tariff and internal revenue measures enacted during the American Civil War. I argue that by studying Morrill, we find that there were many reasons for the extraordinary increase in tariff rates during the war. This is significant because the rise in tariff rates during the war has been associated with the pressure exerted by manufacturers through lobbying during the war to increase tariff rates, subsequently leading to the “new industrial order” of the late nineteenth century. Morrill’s attempt to balance internal revenue and tariff legislation played a significant role in this development. Morrill’s goal was to elevate farmers and “the interests of laborers” – he was never a shill for manufacturers. Protecting agricultural products and laborers remained at the heart of Morrill’s agenda. This can be seen in both the tariff and internal revenue legislation enacted during the Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between populism and free trade has historically been a complex one. This article argues that populism affects trade not by expressing consistent economic preferences, but by operating as a discourse that articulates external policies as a struggle for popular recognition. We analyse trade discourses of Donald Trump and Brexiteers following their victories in the 2016 United States presidential election and the referendum on European Union membership in the United Kingdom. These populist movements expressed opposing trade preferences: Trumpism was identified with protectionism, while Brexiteers supported free trade. However, they both articulated trade as a way to regain popular sovereignty from elites and hostile outsiders. A discursive approach helps identify a common logic in how populists articulate foreign relations despite pursuing nominally opposing policies. While this populist logic pertains primarily to domestic mobilization, it has implications for the international order as well, as evidenced in the persistence of protectionist instincts in the US under President Biden and the acceptance of a 'global' trade policy outside the EU as the new frame of reference for UK external economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article empirically investigates the impact of globalization on voting behavior. Specifically, combining individual-level data from the first nine waves of the European Social Survey, party-level information from the Comparative Manifesto Project, and country-level data from Eurostat, we study the individual determinants of the vote for trade protectionist parties. Our findings show, firstly, that protectionist parties mainly receive electoral support from less-educated voters, unemployed individuals, and members of labor unions. Secondly, we test the compensation principle using a macro measure of a country's compensation potential and find, contrary to expectations, no significant evidence that a greater potential to mitigate the labor market adjustment costs resulting from economic openness deters the propensity to vote for protectionist parties in national elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research emphasizes the increasing role of emerging countries in the advancement of future technologies and investigates the extent to which greenfield foreign direct investments (FDIs) can represent a bridge capable of stimulating technological collaboration opportunities between European regions and emerging countries. Utilizing a balanced panel dataset spanning 15 years from 2003 to 2017 and covering 286 European regions, we conducted a study that integrated collaborative patent data and foreign investments with emerging countries. Our findings indicate that technological collaboration primarily depends on inward FDIs (from emerging countries to Europe) rather than outward FDIs (from Europe to emerging countries). Furthermore, we discovered that a mutually reinforcing process can significantly enhance this collaboration. In this context, such a process acts as a cornerstone for the European Union (EU), offering a potential solution to navigate the paradoxical pressure between the rise of protectionism in response to the imbalances and inequalities stemming from globalization and the need to promote an environment conducive to global openness, competition and innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on English linen drapers – retail and wholesale traders – during Charles II's reign. These businesspeople became notable proponents of proposals to prohibit French imports of linens into England, but also to settle linen production domestically. Such proposals derived from the context of a Francophobic, anti-Catholic politics of religion which, by the 1670s, had manifested in efforts to 'defend' English Protestants from the various threats which 'popery' and 'arbitrary government' were held to represent, not least in the form of French Counter-Reformation, absolutism, and expansionism, and the likelihood of a Roman Catholic successor to the English throne, James, Duke of York. Linen drapers' participation in debates about the balance of trade and domestic linen production reflect how the linen trade became a point at which this Reformed Protestant, Dissenting, and Whig politics of religion and politics of trade intersected, cohered, and was cultivated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politische Vierteljahresschrift is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ryan Murphy, who is a coauthor of the Economic Freedom of the World (EFW) index, through the use of statistical and quantitative evidence, insists that Singapore does not exhibit a [...]

The coronavirus 2019 (COVID‐19) pandemic and the Russia–Ukraine war have demonstrated that the neoliberal system is unstable during global crises. In times of crisis, exporter countries adopt protectionist policies in the form of export restrictions to safeguard their local food supply and curb inflation. Consequently, low‐income countries might find themselves unable to access essential food products. In this regard, the aftermath of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the Russia–Ukraine war has gradually increased export restrictions, causing severe food supply disruptions. In particular, import‐dependent countries cannot access essential food products and face famine. To this point, this study explores the vulnerabilities of neoliberalism when exporter countries turn to protectionism. Moreover, it asks whether food sovereignty and self‐sufficiency could act as a safeguard for import‐dependent states against such vulnerabilities. In doing so, the study aims to contribute to the literature by linking protectionism with export restrictions, diverging from the more common association of protectionism with solely import restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing wave of protectionism in various corners of the world with the use of seemingly attractive but economically misleading slogans (shortening supply chains, onshoring, reshoring, nearshoring, friend-shoring, reindustrialization, and ending/correcting 'hyperglobalization', etc.) creates a serious challenge to the global trading system and global economic development. Trade and financial transactions have also become victims of the increasing number of geopolitical conflicts and tensions, both 'hot' and 'cold'. Before it becomes too late, i.e., before the current trade tensions go too far and create the hardly reversible spiral of trade and financial wars, retaliations, etc., it is desirable to reflect on what can be lost due to protectionism. This essay analyzes four areas that have benefited from global economic integration since the 1980s (economic growth, poverty eradication, reduction in global economic inequalities, and disinflation) and may suffer from its reversal. It also discusses potential remedies that may help stop a protectionist drift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Sustainable Development' can be understood as a widely used discourse that has become even more prominent since the publication of the UN Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development in 2015. In this paper we analyze the way sustainable development discourse unfolds within the context of development aid in Germany by undertaking a discourse analysis of reports on development policy published 1973–2017 by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development. Our analysis reveals that the sustainable development discourse is characterized by distinct components and storylines that change over time. We detect, in general, a shift away from a focus on environmental protection toward an emphasis on the role of the private sector in leading sustainable development. We argue, therefore, that although development is now only legitimate if it is 'sustainable', the discourse apparently facilitates the uneven allocation of development aid. The concern that arises here is that although Agenda 2030 pledges to take "bold and transformative steps' to secure the planet and to leave 'no one behind" the least developed states who cannot provide 'private sector opportunities' or fulfil 'national self-responsibilities' for sustainable development are indeed being 'left behind'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pān-toh is an ancient practice of collaborative roadside banquet in Taiwan, in which participants temporarily occupy a public space, arrange the meal and enjoy the anarchic feast. Although this custom has declined in frequency as a result of capitalist developments, the idea has seen a nostalgic revival in the past decade amidst international military tensions and domestic ideological battles. It has been appropriated into artistic productions to demonstrate an activist gesture of minority alliance that reflects the (post)colonial histories and reticent survival tactics therein. This essay takes Gather Theatre Group's Twelve Dishes Ballad as an example, to see how the pān-toh performance allegorized a reparative solidarity that departed from the paranoid interpretation of political scenarios and moved forward to a non-violent practice that emphasizes underground mutual dependence and intervulnerability. This apparatus of solidarity, nourished by Taiwan's experiences, contributes to a critique of the currently prevalent tendencies of defensive protectionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to analyze the most widely used import substitution instruments of CIS and identifying the most prospective directions for import substitution developing in the economy of post-Soviet states. Due to implementation of a multi-stage comprehensive research project based on a quantitative approach, the aim of this study was achieved. The present study showed that three main import substitution instruments for CIS are import duties, non-tariff methods of foreign trade regulating and domestic policy instruments to support national producers. In addition, based on the correlation and regression analysis of the time series model, strong correlations between import by export coverage ratio and the productive capacity index of structural changes were found for almost all the countries studied. This indicates the reverse effect of protectionist import substitution mechanisms on a domestic market development. The reasons for the choice of management mechanisms by the public administration of most CIS countries, which lead to a purposely negative result, could not be studied within this work. Additionally, the results may be useful in practical work of anti-corruption organizations for the suppression and prevention of the corrupt state-criminal networks in the field of import substitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade liberalization is a widely accepted policy for fostering economic growth, particularly in developing countries. Advocates argue that open economies, through increased competition, specialization, and access to global markets, outperform closed economies. However, the short-term effects on developing economies like Nigeria remain debated, especially within the manufacturing sector. Nigeria's trade policy has fluctuated between protectionism and openness, significantly influencing its manufacturing performance. Critics, drawing from dependency theory, argue that liberalization exposes weaker economies to exploitation by stronger nations, leading to trade imbalances and inhibiting industrial growth. This study investigates the nonlinear effects of trade liberalization on Nigeria's manufacturing sector, addressing a gap in the literature by employing a quadratic approach to determine threshold effects. By incorporating a quadratic form of the trade variable, the study tests the hypothesis that trade liberalization initially boosts the manufacturing sector but results in diminishing returns as openness intensifies. The research is framed within the Laffer Curve of Trade, suggesting that beyond a certain threshold, excessive openness may harm the manufacturing sector. The AutoRegressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model is used to assess both short-run and long-run effects, with findings indicating a convex relationship between trade liberalization and manufacturing output, highlighting the critical importance of identifying optimal policy thresholds to maximize industrial growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, trade protectionism and unilateralism have prevailed, and countries around the world have imposed restrictions on log exports. It has also become more difficult for China to import wood resources and export deep-processed wood forest products. Based on panel data from 2000 to 2019, this study uses social network analysis to measure the level of the Chinese wood forest product trade network, takes the Chinese free trade agreements (FTAs) as the natural experiment, and uses the multi-stage double-difference method to investigate the impact of the signed FTAs on China's wood forest product trade. The study finds that the trade network of Chinese wood forest products is becoming increasingly complex, and the central position of China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the network is increasing year by year. The signing of FTAs has had a significant positive impact on the trade of wood forest products in China and a significant trade creation effect. This finding remains true after conducting the placebo test and propensity score-matched regression control. At the same time, the import of wood forest products in China will have a significant trade transfer effect due to the signing of FTAs, and this will not affect exports. Although FTAs show significant trade creation and trade transfer effects in China's wood forest product trade, they also increase, to a certain extent, the mismatch of forest resources worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to examine the extent to which these reforms address the limitations of Saudi Arabia's previous investment framework. Long viewed as a hostile environment in which to do business, the Saudi Government has enacted a broad sweep of measures aimed at restoring investor confidence in central aspects of the country's evolving private law framework. Design/methodology/approach: This paper offers a timely assessment of the raft of foreign investment reforms, both legislative and regulatory, that have been introduced in Saudi Arabia over the last decade. Findings: The paper will proceed by outlining the perceived failings of the old investment regime before going on to reforms. Originality/value: It will consider the remaining obstacles to the flow of foreign investment in Saudi Arabia in the context of the dual forces that have historically defined the Kingdom's ambivalent investment law regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health and safety standards offer a convenient means by which governments can claim to be protecting the population, even while pursuing more parochial goals. In the realm of international trade, such standards have most often been studied as a means of veiled protectionism. Yet precisely because health and safety standards create ambiguity about their intent, nations may seek to use them for goals that extend well beyond protecting domestic industry. We theorize that governments will, at times, enforce regulations in ways intended to exact political retribution. To show this, we collect original data on import refusals by Chinese border inspectors between 2011 and 2019. Though ostensibly intended to keep dangerous products out of the hands of Chinese consumers, we demonstrate that import refusals have systematically been used by the Chinese government as a way to punish states that act against China's interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the shift towards protectionist policies in the United States' foreign economic policy, particularly in relation to China. It explains that these policies prioritize fair trade over free trade and aim to compensate Americans affected by unfair economic practices and counter China's rise as a competitor. However, the article argues that protectionism may not be a wise choice for the US in its competition with China. It suggests that protectionist measures could potentially weaken the US economy and give China more leverage, while other major economies could exploit or circumvent these measures. The article recommends that the US follows liberal economic principles and policies instead. It also highlights the challenges and costs associated with limiting China's access to US-developed technologies and the potential alienation of other major economies and developing states. [Extracted from the article]

AbstractThis study examines the dynamics of foreign investment policies in Indonesia during President Jokowi’s first term, juxtaposing his administration’s liberalization against the backdrop of economic nationalism and the intricacies of oligarchic control. Despite Jokowi’s pronounced ambition to attract foreign investment, as evidenced by his active participation in international forums and public statements advocating for investment, this study reveals a nuanced approach characterized by selective protectionism in the mining sector. This sector’s is attributed to the interplay between an oligarchic economic and patron-client relationships among Indonesian elites, underscores a stance towards foreign investment. The research delves into the trends of Indonesia’s foreign direct investment (FDI) from 2014 to 2019, highlighting a notable decrease in the mining sector at the beginning of Jokowi’s presidency. The paper investigates the capital structure and patron-client dynamics within the Indonesian oligarchy, offering the complex interplay between political power, economic interests, and social forces that influence policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We build measures of the demand for trade protection, and relate them to permanent productivity and transitory monetary shocks identified from U.S. data. The demand for trade protection is countercyclical conditional on productivity shocks and procyclical conditional on monetary shocks. A two‐country dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) model with trade in intermediate and final goods, sticky prices, and incomplete financial markets is proposed, in which tariffs are determined in a repeated noncooperative policy game. The resulting trade policies are consistent with the empirical evidence about the cyclical pattern of trade protection demand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The inevitable conflict between freedom of trade and protectionism is more pronounced in cyberspace and there is an urgent need to strike the right balance between protection of national security interests and the promotion of free trade and communication. The international community must develop a legal regime that is ideally suited to regulating cyberspace activities, learning from the regulatory measures that were developed in the last century to deal with conventional forms of trade and communication. This article examines how essential national security interests and lawful rights of other nations may be reconciled, with particular reference to art. XXI of GATT that was adopted by World Trade Organization. Through that discussion, it identifies the essential legal rules and principles that underlie the existing regulatory framework that can be adapted to regulate cyberspace activities and highlights the central importance of good faith in ensuring fairness in all transactions. It examines the origin and evolution of the requirement of good faith in the Chinese civilisation and what the Chinese classical writings identify as the content of this universal precept. It submits that the good faith must form the foundation of the norms that regulate the digital environment and that the formulation of the scope and application of the concept of good faith may be informed by Chinese legal philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of sociopolitical issues, including international wars, armed conflicts, decoupling of economic powers, deglobalization, nationalism, protectionism, sanctions, tariff wars, political tensions, and other sociopolitical forces affecting global supply chains (GSCs) and supply chain management (SCM) strategies. Amidst these sociopolitical factors, the global trade landscape is undergoing a seismic shift. This paper examines the complex web of these sociopolitical aspects, their impact on SCM strategies, and their implications for GSCs. The systematic literature review approach is used for this research, which entails the following steps: selecting and assessing pertinent sources, summarizing and synthesizing the literature, examining challenges and opportunities, articulating conclusions, and pinpointing prospective directions for future research. The findings of this study reveal that these sociopolitical factors have significant impacts on multiple facets of SCM, such as sourcing strategies, supplier relationships, risk management, and overall supply chain resilience. In addition, the study presents a roadmap for businesses to effectively navigate these difficulties, which involves diversifying supply chain networks, integrating corporate sustainability strategies, and implementing environmental, social, and governance factors into business operations. The originality of this research lies in its integrated and holistic approach to the integration of sociopolitical factors into SCM theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital service trade has emerged as a pivotal engine for global economic transformation and development. However, the implementation of differentiated regulatory measures for trade in digital services among economies has led to increasingly frequent trade disputes. This paper constructs a regulatory homogeneity network for digital service trade in 60 major economies, and systematically evaluates the structural characteristics of the network and the regulatory homogeneity among economies from 2014 to 2021. Furthermore, this paper empirically examines the impact of the partnership characteristics of regulatory homogenization in the network of major economies on their exports. The analysis of the network structure shows that major economies are more inclined to optimize and simplify existing trade partnerships, and are moving towards more diversified restrictive measures in the regulatory model of digital services trade, which has led to the rise of trade protectionism. The empirical text results show that expanding and deepening the regulatory homogeneous partnership of trade in digital services promotes the export of digital services in major economies. This promotion effect is mainly achieved by reducing the cost of digital service trade and enhancing business trust. In addition, the export promotion effect of developing regulatory homogenization partnerships is better than that of increasing the openness of digital service trade, and the homogenization of policies between openness and protection is more important. This paper provides important implications for coordinating the openness and security of digital services trade: China should actively cooperate with multilateral and bilateral digital service trade partners to jointly build a homogeneous environment for regulatory regulations. In particular, it is necessary to deepen the regulatory homogeneity partnership with Asian and developing economies to expand the influence of the "China model" in the global regulation of digital services trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kosovo is a member of the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA). Through this agreement, policies related to free trade in Central European countries have been created and implemented. CEFTA aims to liberalize and expand the market to achieve economic objectives, such as increasing exports, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), production, and competitiveness. In Kosovo, trade liberalization has not been accompanied by an improvement in the competitiveness of the manufacturing sector, resulting in a high trade deficit. The objective of this research is to analyze data on the export and import of commercial goods between Kosovo and CEFTA countries from 2014 to 2023 and their impact on Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and FDI over these years. Empirical analyses show that exports and imports with CEFTA member countries have a significant impact on GDP, but do not have a noticeable effect on increasing FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Standard accounts of the concept of 'modern brand' consider it to have developed in the late nineteenth century with the second industrial revolution and to have a range of unique characteristics, including a personality of its own and to be protected by law. Modern brands are considered to have succeeded proto brands, which relied essentially on quality and origin for differentiation. To trace this path, standard accounts build strong links between law, brand identity and product differentiation, suggesting that law and brand are 'symbiotic'. Looking at a country with early, yet relatively weak, trademark law and a poorly structured registration system and focussing on the previously little analysed case of the Brazilian South American Tea industry during the period 1875–1913, this study suggests that we need to consider two other typologies in the evolution of brands: 'proto legal brands' and 'differentiated proto brands'. So doing, this account provides an innovative view of legislation and registration, and their problematic contribution to anti-competitive protectionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]