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L’image dévalorisante associée aux bidonvilles engendre chez leurs habitants un sentiment de stigmatisation. Pour certains de ces habitants, le relogement est imaginé comme un nouveau départ, une occasion pour s’approprier une identité urbaine légitime à leurs yeux, en accédant à un logement légal et décent. Cette identité visée est construite en interaction avec les autorités et les non-résidents des bidonvilles, et est associée à un statut urbain légitime. À travers une enquête sociologique qualitative, cet article étudie comment la quête d’une nouvelle identité urbaine dans le quartier Nasr, un habitat collectif destiné à reloger des ex-bidonvillois à Témara, a créé des logiques d’exclusion et de hiérarchisation sociale. Il analyse les effets de lieu, les logiques d’exclusion et les techniques mobilisées par les stigmates pour comprendre les rapports de voisinage et les rapports entretenus par les relogés avec le reste de la ville. L’objectif est de savoir si ce relogement leur a permis de combler le sentiment de stigmatisation ressenti dans les bidonvilles. L’article est structuré en trois parties. La première partie fournit une description du quartier étudié et des conditions d’installation. Construit dans le cadre du programme national « villes sans bidonvilles » (VSB), le quartier Nasr reflète la gouvernementalité urbaine néolibérale promue par la Banque mondiale pour le développement. Une politique contribuant à la fabrication des pauvres endettés. Pour certains anciens résidents de bidonville, le relogement est vécu comme une forme de ruralisation, car il se situe loin du centre-ville et de ses commodités. La dégradation des conditions sociales de cette population alimente une certaine hostilité et un mécontentement envers les autorités. La deuxième partie de l’article met en lumière les conditions de vie précaires pour une grande partie des relogés. En effet, pour certains, les appartements étaient une désillusion par rapport à leurs attentes. Cela est lié en grande partie à l’objectif des autorités de déconstruire des habitats considérés comme un mal à la fois spatial et social sans mettre en place une stratégie d’accompagnement social plus efficace et qui réponde aux attentes de la population. Le sentiment d’abandon dû à l’absence d’un suivi social a donné lieu à des moyens de résistance subalternes, tels que le travail associatif, la mobilisation individuelle et collective, l’indignation envers les pouvoirs publics, et la construction d’un marché informel afin de répondre à leurs besoins. Le passage précaire des bidonvilles au quartier de relogement a aggravé la situation économique et sociale de certains habitants. Au niveau économique, de nombreuses familles, notamment les plus défavorisées (femmes cheffes de ménage et certains habitants exerçant des métiers journaliers) éprouvent des difficultés à assumer les nouvelles charges, telles que les traites bancaires, les frais d’eau et d’électricité. Enfin, la troisième partie analyse les rapports sociaux au sein du quartier. Les appartements y ont été attribués de manière arbitraire, ce qui a entraîné une rupture des liens sociaux existants entre les habitants des bidonvilles. De plus, le départ de certains relogés et l’arrivée d’autres catégories sociales a créé une hiérarchisation sociale basée sur le volume de capital économique possédé et les tentatives d’adaptation à la nouvelle vie. Ce qui a entraîné une sorte de méfiance et un repli social. Bien que cette hiérarchisation sociale soit invisible à l’extérieur, les habitants du quartier sont considérés comme homogènes et jugés en fonction de l’image que les autres ont de leur quartier. Cela conduit les habitants à vouloir fuir le quartier afin de se distinguer et de s’approprier une nouvelle identité urbaine. The devaluing image associated with slums leads to a feeling of stigmatisation among their inhabitants. For some slum dwellers, rehousing is imagined as a new start, an opportunity to take on an urban identity that is legitimate in their eyes, by accessing legal and decent housing. This intended identity is constructed in interaction with the authorities and non-residents of the slums, and is associated with a legitimate urban status. Through a qualitative sociological survey, this article studies how the quest for a new urban identity in the Nasr neighbourhood, a collective housing project designed to rehouse former residents of Témara, has created logics of exclusion and social hierarchisation. It analyses the effects of place, the logics of exclusion and the techniques mobilised by stigmas in order to understand neighbourhood relations and the relations maintained by the ex-bidonvillois with the rest of the city. The aim is to find out whether the rehousing of former slum dwellers has enabled them to overcome the feeling of stigmatisation felt in the slums. The article is structured in three parts. The first part provides a description of the neighbourhood studied and the conditions of settlement. Built within the framework of the national ‘Cities without Slums’ (CSB) programme, the Nasr neighbourhood reflects the neoliberal urban governmentality promoted by the World Bank for Development. A policy contributing to the fabrication of the indebted poor. For some ex-slum dwellers, rehousing is experienced as a form of ruralization, as it is located far from the city centre and its amenities, which were accessible in the slum context. The deterioration of the social conditions of this population fuels a certain hostility and discontent towards the authorities. The second part of the article highlights the precarious living conditions for a large proportion of ex-bidonvillians. Indeed, the flats were a disillusionment for some ex-bidonvillians in relation to their expectations. This is largely linked to the authorities’ objective of deconstructing habitats considered to be both a spatial and social evil without putting in place a more adequate social support strategy that meets the expectations of the population. The feeling of abandonment due to the lack of social support has given rise to subaltern means of resistance such as associative work, individual and collective mobilisation, indignation towards the public authorities, and the construction of an informal market to respond to their needs. The precarious transition from the slums to the resettlement area has worsened the economic and social situation of some inhabitants. At the economic level, many families, particularly the most disadvantaged (women heads of household and some ex-slum dwellers working in day jobs), have difficulty in covering new expenses, such as bank bills, water and electricity costs. Finally, the third part analyses the social relations within the neighbourhood. Flats were allocated arbitrarily, which led to a breakdown in the existing social ties between the slum dwellers. Moreover, the departure of some ex-slum dwellers and the arrival of other social categories created a social hierarchy based on the amount of economic capital owned and the attempts to adapt to the new life. This has led to a kind of mistrust and social withdrawal. Although this social hierarchy is invisible to the outside world, the inhabitants of the neighbourhood are seen as homogeneous and judged according to the image that others have of their neighbourhood. This leads the inhabitants to want to flee the neighbourhood in order to distinguish themselves and to appropriate a new urban identity. تُـولِّـد الصورةُ المُهِينة المرتبطة بالعشوائيات شعورًا بالوصم بين سكانها. فبالنسبة لبعض هؤلاء السكان، يَرَون إعادة الإسكان على أنها بداية جديدة وفرصة لامتلاك هوية حضرية شرعية في نظرهم، وذلك من خلال الوصول إلى سكن قانوني ولائق. وهذه الهوية المقصودة تُبنَى بالتفاعل مع السلطات ومع غير المقيمين في العشوائيات وترتبط بوضع حضري مشروع. من خلال دراسة تحقيقية سوسيولوجية نوعية، يدرس هذا المقال كيف أن البحث عن هوية حضرية جديدة في حي النصر، وهو موطن جماعي يهدف إلى إعادة إسكان سكان العشوائيات السابقين في تمارة، قد خَلَقَ منطقَ إقصاء وتراتبيات هرمية اجتماعية. ويحلل انعكاسات المكان ومنطق الإقصاء والتقنيات التي حشدتها الوصماتُ لفهم علاقات الجوار والعلاقات التي يُقيمها الأشخاصُ الذين أعيد إسكانهم مع بقية المدينة. والهدفُ هو معرفة ما إذا كانت إعادة الإسكان قد أتاحت لهم بالتغلب على الشعور بالوصم الذي يشعرون به في العشوائيات. يُقسَم المقالُ في ثلاثة أجزاء. يقدم الجزء الأول وصفًا للحي المدروس وظروف السكن. إنَّ حيّ نصر الّذي شُـيِّــدَ ضمن إطار البرنامج الوطني «مدن بلا عشوائيات» (VSB) يعكس العقلية الحكومية الحضرية النيوليبرالية التي يُروِّج لها بنك التنمية العالمي. وهي سياسة تساهم في صناعة فقراء مثقلين بالديون. وبالنسبة لبعض سكان العشوائيات السابقين، يَرَون إعادة الإسكان شكلاً من أشكال الترييف [التحويل إلى ريف]، لأنه يقع بعيدًا عن وسط المدينة ووسائل الراحة الخاصة بها. ويُغذِّي تدهورُ الأوضاع الاجتماعية لهؤلاء السكان نوعًا من العداء والاستياء تجاه السلطات. يسلِّط الجزء الثاني من المقال الضوءَ على الظروف المعيشية الهَشَّة لجزء كبير من الذين تمت إعادة إسكانهم. ففي الواقع، وبالنسبة للبعض، كانت الشقق مخيبّةً للآمال مقارنة بتوقعاتهم. وهذا مرتبط إلى حد كبير بهدف السلطات المتمثل في تفكيك المساكن التي تُـعَـدُّ شرًا من ناحية مكانية واجتماعية دون وضع استراتيجيةِ دعمٍ اجتماعي أكثر فاعلية ومن شأنها أن تلبّيَ توقعاتِ السكان. وقد أدى الشعور بالتخلّي الذي يُعزَى لغياب المتابعة الاجتماعية إلى ظهور وسائل مقاومة إضافية، مثل العمل النقابي والتعبئة الفردية والجماعية والسخط من السلطات العامة وبناء سوق غير رسمية بهدف تلبية احتياجاتهم. كما أدى العبور غير المستقر من العشوائيات إلى حيّ إعادة الإسكان إلى تفاقم الوضع الاقتصادي والاجتماعي لبعض السكان. فعلى المستوى الاقتصادي، كان العديد من العائلات، وخاصة الأكثر تهميشًا (ربات البيوت وبعض السكان الذين يعملون [مُياوِمين] في مِهَن يومية)، يعانون من صعوباتٍ في تحَـمُّـل الأعباء الجديدة مثل نُظُم السَّداد المصرفي للديون وتكاليف المياه والكهرباء. أخيرًا، يحلِّل الجزءُ الثالث العلاقاتِ الاجتماعيةَ داخل الحي. لقد تمَّ تخصيصُ الشقق هناك بشكل تعسُّفي، مما أدَّى إلى قطع الروابط الاجتماعية القائمة بين سكان العشوائيات. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، أدَّى رحيلُ بعض الأشخاص الذين تم إسكانُهم ومجيء فئات اجتماعية أخرى إلى نشوء تراتُبيات هرمية اجتماعية تعتمد على حجم رأس المال الاقتصادي الذي تمتلكه ومحاولات التكيف مع الحياة الجديدة. ممّا أدَّى إلى نوع من عدم الثقة والانطواء الاجتماعي. فبما أنَّ هذا التسلسل الهرمي الاجتماعي غير مرئي من الخارج فإنَّ سكان الحي يُعتبَرون متجانسين ويتم النظر إليهم وفقًا للصورة التي يمتلكها الآخرون عن حيِّهِم. وهذا يقود السكان إلى رغبتهم في الهروب من الحي لتمييز أنفسهم وامتلاك هوية حضرية جديدة.

This doctoral thesis addresses the issue of housing in Portugal and Italy in order to obtain a learning process 'inspired by the South', which allows to know approaches in neighbouring contexts, consolidate the literature on Southern Europe and extract lessons from the processes studied. The subject of housing, which is so complex and multidisciplinary, was addressed in two parts for each of the countries: Housing, which includes welfare systems and regimes, vocabulary, data and policies; and Rehousing, which refers to a process, recurring in public housing neighbourhoods, characterized by the phases of demolition, rehousing and new construction, and developed to improve the habitability conditions of degraded urban areas. This process is analysed in two case studies: the free floor of Corviale in Rome and the masonry of Bairro Padre Cruz in Lisbon. The objective is to develop a framework for housing in Portugal and Italy and to analyse an intervention process that defines reflections and propositional lines to design and intervene in public housing. This investigation seeks to develop an interdisciplinary study, through a theoreticalmethodological approach that connects several disciplines of Urban Studies, considering that the biggest methodological challenge is to integrate the tools of architecture with those of urban anthropology. The thesis contributes to the theoretical deepening of housing studies in Southern Europe and interdisciplinary investigations in Urban Studies, in an attempt to formulate views, criticisms and more integrated responses to inhabiting the city. Esta tese de doutoramento aborda o tema da habitação em Portugal e Itália para obter um processo de aprendizagem ‘inspirada no Sul’, permitindo assim conhecer abordagens em contextos vizinhos, consolidar a literatura sobre o sul da Europa e extrair lições a partir dos processos estudados. O tema da habitação, tão complexo e multidisciplinar, foi abordado em duas partes para cada um dos países: Housing, que inclui os sistemas e os regimes de welfare, o vocabulário, os dados e as políticas; e Rehousing, que se refere a um processo, recorrente nos bairros de habitação pública, caraterizado pelas fases de demolição, realojamento e nova construção, desenvolvido para melhorar as condições de habitabilidade das áreas urbanas degradadas. Esse processo é analisado em dois casos de estudo: o andar livre do Corviale em Roma e as alvenarias do Bairro Padre Cruz em Lisboa. O objetivo é desenvolver um enquadramento da habitação em Portugal e Itália e analisar um processo de intervenção visando a definição de reflexões e linhas propositivas para projetar e intervir na habitação pública. Esta investigação procura desenvolver um estudo interdisciplinar, através de uma abordagem teórico-metodológica relacionando várias disciplinas dos Estudos Urbanos, tendo em conta que o desafio maior é o de integrar as ferramentas da arquitetura com as da antropologia urbana. A tese contribui para o aprofundamento teórico dos estudos da habitação no sul da Europa e de investigações interdisciplinares em Estudos Urbanos, na tentativa de formular olhares, críticas e respostas mais integradas para habitar a cidade.

S’inscrivant dans une dynamique d’inclusion, le site de Sidi-Harb, un bidonville situé à l’ouest de la ville d’Annaba, a bénéficié en 1994 du programme Résorption de l’habitat précaire (RHP), avec un projet de 500 logements évolutifs destinés à améliorer la qualité de vie des habitants par l’accès à la propriété et l’acquisition d’un cadre de vie viable. Sous l’impulsion du financement de la Banque mondiale, ce programme a introduit des innovations dans le domaine d’action par l’adoption de plusieurs techniques d’intervention : relogement, prévention et restructuration à travers la réhabilitation des infrastructures et la régularisation de la situation foncière. Ainsi, notre objectif dans cet article est de décrypter les modalités d’intervention sur le site pour ensuite vérifier si ce programme répond à une intégration urbaine en traduisant les attentes des populations concernées, ou s’il s’agit simplement d’une opération de régularisation en porte-à-faux avec la réalité socio-urbaine., Sidi-Harb is a shantytown located in the west of Annaba city. In 1994, in accordance with inclusion dynamics, Sidi-Harb benefited from the Resorption of Precarious Habitat program (RPH), a project of 500 progressive housing units intended to improve the quality of life of the residents by giving them access to affordable housing, as well as to a viable living environment. Funded by the World Bank, the RPH program introduced innovations through the adoption of various techniques of intervention: rehousing, prevention, reorganization through the rehabilitation of infrastructures in under-equipped neighbourhoods and regularization of the land situation. Consequently, the objective of this article is to decipher the means of interventions on the site to verify if this program satisfies the criteria of urban integration by echoing the expectations of the population involved or if it is simply an operation of regularization out of sync with the socio-urban reality., Dentro de una dinámica de inclusión, el sitio de Sidi-Hard, barrio pobre al oeste de la ciudad de Annaba, benefició en 1994 de un programa de disminución de la vivienda precaria (RHP). El proyecto consistía en 500 viviendas evolutivas destinadas a mejorar la calidad de vida de los habitantes mediante el acceso a la propiedad y a un ambiente de vida habitable. Con el impulso del financiamiento de Banco Mundial, ese programa ha insertado innovaciones en el campo de acción, gracias a la adopción de varias técnicas de intervención: realojamiento, prevención y restructuración por la rehabilitación de infraestructuras y la regulación de la propiedad. En este artículo elucidamos las modalidades de intervención en el terreno para luego verificar si tal programa responde a una integración urbana traduciendo las expectativas de las poblaciones interesados o si se traa simplemente de una operación de falsa regularización, en vilo con la realidad socio-urbana.

Weibliche Wohnungslosigkeit wurde erst spät wissenschaftlich beforscht, wobei das Problem der verdeckten (nicht offen gelebten) weiblichen Wohnungslosigkeit bis heute nahezu unerforscht ist. Davon betroffene Frauen leben in ungesicherten Wohnverhältnissen und begeben sich dabei oft in benachteiligende Abhängigkeitsverhältnisse. Frauenarmut und Wohnungslosigkeit ist vor allem gemein, dass beide Phänomene aufgrund struktureller Benachteiligung und den Folgen existieren. Von verdeckter Wohnungslosigkeit Betroffene knüpfen kaum bzw. sehr spät an ein Hilfssystem an. Die soziale Arbeit ist dahingehend gefordert, verdeckt wohnungslose Frauen passende und möglichst barrierefreie (Beratungs-)Angebote abseits der bereits existierenden Einrichtungen der Wohnungslosenhilfe für zu schaffen. Housing First und Rehousing können mögliche Angebote für rasche Wohnplatzvermittlung darstellen. Sozialpolitisches Engagement und Initiativen können Maßnahmen sein, um politische Entscheidungen zu beeinflussen. Female homelessness has been the subject of late scientific research, with the problem of hidden (not openly lived) female homelessness remaining virtually unexplored to this day. Women affected by it live in unsecured housing conditions, often placing themselves in disadvantageous dependency relationships. What women's poverty and homelessness have in common is that both phenomena exist because of structural disadvantage and its consequences. People affected by hidden homelessness hardly connect to a help system or do so at a very late stage. Social work is challenged to create suitable and, if possible, barrier-free (counseling) services for concealed homeless women outside of the already existing facilities for homeless people. Housing First and rehousing can represent possible offers for rapid housing placement. Socio-political commitment and initiatives can be measures to influence political decisions.

À partir des résultats d’une enquête réalisée sur le programme de rénovation urbaine de Clichy-sous-Bois/ Montfermeil, cet article interroge les effets des relogements induits par cette politique publique sur le rapport au logement et les manières d’habiter des habitants d’un quartier populaire. En se basant sur l’étude des situations résidentielles initiales de ces habitants (placement), l’objectif est d’analyser à quels types de logements et de places résidentielles ils ont accès (déplacement), et quelles sont les modalités d’appropriation de ces nouveaux logements et ces nouvelles places résidentielles (replacement). Pour ce faire, l’analyse s’appuie sur l’étude d’un échantillon d’habitants (anciens propriétaires et locataires) d’une copropriété privée dégradée, relogés sur la même commune, mais dans les immeubles du parc social neuf. Cet article souligne d’abord les différences internes à ces habitants en matière de positions sociales, résidentielles et migratoires. Puis, cet article montre comment, avant et après relogement, le rapport que ces habitants entretiennent à leur logement et leurs manières d’habiter les résidences se présente autant comme un moyen de placement dans un espace physique et intime, comme le reflet de la façon dont ils se situent, et sont situés, socialement, que comme des éléments révélateurs de la manière dont ils reçoivent cette politique publique. From the results of a survey carried out on the urban renewal program of Clichy-sous-Bois /Montfermeil, this article examines the effects, for the inhabitants, of the placement, displacement, and re-placement logics within the inhabited space, incurred by this policy. Based on the analysis of their initial living situations, the goal is not only to study the types of housing and what sort of residential space they can have access to, but also to understand how they adapt to their new environment. Namely, the analysis takes the example of the residents (former owners and tenants) of a degraded private joint-ownership property, relocated within the same city, but in the social housing stock of newly constructed buildings. This article first underlines the internal variations of these residents objectification of their differences of social status, residential position and migratory path. Then, this article shows how before and after relocating, the relationships the residents have with their housings and the way they live within the neighborhood becomes as much a way of positioning within a physical and private area, and the reflection of the way they place themselves and are placed than the illustration of how they welcome the public policy.

[ES] Las actuaciones de regeneración urbana llevan implícita la necesidad de disponer de viviendas de uso temporal durante las diferentes fases de actuación. Este hecho se tiene en cuenta en el proyecto como premisa principal. Por eso, el trabajo consiste en: por un lado, la creación de alojamientos temporales como plan de realojo para un conjunto de actuaciones cercanas física y temporalmente; y por otro, la “rehabitación” de edificios existentes con actuaciones que se plantean por fases en el tiempo y buscan que los habitantes no tengan que abandonar su hogar en el momento de actuar sobre él. El proyecto se centra en tres bloques de vivienda: el edificio ‘para realojo’, un edificio de nueva planta destinado íntegramente a viviendas para el realojo de familias, y de enseres y mobiliario, tanto de una forma temporal en varias etapas, como de forma definitiva; el edificio ‘a rehabitar’, que es la transformación de un bloque de viviendas de 1970 en uso, en el que se pretende intervenir con la mínima incidencia sobre los usuarios y los mayores beneficios en confort, habitabilidad y sostenibilidad; y, por último, el edificio ‘híbrido’, que trabaja en conjunto la estructura preexistente de un bloque de viviendas de 1962 en uso y una estructura nueva, de forma que se mejoran las viviendas existentes y a su vez se crean nuevas para realojo. Los tres edificios comparten su relación directa con la principal plaza del barrio de Nazaret. Ésta actualmente es una gran rotonda que segrega el espacio público, con una geometría que ha quedado irreconocible tras los distintos proyectos de urbanización, y muestra una imagen de obsolescencia y abandono por el estado de las edificaciones que la rodean. Además, de su análisis se llega a la conclusión de que el uso real de la plaza no se adapta a la configuración de ésta. Por otra parte, las dos preexistencias que se reciclan en el proyecto presentan distribuciones obsoletas desde el punto de vista funcional, instalaciones variadas y deficientes con altas emisiones de CO2, y manifiestan problemas de acondicionamiento y habitabilidad. Estos edificios albergan viviendas de entre 63 y 93 m2, no disponen de ascensor, y en ellas la transición entre lo público y lo privado se reduce al espacio mínimo e imprescindible. Los objetivos principales de este proyecto son comunes y se buscan desde tres aproximaciones distintas. El primero de ellos es el de crear viviendas que se adapten a las necesidades y valor de uso de los distintos perfiles de familia que conviven en el barrio de Nazaret, disponiendo de variedad tipológica y sociológica en cada uno de los edificios. El segundo es el de mejorar los espacios de relación en la transición entre lo público y lo privado. Y el tercero es el de crear nuevos espacios colectivos en los que se puedan desarrollar actividades que de forma convencional forman parte exclusivamente de la vivienda y se plantea que puedan funcionar de forma colectiva por parte del conjunto de vecinos, tales como lavandería, habitación de invitados común (habitación satélite), zonas de estudio, zonas para realizar ejercicio, o de juegos para niños entre otras. Sumado a ello, la propuesta pretende mejorar el estado actual de la plaza, desde el punto de vista de la recualificación del espacio público, cambiando la posición de elementos de mobiliario urbano, alineaciones y pavimentos, y estableciendo una serie de nuevos órdenes basados en la percepción, concepción y vivencia estudiada de ella. De forma que se mejore la calidad espacial de las viviendas a partir de la mejora del espacio público, y se mejore la imagen de la plaza a partir del cambio de lenguaje arquitectónico de los edificios que la rodean. La intervención se piensa en todo momento como un proceso, donde se tienen en cuenta el estado inicial y el estado final de las viviendas, pero también todos sus estados intermedios, de tal forma que no se necesite realojo de familias de las viviendas afectadas en un tercer espacio fuera del bloque en cuestión, o de necesitarse fuera en la mayor brevedad posible. Por ello, como punto de partida se construye el edificio para realojo, que sirve tanto para el plan de realojo que se lleva a cabo en un entorno próximo. Seguido a ello, en el edificio ‘a rehabitar’ lo primero que se hace -después de una serie de actuaciones previas que lo facilitan- es colocar una estructura interior y un ascensor creando una circulación en forma de corredor que conecta con cada uno de los rellanos en cada una de las plantas, además se cambia el uso de locales de la planta baja que actualmente son trasteros, para concentrar otros usos en la fachada más “abiertos al barrio” y colocar estos trasteros accesibles desde la circulación interior y el patio de manzana. A partir de aquí, la estrategia se enfoca en la mejora de viviendas existentes, creando una estructura con paneles de CLT apoyada en parte a la estructura preexistente del edificio, de forma que se traslada a ella parte de la superficie de las viviendas. De esta forma, teniendo en cuenta todo memento la posición de pilares de la estructura sin orden aparente, se mejoran las distribuciones de las viviendas. Por último, en el edificio híbrido se construye una estructura con paneles de CLT que trabaja de forma independiente a la estructura existente de hormigón armado y, de forma análoga al caso anterior, en un primer momento se coloca el ascensor y se mejoran los espacios colectivos del edificio y su distribución en planta baja; y a partir de aquí, se construye toda la parte nueva que alberga tanto la ampliación de las viviendas existentes como nuevas viviendas para realojo. Como conclusión, este TFM propone la transformación y revalorización de un objeto preexistente sin interés aparente, demostrando la viabilidad de nuevos sistemas, como alternativa a la obra nueva y la rehabilitación tradicional en el contexto medioambiental, económico y social en el que se inscribe., [EN] Urban regeneration actions implicitly imply the need to have housing for temporary use during the different action phases. This fact is taken into account in the project as the central premise. For this reason, the work consists of: on the one hand, the creation of temporary accommodation as a relocation plan for a set of actions that are physically and temporarily close; and, on the other hand, the "reinhabitation" of existing buildings with actions that are proposed in phases over time and seek to ensure that the inhabitants do not have to leave their homes at the time of acting on it. The project focuses on three blocks of housing: the building 'for rehousing', a new building intended entirely for housing for the rehousing of families, and fixtures and furniture, both temporarily in various stages and definitive; the building 'to rehabit', which is the transformation of a block of flats from 1970 in use, in which it is intended to intervene with the minimum impact on users and the most significant benefits in comfort, habitability and sustainability; and, finally, the 'hybrid' building, which works together the pre-existing structure of a block of flats from 1962 in use and a new structure, so that existing homes are improved and new ones are created for rehousing. The three buildings share their direct relationship with the main square of the Nazareth neighborhood. This is currently a large roundabout that segregates public space, with a geometry that has become unrecognizable after the various urbanization projects, and shows an image of obsolescence and abandonment due to the state of the buildings that surround it. In addition, from its analysis it is concluded that the actual use of the square does not adapt to its configuration. On the other hand, the two pre-existing buildings that are recycled in the project have obsolete distributions from a functional point of view, varied and deficient installations with high CO2 emissions, and manifest conditioning and habitability problems. These buildings house dwellings between 63 and 93 m2, they do not have an elevator, and in them the transition between public and private is reduced to the minimum and essential space. The main objectives of this project are common and are sought from three different approaches. The first of these is to create homes that adapt to the needs and use value of the different family profiles that live together in the Nazaret neighbourhood, having a typological and sociological variety in each of the buildings. The second is to improve relationship spaces in the transition between public and private. And the third is to create new collective spaces in which activities that conventionally form exclusively part of the home can be developed and it is proposed that they can function collectively by the group of neighbors, such as laundry, guest room common (satellite room), study areas, areas for exercise, or games for children among others. Added to this, the proposal aims to improve the current state of the square, from the point of view of the requalification of public space, changing the position of urban furniture elements, alignments and pavements, and establishing a series of new orders based on the perception, conception and studied experience of it. In such a way that the spatial quality of the houses is improved by improving the public space, and the image of the square is improved by changing the architectural language of the buildings that surround it. The intervention is thought of at all times as a process, where the initial state and the final state of the dwellings are taken into account, but also all their intermediate states, in such a way that it is not necessary to rehouse families from the affected dwellings in a third space outside the block in question, or if needed outside as soon as possible. Therefore, as a starting point, the building for relocation is built, which serves both for the relocation plan that is carried out in a nearby environment. Following this, in the building 'to be re-inhabited' the first thing that is done -after a series of previous actions that facilitate it- is to place an interior structure and an elevator creating a circulation in the form of a corridor that connects with each of the landings on each of the floors, in addition, the use of premises on the ground floor that are currently storage rooms is changed, to concentrate other uses on the façade more "open to the neighbourhood" and place these storage rooms accessible from the interior circulation and the patio of apple. From here, the strategy focuses on improving existing homes, creating a structure with CLT panels supported in part by the pre-existing structure of the building, in such a way that part of the surface of the building is transferred to it.

Dissertação de Mestrado Integrado em Arquitetura, com a especialização em Arquitetura apresentada na Faculdade de Arquitetura da Universidade de Lisboa para obtenção do grau de Mestre. Submitted by Inês Monteiro (inesmonteiro@fa.ulisboa.pt) on 2020-09-22T14:25:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 (RE)HABITAR A MARGEM - Projeto flexivel e evolutivo do bairro do Segundo Torrão, Almada.pdf: 29598967 bytes, checksum: 0bc79be75044ca91a4e7ecdadac51eef (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2020-09-22T14:25:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 (RE)HABITAR A MARGEM - Projeto flexivel e evolutivo do bairro do Segundo Torrão, Almada.pdf: 29598967 bytes, checksum: 0bc79be75044ca91a4e7ecdadac51eef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2020-02-14 N/A

[ES] El objeto del presente trabajo parte el análisis de las zonas urbanas que reclaman de intervención dentro de los municipios de Aldaia y Alaquàs. Desde esta perspectiva se localizan algunas zonas con patrones similares en las que, por motivos de desigualdad, colectivos vulnerables, o crisis social de algún tipo, requieren de esa acción. Concretamente se han analizado las viviendas sociales existentes en las dos localidades, observando cuáles de ellas funcionan mejor, y por qué. Se aprecia que uno de los factores comunes en las que mejor funcionan socialmente, son las que están conectadas con zonas verdes, dando opción a una mayor calidad urbanística. Una vez extraídos los resultados, focalizamos nuestro proyecto en un barrio concreto, elegido entre de entre los demás por ser el de mayor conflicto, y por localizarse en un punto geográfico muy interesante y con mucho potencial, ya que se encuentra en la divisoria que separa los dos pueblos. El conjunto urbanístico es conocido como el Barrio de los Faroles, de Alacuás. Es una construcción del año 1954, y consta de 160 viviendas en cuatro bloques de cuatro al¬turas, distribuidos en dos grupos de dos bloques cada uno entorno a un callejón sin salida. Presenta importantes deficiencias de carácter constructivo, funcional y social en un en-torno donde más del 40% de la población es mayor de 65 años, y donde un porcentaje superior al 50% pertenece a la comunidad de etnia gitana. El objetivo de la intervención es revitalizar un barrio degradado para que la arquitectura sirva como elemento catalizador para la regeneración social y la mejora progresiva de las condiciones de vida de los ciudadanos. La idea inicial en la que se basa la operación es en proporcionar una mayor calidad en las viviendas, y esto se consigue principalmente dotándolas de un mayor espacio de convivencia. Actualmente son domicilios de 40m2 en los que viven familias enteras. La opción de ampliarlos parte de la base de que otra vivienda se vería afectada, o incluso desaparecería. A esto se le suma que la planta baja también tiene un uso residencial. Nos encontramos con un aprovechamiento muy compacto de las estancias que no permite una libertad de movimiento. Ante esto se propone edificar una nueva manzana de vivienda social muy cerca del barrio afectado, pudiendo de esta manera dar realojo a las familias, y poder actuar con más libertad en el bloque, pudiendo liberar la planta baja para, por ejemplo, dotarla de comercio y otorgarle un reclamo para los vecinos. Por último, estas dos intervenciones están unidas por un eje en el que hay dos zonas verdes importantes y un colegio, la cual se reforzaría para impulsar el paso por la zona, como se ha analizado que funciona en otras intervenciones similares cercanas.

Em Portugal o direito à habitação é um direito constitucional para todos os cidadãos mas em Évora continua por cumprir em relação a algumas pessoas ciganas que vivem em acampamentos. Não ter acesso a habitação e viver em condições de precariedade extrema soma-se a outras condições como a pobreza, a segregação espacial e a discriminação social que condicionam toda a vida familiar dos indivíduos e das famílias. Estas famílias sem habitação residentes em Évora vivem em acampamentos, sem que se trate de uma opção de modo de vida, ou que se relacione com a “cultura cigana” mas sim pelo facto de não terem outras opções: não têm habitação, escolaridade, emprego, participação cívica, etc. No sentido de conhecer as condições de vida das pessoas ciganas desalojadas de Évora foi realizado um estudo exploratório que aborda as condições de sobrevivência, os apoios de que dispõem, as necessidades sentidas, preconceitos, segregação e discriminação. Em termos metodológicos aplicou-se um inquérito a um representante de cada uma família cigana desalojada o que permitiu ter o retrato sociodemográfico da população estudada. Foram também realizadas entrevistas a pessoas ciganas e a interventores institucionais que nos deu diferentes perspetivas sobre a mesma realidade social. As pessoas ciganas que vivem em acampamentos em Évora residem há anos na cidade e revelam um forte sentimento de pertença a esses territórios. (Sobre)vivem em contexto de pobreza (com escassos recursos económicos) e marginalização (afastados da vida da cidade), com carências ao nível das necessidades básicas (falta de habitação, eletricidade, água, saneamento, etc.) mas têm expetativas sobre a melhoria das suas condições de vida. Os técnicos apontam as dificuldades sentidas na intervenção e demonstram uma certa aceitação e naturalização das condições de vida em que vivem estas famílias ciganas. As políticas públicas mostram-se ineficazes para a resolução da questão habitacional e de acesso a recursos fundamentais por parte destas pessoas ciganas. In Portugal the right to housing is a constitutional right but for some people it remains unfulfilled. In Évora there are still Gypsies who do not have access to housing and even the group is most affected by housing problems. The lack of access to housing and living in conditions of extreme precariousness adds up to other conditions such as segregation and social discrimination and conditions the entire family life of individuals and families. These families live in Évora, in camps without health conditions and in extreme poverty, without this way of life being their option, or having to do with the "Gypsy culture", but because they do not have other choice: they live without housing, no schooling, no job, no civic participation, etc. In order to know the living conditions of Gypsies evicted from Évora, an exploratory study was carried out with the objective of knowing their relationship with the territory, the conditions of survival, the support they have, the felt needs, prejudices, segregation and discrimination. In methodological terms, a questionnaire survey was applied to a representative of each gypsy family that allowed us to have the sociodemographic portrayal of these families and the interviewing of displaced Gypsy people and institutional interveners. The results show that the studied Gypsies have been settled in Évora for many years and have a strong sense of belonging to this territory. These people live in a context of poverty and marginalization, with serious shortcomings in basic needs (lack of housing, electricity, water, sanitation, etc.). Public policies have proved ineffective to resolve the housing issue and access to key resources by these Gypsy individuals.

Este relatório surge no seguimento do estágio curricular realizado na Divisão da Habitação da Camara Municipal de Odivelas, no âmbito da obtenção de grau de mestre em Urbanismo Sustentável e Ordenamento do Território. A habitação tem sido um dos grandes problemas das cidades, isto porque a população fixa-se em centros urbanos conduzindo a um crescimento populacional que não é acompanhado pela produção de alojamentos nem de políticas capazes de fazer frente a esta situação. A sobrelotação populacional levou a que muitas famílias se instalassem em edifícios com fracas condições de habitabilidade ou em bairros de “barracas”. A juntar aos núcleos de habitação precária formados pela desorganização territorial, surge também população que está fora desses núcleos mas que carece de habitação, seja por problemas financeiros, necessidade de reabilitar a sua casa, ou outros. A habitação é um bem a que todos têm direito, uma vez que é vital à sobrevivência humana. Tal importância revela-se no facto de se encontrar consagrada na Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem e na Constituição da República Portuguesa. Sendo assim, um dos aspetos a ter em conta por parte de cada município, é o de garantir o acesso às condições básicas a toda a sua população, para usufruírem de uma qualidade de vida no mínimo satisfatória. Conseguindo isso através do combate à falta de habitação ou às condições precárias. Criando programas para realojar famílias onde será possível usufruírem de melhores condições habitacionais, de apoios para que possam reabilitar a sua própria habitação ou de casas em que a renda é fixada com base nos recursos económicos de cada agregado familiar (arrendamento acessível). No entanto, é preciso compreender que todo este processo faz parte de um problema social complexo, e que apesar de o realojamento ser estruturado para melhorar a qualidade de vida das pessoas, nem todas as famílias se sentem confortáveis com esta mudança. Mudar de costumes, de localização, de convivências, pode ser assustador, tendo por isso de haver ações de integração por parte dos municípios. This report arises following the curricular internship accomplished in Division of Housing of the Odivelas Municipality, to archive the Master’s degree on Susteinable Urbanism and Spatial Planning. The housing has been one of the city biggest problems, that because the population is concentrated in the urban centers leading to populacion growth which is not accompanied by the housing production neither the policies able to cope with this situacion. The populacion overcrowding led to many families to settle in buildings with poor requirements or in neighborhoods of “slums”. Joining the precarious housing nuclei formed by territorial disorganizacion, there is also a population that is outside this nuclei but which lacks housing, whether due to financial problems, needing to rehabilitate your home, or others. It’s inevitable that, currently housing can not be waived, it is a good to which everyone is entlited, since it is vital to the human survival. This importance is shown by the fact that it is enshirined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Therefore, on of the aspects to be taken into account by each Municipality, is to ensure acess to basic condicions for all of its population, to enjoy a quality of life that is at the least satisfactory. Achieving this by combating homelessness or precarious living conditions. Creating programs to rehousing families where better housing conditions can be achieved, of support so that they can rehabilitate their own housing or houses in which their income is realized based on the economic resources of each household (affordable lease). However, we must understand that this whole process is part of a complex social problem, and that although rehousing is structured to improve people's quality of life, not all families are comfortable with this change. Changing customs, location, and coexistence can turn out to be scary, for that the Municipalities has to be actions of integrations.

Museums Victoria stores close to 80,000 herpetological specimens in its wet collection. A large proportion of these specimens were housed in Fowlers Vacola jars, which had degrading rubber seals on them, leading to ethanol loss in many of the jars and potential specimen degradation. Along with this, the collection was also in drastic need of taxonomic updating, new labelling and an inventory of the specimens. I developed a procedure for volunteers to work through to complete all of these steps in the one project. This included replacing jars with new 2 L screw-top jars with plastic seals, topping up ethanol and updating labels where required. Taxonomy was also revised, both on our electronic database and reflected in the physical storage of the specimens in the collection. There are many benefits to this project – staff and visitors can now locate the specimens more easily, taxonomy is more accurate, all specimens have been visually inspected, degradation of specimens has been minimised and we have a new baseline inventory of all specimens. This has already been extremely valuable during a recent large-scale audit of the collection. Our next step will be to barcode all of these specimens, so that effective location control will occur from this point forward.

At the 2017 SPNHC meetings in Denver, a five-minute Storage Techniques for Art, Science and History (STASH) talk was presented on the cold storage of film-based media. Herein, a more in-depth presentation of the Smithsonian's archival project with a status update is provided. In February 2016 world-renowned ichthyologist John E. Randall (Jack) donated his 10,559 film-based slide collection of fishes to the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History (NMNH). Beginning in the 1970’s, Jack used predominately 120mm Ektachrome film to photograph marine fishes. The first-generation slides were stored in cool storage, approximately 40F/4.5C, for much of their lives, thus preserving film color quite well as well as extending the life expectancy of film. Although digital surrogates of the slides have been created, the Division of Fishes intends to ensure the stabilization of the original color film by placing the slides in cold (-4F/-20C) storage. Color dyes used in Ektachrome slide film are fairly fugitive, and a known strategy to slow the rate of fading is to store slides in the coldest storage possible. NMNH Division of Fishes rehoused slides based on methods developed by the US National Park Service and the US National Gallery of Art. Prior to placing into cold storage, the slides were rehoused using archival supplies. The packaging methods we used are to prevent or reduce inherent deterioration as well as to help prevent any condensation buildup during the acclimation period that can occur when moving between quite differing temperature environments. In this discussion, I will evaluate the processes and materials used as well as to reflect on post-mortem takeaways.

[EN] The relocation of slums, the abrupt shift from a hut to modern and hygienic homes, and the effort to connect past and future through its own model of habitat will shape the district of Carrières-Central in Casablanca and its evolution to the present., [ES] El realojo de los bidonvilles, el paso directo de la chabola a la casa moderna e higiénica, y el intento por conectar pasado y porvenir a través de un modelo de hábitat propio marcarán la evolución hasta el presente del barrio de Carrières-Centrales en Casablanca.

The ethnic concentration process in shaty towns takes place in Madrid from the year 1986 until now. This situation unleashes the need of collaboration between three administrations (central, autonomous and municipal). Our study will be concentrate on the analysis of historical evolution of this process and of the above mentioned collaboration. The first great action against the shanty towns in the capital was a program known as Neighborhoods in Remodeling that took place in 1989 and involved the necessary collaboration between administrations. Once rehoused all these families the phenomenon suffered a process of ethnic concentration. The Town Hall from January 1984 develop the acquaintance Plan of Actions for the Eradication of the gypsies shanty areas, without very much success in his results. From 1986, Town Hall and Community of Madrid are obliged to create a Consortium for the Rehousing of the Isolated Population who finishes his actions in 1999. In this year, that institution was replaced for IRIS (Institute of Rehousing and Social Integration) which activities will be an object of another point of analysis in this investigation. We will show as the IRIS established certain strategic fundamental changes in the process of rehousings the afected families that it will differ from the previous stages. Finally, we will see as so much the Town Hall as the Community of Madrid have been supporting, throughout the time, different positions on the measures to adopt opposite to the chabolismo and it has determined in major or minor success of the actions until the year 2010., El proceso de concentración étnica del chabolismo se produce en Madrid desde el año 1986 hasta la actualidad. Esta situación desencadena la necesidad de colaboración entre las tres administraciones (central, autonómica y municipal). Nuestro estudio se centrará en el análisis de la evolución histórica de este proceso y de dicha colaboración. La primera gran actuación contra el chabolismo en la capital fue la operación conocida como Barrios en Remodelación que tuvo lugar en 1989 e involucró la necesaria colaboración entre administraciones. Una vez realojadas todas estas familias el fenómeno del chabolismo sufrió un proceso de concentración étnica. El Ayuntamiento, a partir de enero 1984, desarrollo el conocido Plan de Acciones para la Erradicación del Chabolismo Gitano, sin mucho éxito en sus resultados. A partir de 1986, Ayuntamiento y Comunidad de Madrid se ven obligados a crear el Consorcio para el Realojamiento de la Población Marginada que finaliza sus actuaciones en 1999. En ese año es sustituido por el IRIS (Instituto de Realojamiento e Integración Social) cuyas actividades serán objeto de otro punto de análisis en esta investigación. Mostraremos como el IRIS estableció determinados cambios estratégicos fundamentales en el proceso de realojamientos que le diferenciarán de los planes de las etapas anteriores. Finalmente, veremos como tanto el Ayuntamiento como la Comunidad de Madrid han ido manteniendo a lo largo del tiempo posturas muy diferentes sobre las distintas medidas a adoptar frente al chabolismo y ello ha condicionado el mayor o menor éxito de las operaciones hasta el año 2010. [fr] Le processus de concentration ethnique du chabolismo se produit à Madrid dès le 1986 jusqu’à l’actualité. Cette situation déchaîne la nécessité de collaboration entre les trois administrations (centrale, autonome et municipale). Notre étude se concentrera sur l’analyse de l’évolution historique de ce processus et de la dite collaboration. Le premier grand comportement contre le chabolismo dans la capitale a été l’opération connue comme Quartiers dans une Rénovation qu’il a eue lieu en 1989 et a impliqué la collaboration nécessaire entre des administrations. Quand toutes ces familles ont été relogées le phénomène du chabolismo il a subi un processus de concentration ethnique. Le Conseil municipal à partir de janvier 1984 Le, elle a développé, la connaissance Plan d’Actions pour l’Éradication du Chabolismo Gitano, sans beaucoup de succès dans ses résultats. À partir de 1986, le Conseil municipal et la Communauté de Madrid se voient obligé de créer l’Association pour le Relogement de la Population Margée qui finit ses rôles en 1999. Dans cette année il est substitué par l’ARC-EN-CIEL (Institut de Relogement et d’Intégration Sociale) dont les activités seront objet de l’autre point d’analyse dans cette recherche. Nous montrerons comme l’ARC-EN-CIEL a établi des changements déterminés stratégiques fondamentaux dans le processus de relogements qui il différeront des étapes antérieures. Finalement, nous verrons comme Conseil municipal et la Communauté de Madrid très différentes postures maintenaient le long du temps sur les mesures distinctes à adopter en face du chabolismo et cela est convenu dans un plus grand ou moindre succès des opérations jusqu’au 2010.

The 2009 L'Aquila earthquake left approximately 67,000 homeless people. The earthquake severely damaged facilities, structures, and infrastructure of L'Aquila town, the capital of Abruzzo region, as well as 56 other municipalities in the so-called "crater". The resident population in the crater area at the time of the earthquake included 68,503 inhabitants in the city of L'Aquila and 71,081 in other municipalities of the crater, yielding a total of 139,584 inhabitants. Several solutions were adopted to host homeless people in the immediate emergency phase; then, temporary accommodations were built to host people up to the completion of the reconstruction process. This paper analyzes the timeline by which people who lived in L'Aquila city at the time of earthquake was enabled to return to their houses, either repaired and strengthened or rebuilt. In particular, this analysis covers the first phase of the reconstruction process as well as its second phase, which is currently still ongoing in L'Aquila's historical centers. The trend of a population returning home discussed herein has been determined based on data collected from different databases given by several institutions engaged in the emergency and reconstruction phases; this allowed an estimation of the number of people returned to their homes over time.

Este Policy Brief vem apresentar alguns dos principais resultados que o projeto exPERts tem vindo a produzir através da análise crítica do processo de conceção e implementação do PER desde 1993, com foco na sua atuação na Área Metropolitana de Lisboa. Mais especificamente, pretende-se proporcionar uma discussão alargada sobre algumas das temáticas principais desse programa em relação ao debate político institucional e social, com o fim de contribuir para o atual debate sobre as futuras políticas de habitação e de realojamento.

Il sisma che ha colpito l'Abruzzo il 2009 è uno dei più documentati della storia recente. La quantità di dati a disposizione permette di effettuare analisi che non trovano eguali in altri eventi catastrofici. Nella presente memoria viene fornito il resoconto di un'ampia attività di ricerca incentrata sull'analisi dei dati collegati alle attività poste in essere a seguito del sisma. I dati raccolti, comprendono, tra gli altri, le schede di agibilità e danno, i progetti degli interventi di riparazione e miglioramento sismico e i dati inerenti la popolazione assistita nel corso del tempo. Al fine di fornire, tramite una chiave di lettura inedita, un quadro generale del processo di ricostruzione a otto anni dal sisma, la città dell'Aquila, capoluogo di Regione ospitante circa 72000 abitanti al momento del sisma, di cui circa 54000 in assistenza a dicembre 2009, è stata suddivisa in 110 aree urbanisticamente omogenee; tali aree comprendono tutti i centri storici della città e delle frazioni, oltre le aree di espansione e le periferie. Per ognuna delle aree è stato individuato il numero di abitanti che ha fatto ritorno nella propria abitazione nel corso del tempo, fornendo quindi una panoramica dell'andamento della ricostruzione dell'intero capoluogo in riferimento alle peculiarità di ogni area individuata.

Paralleling the increasing disparities in income and wealth worldwide since the 1980s, cities in developing countries have witnessed the emergence of a growing divergence of lifestyles, particularly within the middle classes, reinforced by the widening gap between the quality of public and private educational and health care institutions, spatial segregation, gated communities, and exclusive semiprivate amenities. This erosion of social cohesion and citizenship in urban society has sharpened the growing perception and reality of exclusion. This book is arranged as follows: (i) chapter one discusses on the growing importance of inclusion in urban areas; (ii) chapter two describes trends affecting social inclusion in urban areas; (iii) chapter three focuses on infrastructure and public services: a powerful tool to promote social inclusion; (iv) chapter four explains restoring the social function of public space; (v) chapter five deals with access to land: a critical factor at the core of inclusion and exclusion; (vi) chapter six describes the erosion of inclusive options for affordable housing; (vii) chapter seven talks about generating revenues to finance urban improvements: land-based financing; (viii) chapter eight focuses on the right to the city; (ix) chapter nine describes Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO) and Community-Based Organizations (CBO) as strategic partners in driving the implementation of inclusionary programs; and (x) chapter ten has concluding remarks.

Almost 40.000 Greeks became homeless the past 8 years due to the economic crisis. But there is still hope! This project reflects on how architecture can lead to a more humane society using democratic methods and a city’s urban strengths. It explores how volunteers, the State and the Private Sector can collaborate through competitions and win-win agreements in order to gradually transform an abandoned commercial center and landmark, MINION, into a qualitative pilot housing project with socialization space for hundreds of homeless people. This could finally lead to the revitalization of the decaying Athenian environment through a number of stages. The project has a dual purpose and the idea is very simple. On one hand the project needs to include stores and other commercial spaces that reflect the old Athenian character in order to attract the interest of the higher financial layers of Greece and invest their capital. On the other hand the State will use this capital in order to provide qualitative housing to people in need. MINION is actually turns from a ‘commercial machine’ that used to be, into a ‘social machine’. All these actions will be completed with the collaboration of the tenants of the building. Nästan 40 000 greker har blivit hemlösa de senaste 8 åren på grund av den ekonomiska krisen. Men det finns fortfarande hopp! Detta projekt reflekterar över hur arkitektur kan leda till ett mänskligare samhälle med hjälp av demokratiska metoder och en stads urbana styrkor. Det utforskar hur volontärer, staten och den privata sektorn kan samarbeta genom tävlingar och win-win avtal genom att gradvis omvandla ett övergivet kommersiellt centrum och landmärke, MINION, till ett kvalitativt pilotbostadsprojekt med socialiseringsplats för hundratals hemlösa. Detta skulle slutligen leda till en vitalisering av den förfallande atenska miljön genom ett antal steg. Projektet har ett dubbelt syfte och tanken är mycket enkel. Å ena sidan måste projektet omfatta butiker och andra kommersiella utrymmen som återspeglar den gamla atenska karaktären för att locka de högre ekonomiska lagren i Grekland att investera sitt kapital. Å andra sidan kommer staten att använda detta kapital för att ge kvalitativa bostäder till människor i nöd. MINION förändras från en ’kommersiell maskin’ till en ’social maskin’. Alla dessa åtgärder kommer att utföras i samarbete med alla bostadsprojektets invånare.

Esta dissertação é um percurso de descoberta e de reflexão em torno da comunidade hindu residente no bairro do Armador, em Lisboa. O trabalho faz a apresentação das problemáticas do realojamento e da integração num bairro social, aplicando esses conceitos à comunidade hindu. Traçamos o percurso desta comunidade até ter chegado ao Bairro do Armador, apresentando de forma breve o que foi a Quinta da Holandesa e o que representou o realojamento na vida destes hinduss, alguns já de segunda e terceira geração. Analisamos o material recolhido no terreno, junto das pessoas que entrevistámos, para compreender melhor as dinâmicas de interação que conduzem (ou não) à integração de uma comunidade num espaço, lançando pistas de reflexão em torno das problemáticas, com a visão do bairro sobre esta comunidade e da comunidade sobre o bairro.

Dissertação apresentada para obtenção de grau de Mestre em Educação Social e Intervenção Comunitária O recente desaparecimento do Bairro “Salazar”/“Bairro 16 de Março” e o realojamento dos moradores foram o motivo da realização deste trabalho. O ideário do Estado Novo reunido na trilogia, Deus, Pátria e Família, princípios defendidos por Salazar através da “Política do Espírito” tendo por base uma política de obras públicas vigorosas, e tal como em todos os regimes fascistas, sentiu a necessidade, e tal como já vinha do século XIX construir o Espaço de Identidade através de uma Arquitetura Portuguesa, que tinha como meio primordial para o seu enraizamento a família, a escola, o local de trabalho e o local de lazer. Porque a arquitetura enforma o viver quotidiano, informaria também o “espírito” E o nosso Bairro “Salazar” é um testemunho dessa época. Tentar compreender as vivências desta população face à vida e demolição do bairro, assim como ao realojamento, justificar os modos de apropriação e de organização dos novos espaços domésticos e envolventes, a satisfação habitacional e as atitudes face ao processo, a dimensão das memórias profissionais, domésticas, históricas, políticas, culturais, sociais, escolares. Os resultados obtidos revelam que os moradores daquele Bairro, fosse ele “Salazar ou 16 de Março”, sentiam-se uma família e viam-se como tal. Tinham laços fortes dentro e fora do bairro e sentiam-se integrados cidade. Os que foram realojados em casas arrendadas e distribuídos pela cidade, são os mais satisfeitos e os que melhor se integraram. Os que foram, quase em bloco, para o novo bairro são os que tiveram maiores dificuldades de adaptação. Gostam das casas e mantêm o apoio dos vizinhos antigos mas a diversidade e a multiculturalidade é um fator que levantou e levanta problemas de adaptação. Sendo que os intervenientes principais são pessoas, algumas com uma longevidade extraordinária e com estórias de vida ritmadas ao longo da história do país e da cidade, não poderíamos ficar somente circunscritos às fontes arquivísticas quando tínhamos pela frente um capital humano extraordinário The recent demise of the former “Bairro Salazar”, also known as “Bairro 16 de Março” and the rehousing of its inhabitants were the purpose behind this research. The three major ideals behind Estado Novo dictatorship – God, Fatherland and Family – defined by Salazar in his “Politics of the Spirit”, based on propaganda and on a series of vigorous public works, just like other fascist regimes, felt the need to build a “Space of Identity” trough a Portuguese Architecture, which was originated in the XIXth century, sustained by family, school, workplace and leisure space. Because architecture surrounds the day-to-day life it would also embodies the “spirit”. “Bairro Salazar” is a testimonial to that era. It is intended to understand people's reactions and experiences regarding life before and after the “Bairro” was demolished, evaluating the ways of appropriation and organization of the new housings and spaces, the degree of habitat satisfaction and attitudes towards the process, and clarifying personal, household, historical, political, cultural, social and school memories. The obtained results will hopefully serve to the evaluation of the different steps in a process of public intervention in Social Housing. In its diversity, it show us that the inhabitants of the “Bairro”, whether it was called “Salazar” or “16 de Março”, felt and lived like a family. There were strong bonds both inside and outside the “Bairro” and they also felt as part of the city as a whole. Regarding the rehousing issue after the demolition, it was noticed that the former inhabitants that were separately rehoused and distributed across the city are the most satisfied ones, having a better integration according to them. The ones that were rehoused together as a block to a new neighborhood had a hard time adapting to the new spaces. They like their new houses and still have strong bonds with the neighbors that accompanied them, but the diversity they found in the new place is a factor that still raises some issues towards their full integration. Since there are people involved, some of those with remarkable longevity and life stories that were affected by the rhythm of both the country and the city's History, it was impossible to only stick to historical archives when there was such an amazing human capital at our disposal. info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion