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En Inde, les transitions énergétiques vers le charbon et l’hydroélectricité exercent une pression sur les ressources naturelles qui affecte gravement les communautés marginalisées, en particulier autochtones. Le modèle libéral de la transition « juste », centré sur la consultation et la participation des « parties prenantes », légitime en réalité les processus d’expropriation en ce qu’il ignore les asymétries et les violences d’État.

One of the most heated debates in psychological science concerns the concept of repressed memory. We discuss how the debate on repressed memories continues to surface in legal settings, sometimes even to suggest avenues of legal reform. In the past years, several European countries have extended or abolished the statute of limitations for the prosecution of sexual crimes. Such statutes force legal actions (e.g., prosecution of sexual abuse) to be applied within a certain period of time. One of the reasons for the changes in statutes of limitations concerns the idea of repressed memory. We argue that from a psychological standpoint, these law reforms can be detrimental, particularly when they are done to endorse unfounded psychological theories. The validity of testimonies is compromised many years after the alleged facts, and abolishing the statute of limitations increases the chance that even more (false) recovered memories of abuse might enter the courtroom. We propose solutions to these changes such as establishing an independent expert committee evaluating claims of sexual abuse.

Why do states and their agents abuse citizens? Traditional explanations focus on contentious politics, the presence of institutions, and international pressures. Despite this, accounts dissecting the state and its agents in this context of abuse remain largely theoretic in nature. This article offers a breakthrough for within-the-state accounts of human rights abuses by focusing on state leaders and their relationship to broader government institutions and function. We posit that personalist leaders have fundamentally different relationship with institutions that foster human rights respect, arguing that leaders relying on their own merits and qualities are less likely to either activate or manipulate institutions of accountability for human rights abuses. Using data from 1991 to 2019, we show that the presence of leaders legitimizing themselves within personalist framing can worsen human rights conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While it is obvious that the space for protests in Hong Kong has declined significantly, it is far less apparent how the political culture has been transformed. Based on an analytical framework using the Lefebvrian concept of space, the paper draws on the July 1st protest march to trace how the political space of the population has been reduced. Relatively quickly, Hong Kong has transformed from a vibrant civil society to one marked by fear and self-censorship similar to other authoritarian regimes. Following an expansion of protest space during the 2019 anti-extradition bill movement, the Chinese government has enacted a National Security Law to eliminate most political activism. The study shows the success of the government's repression although the long-term impact is not yet clear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates surrounding the origin of recovered memories of child abuse have traditionally focused on two conflicting arguments, namely that these memories are either false memories or instances of repressed memories (i.e., reflecting the idea that people can unconsciously block traumatic autobiographical experiences and eventually regain access). While scientific evidence for the first is clearly established, the second is the subject of a controversy in the academic, clinical, and legal fields. This controversy rages on today. In this introductory article to our topic "Beyond Repressed Memory: Current Alternative Solutions to the Controversy," we present alternative and more parsimonious explanations for repressed memories that we sorted into three categories: cognitive, motivational, and biological factors. Our aim is to provide a timely overview to help clinical and legal professionals, academics, and the general public to move beyond the idea that traumatic memories can be unconsciously repressed. There is an ongoing debate about the origin of recovered memories, traditionally viewed as either false or repressed memories. While false memories are scientifically supported, repressed memories remain controversial. We propose alternative explanations categorized into cognitive, motivational and biological factors to explain recovered memory cases.A [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Think/No‐Think (T/NT) task was designed to test whether the deliberate avoidance of retrieving a memory (i.e., suppression) hinders the subsequent recall of that memory. Forgetting effects obtained with the T/NT‐task (Suppression‐Induced Forgetting) are thought to result from memory inhibition: the deactivation of the representation of the to‐be‐suppressed memory. Memory inhibition can be specifically inferred from decreased performance on a test using Independent Probes—cues that are unrelated to the initial study phase in the T/NT‐procedure. The present contribution explores the evidence for the idea that Suppression‐Induced Forgetting obtained with such Independent Probes may provide a viable model for repression. A review of the literature on Suppression‐Induced Forgetting with Independent Probes (SIF‐IP) suggests that reliable estimates of the overall effect size are unavailable, that the extent to which the literature suffers from publication bias is unknown and that reporting bias may obstruct a clear view of the percentage of studies that find a statistically significant effect. In addition, it is difficult to study SIF‐IP in autobiographical memories, due to their complexity and idiosyncrasy. All in all, it seems questionable whether suppression‐induced forgetting obtained with independent probes provides a viable model of repression. The Think/No‐Think (T/NT) task (Anderson & Green, 2001) examines whether intentional suppression of memory retrieval hampers subsequent recall, known as Suppression‐Induced Forgetting (SIF). Initially, the T/NT task was proposed as an experimental analogue for repressed memory, particularly when examining SIF with Independent Probes (unrelated cues). However, the present paper argues that the literature on SIF with Independent Probes lacks reliable effect size estimates, may suffer from publication and reporting bias, and faces challenges in studying autobiographical memories, casting doubt on its viability as a model for repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expression "repressed memory" was introduced over 100 years ago as a theoretical term purportedly referring to an unobservable psychological entity postulated by Freud's seduction theory. That theory, however, and its hypothesized cognitive architecture, have been thoroughly debunked—yet the term "repressed memory" seems to remain. In this paper, I offer a philosophical evaluation of the meaning of this theoretical term as well as an argument to question its scientific status by comparing it to other cases of theoretical terms that have either survived scientific change—such as "atom" or "gene"—or that have perished, such as "black bile." Ultimately, I argue that "repressed memory" is more like "black bile" than "atom" or "gene" and, thus, recommend its demotion from our scientific vocabulary. This paper offers a philosophical evaluation of the term "repressed memory" and argues that it lacks both reference and sense. As a result, the author recommends its removal from scientific usage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The controversy over alleged repressed and recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) was among the most contentious ever to embroil psychology and psychiatry. Adapting paradigms from cognitive psychology, my research group tested hypotheses pertinent to repressed memory and false memory interpretations of recovered memories. We tested adults who: (1) report recovering memories of CSA after not having thought about their abuse for years; (2) report never having forgotten their CSA; (3) believe they harbor "repressed" memories of CSA; and (4) deny having been sexually abused. We tested hypotheses about mechanisms that might figure in the inability to recall memories of one's abuse and those that might render one susceptible to developing false memories of abuse. The purpose of this article is to summarize this work. Finally, I draw on the work of Lionel Penrose to speculate about why the popularity of the concept of repressed memories of trauma—or its synonym, dissociative amnesia for trauma—may be rising today. Experimental cognitive psychology research has failed to support claims that people possess the capacity to repress memories of trauma. Lionel Penrose's viral model of "fads" may explain the persistence (or resurgence) in belief in repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early childhood events are rarely remembered in adulthood. In fact, memory for these early experiences declines during childhood itself. This holds regardless of whether these memories of autobiographical experiences are traumatic or mundane, everyday experiences. Indeed, what people tend to remember from their childhoods involves relatively innocuous experiences, ones often devoid of emotion. In this article, I provide an overview of the types of memories adults recall from their childhoods and the ages at which these memories are believed to have been formed. Along the way, I provide a brief exegesis of the neurobiological and cognitive underpinnings of early memory development. I will show that changes and growth in neural interconnectivity as well as the development of various cognitive structures (e.g., the inception of the cognitive self) help propel the emergence of a mature autobiographical memory system, one that can and does serve as a reconstructive base for remembering events that occur in later childhood and adulthood. During the course of this review, I detail the nature of early memories, their fragility, and the adaptive consequences of forgetting and supplanting these memories with newer, more age‐appropriate experiences throughout childhood. In this article, I provide an overview of the types of memories adults recall from their childhoods and the ages at which these memories are believed to have been formed. I detail the fragility of early memories and the adaptive consequences of forgetting and supplanting these memories with newer, more age‐appropriate experiences throughout childhood. This includes a brief exegesis of the neurobiological and cognitive underpinnings of early memory development where I show that changes and growth in neural interconnectivity as well as the development of various cognitive structures (e.g., the inception of the cognitive self) help propel the emergence of a mature autobiographical memory system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genotoxic stress resulting from DNA damage is resolved through a signaling cascade known as the DNA Damage Response (DDR). The repair of damaged DNA is essential for cell survival, often requiring the DDR to attenuate other cellular processes such as the cell cycle, DNA replication, and transcription of genes not involved in DDR. The complex relationship between DDR and transcription has only recently been investigated. Transcription can facilitate the DDR in response to double-strand breaks (DSBs) and stimulate nucleotide excision repair (NER). However, transcription may need to be reduced to prevent potential interference with the repair machinery. In this review, we discuss various mechanisms that regulate transcription repression in response to different types of DNA damage, categorizing them by their range and duration of effect. Finally, we explore various models of transcription recovery following DNA damage-induced repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present the first study to measure the beliefs held by Italian laypeople about how human memory works, using a newly developed tool: the Italian Memory Belief Questionnaire (IMBQ). Research conducted in other countries has demonstrated that beliefs about memory vary widely between different professional and non-professional groups, indicating that limitations exist regarding the dissemination of empirically researched scientific knowledge. To ascertain what Italian people understand about memory-related topics, including eyewitness testimony, repression of traumatic memories and factors influencing memory recall, 301 native Italian participants completed the IMBQ in Study 1. In Study 2, 346 additional participants completed the IMBQ, alongside various additional measures, to examine the construct validity of our new instrument and investigate socio-demographic predictors of memory beliefs. Exploratory factor analysis in Study 1 identified three distinct belief factors that were present in the dataset: eyewitness and memory reliability, trauma and remembering and aspects that improve remembering. Study 2 partially confirmed this factor structure and found IMBQ scores to correlate with existing memory belief questionnaires. Correlations were also found between the IMBQ subscales and measures of fantasy proneness, but not dissociation. In both studies, many Italian laypeople strongly endorsed the notion that controversial topics (i.e., repression) are possible. Contrastingly, Italian laypeople do appear to understand the conceivable inaccuracies of memory in eyewitness settings. Sex, age and education were shown to predict beliefs about memory. Findings are discussed in relation to the importance of addressing misinformation about memory, especially in clinical and forensic settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1Internet shutdowns have become a popular instrument for repressive regimes to silence dissent in a digitized world. While authorities seek to suppress opponents by imposing Internet outages, we know little about how the public reacts to such incisive measures. The regime might face anger and resentment from the public as a response to Internet deprivation. Why do regimes still use Internet shutdowns when they do not only face economic but also societal losses? In this paper, I argue that Internet shutdowns lower the public's evaluation of the political leadership as citizens blame the government for the service outages. For the analysis, I combine fine-grained data on Internet outages with survey data from the Afrobarometer and apply an "unexpected event during survey design." Results show that citizens do not hold the government accountable for Internet disruptions, thus making Internet shutdowns a powerful tool for autocrats to silent dissent digitally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the interrelations of memory work and activism in the Iranian context by focusing on the way remembering victims of state violence informs political activism. Due to constant repression, the recurrence of state violence and the criminalisation of oppositional activities and non-conforming lifestyles, the Iranian context is saturated with contentious memories that cannot be brought into public space. Oppositional memory work, especially regarding the victims of direct state violence, has thus become dangerous, counts as defiance and requires alternative spaces for taking shape. This article maps out and explains how activist memory work in this context entails carving out activist memoryscapes and intertwines personal suffering with acts of remembering the other and how memory is used as a resource in broader modes of oppositional politics, justice-seeking and endeavours towards social change. Examples of activist memory work in the Woman, Life, Freedom protests, a short documentary film and a commemorative exhibition are analysed in the article to showcase the different mnemonic dynamics at stake and to highlight the importance of mediation and cultural forms in the formation of activist memory work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens when actors in social movements (SMs) fail to achieve their goals? Written against the general tendency in current scholarship, this article examines the case of the actors in the Rif Hirak activism, which emerged in northern Morocco following the tragic death of a fishmonger in the port of the city of Al Hoceima, to probe the impact of collective action on actors in SMs. To achieve this purpose, this article is twofold: First, it examines the link between repression and emigration. Second, based on online interview data gathered from a small sample of Hirak activists (n = 13), the article argues that, as the Hirak waned; the Rif activists resorted to emigration as a means to express political discontent and alternatively resist government repression. This demonstrates that a combination of factors intersect to justify protesters’ decision to emigrate. These intersecting factors include: (a) the threat of arrest and torture, (b) family pressure, (c) distrust in the state, (d) frustration with the lack of economic opportunities in the Rif, and (e) disappointment at the ability of the movement to bring about change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine triggered the immediate outmigration of its citizens, hundreds of thousands of whom fled to the Caucasus and Central Asia. Yet, extant theories of conflict-based migration offer limited insight into why so many Russians left suddenly in response to the war. Nor can they account for the reversal of flows of skilled labor migration, which had previously gone to the metropole. Drawing on in-depth interviews and focus groups with first-wave Russian emigres, we find that the domestic support for the invasion intensified opposition-minded Russians' sense of political alienation, while legal repression motivated their immediate exit. However, the globalization of white-collar labor shaped who left. Finally, migration policy and a lower cost of living, in conjunction with other colonial legacies, shaped legal and economic mobility in ways that drew Russians to Central Asia and the Caucasus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jordan is one of the most militarized states in the world. Why? Traditional explanations hold that the kingdom's bloated armed forces and security institutions reflect authoritarian dynamics and frequent regional wars. However, such popular arguments falter. Jordan has not been a primary combatant to any major conflict for a half-century, and it is no more authoritarian than other Arab autocracies. This essay instead suggests that militarization begets militarization. In political terms, Jordan's coercive apparatus underpins the tribal coalitional bargain that sustains the Hashemite monarchy. It also paradoxically breeds the very domestic insecurity that it purports to prevent. By exhausting the economy, extreme militarization has spawned public unrest spurred by high unemployment and fiscal crises. And by necessitating a pro-Western foreign policy, it has attracted regional terrorism and triggered further domestic dissent. In sum, Jordanian militarization persists not from exogenous structural forces, but the deliberate choices of its political architects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides theoretical and contextual background to The Academic Question of Palestine. Building on the work of Edward Said, we maintain that Palestine constitutes a unique question with special status in international academic spaces, particularly in the West, because of its entanglement with other imperial and settler colonial forms of dispossession. We argue that the special place that Zionism and its defence has occupied for decades in academia has rendered Palestine one of the thorniest and most divisive issues of our time. In the new millennium, the birth of the BDS movement; the emergence of new solidarities with global anti-racist movements; the scholarly and human rights consensus that Israel constitutes a regime settler colonial apartheid; the acceleration of Zionist violence, until the Gaza genocide, have generated new forms of repression and resistance in the academic space. This Special Issue offers the tools for understanding these recent transformations of the question of Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In general, Palestine solidarity activism—irrespective of how and where it happens—faces censorship and repression, whereby solidarity with Palestine as a (national) cause is stigmatized and considered toxic to any mainstream discussion of the politics of Palestine/Israel. Academia tends to follow this norm of stigmatization and toxification of Palestine solidarity and any recognition of the legitimacy of the Palestinian struggle for liberation is viewed as a violation of the norms of scientific (i.e. objective) knowledge production. More recently, the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance working definition of antisemitism has played a critical role in censuring and censoring individual scholars and scholarship deemed too supportive of the Palestinian struggle. In this article, however, I view this manner of repression as embedded in a political project that extends far beyond the working definition. Specifically, I argue that the academic repression of Palestine solidarity draws on the lasting discursive legacies of the Global War on Terror that sought to bifurcate the world into 'good' and 'evil.' Drawing on my personal experiences of repression where my work has been charged as being antisemitic, sympathetic to terrorism/terrorists and defending fundamentalism, I argue that lumping Palestinian solidarity with all things evil, abnormal, disruptive, negative, and inappropriate represents a continuation of the Global War on Terror as the Palestinian cause is toxified as nothing more than an extension of the 'Axis of Evil.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An exploration of how discourses around free speech actually facilitaterepression against those expressing pro-Palestine sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does human rights advocacy make a difference? Many are skeptical. Studies often find that advocates have an impact only under limited circumstances. I argue that these underwhelming results are a by-product of an identification problem. Research so far has effectively focused on whether shaming campaigns reduce ongoing abuse. But such cases are only part of the story. Another big aspect of advocacy is preventing abuse from ever starting. We must then pay attention to the deterred, those who chose not to violate human rights because of the threat of shaming. These cases do not repress and are never shamed. They are easy to miss because they look the same as those who never considered abuse in the first place. However, identifying deterred cases is crucial for judging the effectiveness of advocacy. I argue that we can resolve this issue by focusing on the degree of human rights monitoring in a country. Doing so allows researchers to recognize those under the scrutiny of advocates, and hence those that could have been deterred even if they were never shamed. Once we do this analytical refocus it is easy to see the positive effect of human rights advocacy. Human rights monitoring reduces abuse, and it does so in most countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states engage in violence against marginalized social groups? State violence is typically explained as a calculated response to dissent or as a means of preventing dissent. However, many instances of state violence against members of marginalized groups appear to be unconnected to dissent or anti-state mobilization. We examine this dimension of state violence and connect it to control of the government by nationalist political parties and the preferences of their voting bases. We argue that governments in which nationalist parties hold substantial influence are more likely to adopt policies that lead to abuse. Such policies include more aggressive policing of immigrants and ethnic minorities, and lax oversight and punishment of agencies responsible for policing. To test our argument, we examine the Ill-Treatment and Torture data, which record allegations of state violence and also information about the victim's identity. We find that states with nationalist governments are more frequently accused of abuse against marginalized groups. Our results suggest that, rather than constraining abusive behavior through electoral accountability, the public in democratic countries sometimes prefer leaders who create a more abusive environment for marginalized groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do riotous-violent protests increase the likelihood of protest success? The protest literature has largely found that riotous-violent protests (RVPs) are not effective. However, a burgeoning literature contradicts these findings. We extend this literature by exploring how waves of RVPs increase the likelihood of protest success. Protesters learn from past protest-government response dyads, which reduces the costs of continued protest in the face of repression. The temporal accumulation of riotous-violent protests exhausts the resources and collective will of the regime to continually hold out on protester demands. Thus, as the number of RVPs increases in a country-year, we expect there to be a coinciding increase in instances of government accommodation. Furthermore, we argue that democracy conditions the relationship between waves of RVPs and protest success. We conduct a cross-national observational data analysis of 119 countries from 1990 to 2019 using data from the Mass Mobilization Project. Our results support both of our hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite calls for examining how authoritarian regimes employ state structures to prolong their rule and evidence that they regulate religion to shape the behaviour of religious elites, there has been little attention devoted to religious affairs ministries, which are key sites of interaction between religious actors and the state, and are often the primary institution through which regimes manage religion. This study identifies and describes eight core areas these ministries regulate that can be used as instruments for repression and co-optation of regime opponents, and state legitimation: prayer, appointments, education, religious advice and decisions, religious endowments, media, registration, and charity. In this analysis, we seek to bridge the gap between the literatures on religion, the Middle East, and authoritarianism by synthesizing recent research and analysing religious affairs ministries in the Middle East-North Africa (MENA) region. We argue that by fulfilling these functions, religion ministries are not benign bureaucracies but impactful institutions of political control. In highlighting key questions that remain unanswered, we outline a research agenda for continued advances towards theorizing how authoritarian regimes might make use of state resources to protect their rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Money is the epitome of Marx's fetishised commodity. And, in Marxist discussions of the connected topics of currency and commodity fetishism, it often is left under-appreciated that such fetishism reaches its apotheosis only with the development of 'interest-bearing capital.' Herein, I perform two complementary gestures, one as regards Marxism and another with respect to psychoanalysis. Apropos Marxism, I counter-balance the usual, long-standing (over)emphasis on commodity fetishism as per the first volume of Das Kapital with a foregrounding of this fetishism as per the third volume. Apropos psychoanalysis, I shift away from its traditional fixation on reducing financial matters to libidinal contents. I explore instead the implications of the forms of capitalist fetishism for reconsidering the forms of intra-subjective defence mechanisms. This leads me to posit a complementary inversion of Lacan's dictum according to which 'repression is always the return of the repressed': The return of the repressed sometimes is the most effective repression. To pose a rhetorical question paraphrasing Brecht: What is the laundering of money compared with the laundering that is money? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How have political opportunities impacted the recent failure of social mobilizations for women's reproductive rights in Poland? This article seeks to explain why change has not happened despite two social mobilization waves, one of which was the largest in democratic Poland, attracting unprecedented public support. Delving into the political environment in which social mobilization emerged, we argue that women's movements for reproductive rights lacked strong roots in Polish society, being marginalized since 1989 to 2007. Simultaneously, an alliance of ruling elites, the Catholic Church and state-controlled media, have consistently been able to curb social movement demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on repression in social movement studies focuses mainly on protest behavior and neglects other aspects of activism. This paper expands this literature by looking at how surveillance as a covert form of repression affects organizational practices in social movements. The secessionist mobilizations around the 1 October 2017 referendum in Catalonia serve as a case study to explore this question. Semi-structured interviews with organizers from the Catalan independence movement were used to identify two surveillance threats. Organizers feared the monitoring of their digital communication and the infiltration of their assemblies. They responded to these threats with five moves of counter-surveillant organizing: encryption, face-to-face communication, analogizing meetings, committee decision making, and closingoff assemblies. How organizers perceived surveillance and responded was closely connected to the cyclical dynamics of contention over time. The five moves allowed the movement to resist surveillance at least in the short term without moderating their claims or going underground. However, they were also harmful to the Catalan independence movement's organizing culture based on inclusivity and horizontality. These findings suggest that the consequences of repression for social movements go well beyond protest behavior and have a profound impact on their organizational practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines continuing misunderstanding about memory function especially for trauma, across three UK samples (N = 717). Delayed allegations of child sexual and physical abuse are prevalent in Western legal systems and often rely upon uncorroborated memory testimony to prove guilt. U.K. legal professionals and jurors typically assess the reliability of such memory recall via common sense, yet decades of scientific research show common sense beliefs often conflict with science. Recent international surveys show controversial notions of repression and accurate memory recovery remain strongly endorsed. In historical cases, these notions may lead to wrongful convictions. The current study surveyed the U.K. public, lawyers, and mental health professionals' beliefs about repression, dissociative amnesia and false memories. Study findings give unique data on judges' and barristers' beliefs. Overall, the study findings reinforce international scientists' concerns of a science – knowledge-gap. Repression was strongly endorsed by lay, legal and clinical participants (> 78%) as was dissociative amnesia (> 87%). Moreover, suboptimal professional legal education and juror guidance may increase misunderstanding. Correcting beliefs about memory function, and extending the contribution of memory science in the courtroom remains an important quest for cognitive scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on a neglected phase in the competitive history of attempts to appropriate Burns and monopolise interpretations of his work. Although Burns was in his time an ecclesiastical liberal, late Victorian and Edwardian secularists, most notably William Stewart Ross (pseudonym 'Saladin') and J. M. Robertson, read Burns as a proponent of secularism and freethought. However, they recoiled from the bardolatry associated with the Burns cult as something that itself smacked of religiosity. Nevertheless, Robertson's alignment of Burns with an anti-Calvinist interpretation of Scottish history has proved an enduring feature of modern Scottish culture and criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses strategies of electoral manipulation employed by the regime of Recep Tayyip ErdoÄan in Turkey. Three long-term methods and three short-term methods are examined, the former being unequal access to resources, media and law, and the latter being election fraud, intimidation of opposition, and vote buying. The text argues that the Turkish government employs primarily long-term strategies, but short-term ones are also present and thus should not be ignored. State resources are being siphoned to municipalities controlled by AKP and regime-friendly businessmen who then provide donations and other favors for the party. State media and media regulators came under the regimeâs control, resulting in minimal coverage of the opposition in both public and most private media outlets. The takeover of the judiciary and vague definitions in the Anti-Terror law and other laws were used to suppress opposition politicians and journalists. It also allowed the regime to take control of bodies overseeing elections, leading to malpractice. Intimidation of opposition had a form of both legal prosecution and physical attacks and focused primarily on pro-Kurdish parties. Vote buying in Turkey seems mainly to be a form of rewarding voters of the ruling party, not an attempt to persuade swing voters.

The Civil War and the postwar period were key events that marked the existence of millions of people. In this article, we collect the life experience of two of them, as an example of what those millions experienced. The Buitrago, Victoriano and Amor, were two CNT militants who fought for their ideals and who, with the defeat of 1939, wanted to be erased. The objective is the reconstruction and analysis of two life stories crossed by the civil war and Franco’s detention centers as a sample of the succession of events experienced by thousands of people who fought in the Republican rearguard in those years.

The purpose of the article is to reflect the activities of N.A. Voznesensky as head of the State Planning Committee of the USSR, at the same time deputy, and then first deputy chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars (Council of Ministers) of the USSR based on the introduction of new archival documents into scientific circulation. The relevance of the study is due to insufficient knowledge of the activities of this economist and politician. Objectives of the article is to explore historical and political aspects, using analytical, statistical and comparative historical methods to tell about the history of Voznesensky’s creation of the book «The Military Economy of the USSR during the Patriotic War»; consider the reasons for the repression against him and subsequent rehabilitation. It is concluded that Voznesensky in the most difficult economic and political conditions of the pre-war, war and post-war times, sought to preserve and restore the economy of the USSR, the positive and negative aspects of his activities are indicated, as well as the reasons for the execution and rehabilitation. The directions of military restructuring of national economy of the USSR outlined in his book were of great importance for the study of socio-economic conditions of Victory in the war.

The escalation of militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) into interstate wars has been studied extensively with opportunity and willingness frameworks. In this article, we conceptualize and operationalize proto-insurgencies as a civil war equivalent to MIDs. Just as most MIDs do not escalate into interstate war, most proto-insurgencies never make the key tactical transitions needed to produce the onset of civil war. We separately examine proto-insurgency formation and proto-insurgency escalation to onset. We find that proto-insurgency formation is associated with political persecution, such as denial of access to justice, regime corruption, and mid-range levels of repression. Our theoretical focus is on how state repressive violence creates diffusion effects that push proto-insurgencies toward the tactical transitions that enable the escalation to civil war. Proto-insurgency escalation to civil war onset is driven by high levels of state repressive violence directed against proto-insurgency and its area of origin. This leads to the dispersal of proto-insurgents and the displacement of surrounding populations, inducing the spread of state repression to a larger number of administrative units. This creates the foundation for guerrilla warfare and establishes the conditions for rebels to offer sanctuary to displaced persons in return for active support, marking the onset of civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relation between interpersonal trust, repression, mobilization, and demobilization in authoritarian regimes. Does interpersonal trust impact mobilization in authoritarian regimes? Does an authoritarian regime's strategies of repression and cooptation fuel distrust among movement actors and consequently lead to demobilization? Through relying on qualitative analysis in Egypt in the aftermath of the January 2011 uprising, I argue that interpersonal trust plays a significant role in the mobilization process of opposition movements. Yet, when movement members' interpersonal trust levels and mobilizational capacities are high, authoritarian regimes utilize excessive repressive strategies to fragment and demobilize them. However, repression is not the only strategy utilized by regimes to demobilize the opposition. Other strategies, mainly cooptation and movement infiltration, are used by authoritarian regimes to fuel distrust among opposition movement actors and between movement actors and the citizens at large. These three strategies add to opposition movement's fragmentation and demobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the use of 'non-lethal' weapons (NLWs) by liberal democracies to govern dissent in non-war contexts. We argue that NLWs can enable sensorial governance, specifically through sensory repression of dissent. Although accented as non-lethal, NLWs are better conceived of as what we term 'Weapons of Sensory Repression' (WSRs). From tear gas to sound cannons to skunk bombs and more, WSRs target the human senses – visual, auditory, olfactory, proprioceptive – and impose debility not death, thus enabling the use of technologies of repression against dissenting collective assemblies at lower threat thresholds than conventional weapons, arguably disincentivizing alternatives to repression. Since law enforcement in liberal democracies is not explicitly linked to political control and such democracies derive legitimacy from responsiveness to public opinion, it is worth highlighting what WSRs make im/possible in this regard. Empirically, WSRs create and confirm subordinate citizenship in liberal democracies for those who are already de facto lacking in certain rights. Emphasizing that liberal democracies renew themselves through challenges involving mass mobilization, we suggest that the employment of these weapons transforms problems of political change into problems of technological crowd management by dehumanizing those that propose alternative logics for dominant economic, nationalist or racial orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent philosophical and (neuro)psychological discussions of phenomena such as motivated forgetting, memory inhibition, self-deception, and implicit bias, various authors have suggested that repression might be a useful notion to make sense of these phenomena, or that these phenomena indeed provide evidence for repression. However, surprisingly, these claims usually do not rely on any explicit model of repression. Consequently, it remains unclear whether invoking repression in these discussions is justified. In this paper, I propose a psychological “how-possibly” model that can serve as a basis for scientific research that I call the hybrid model of repression. This model combines the advantages while avoiding the problems of two types of models of repression – the higher-order model and the separation model – that have been discussed and defended by different authors and that both have their origin in Freud. This “how-possibly” model may then set the stage for further empirical research, which can form the basis for a “how-actually” model in the longer run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pre-war Quebec experienced intense labour conflicts and unprecedented episodes of repression. Its complexity leads historical sociology to take a few steps back to examine the militarization of workplaces and the experience of violence within urban space, and see how these relate to the development of capitalism and state formation. Starting from the 1840s, this article aims to problematize military repression in the context of the class struggle over the longue durée, using key labour strikes. It thus seeks to better grasp the political and economic dynamics of repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transborder ethnic ties constitute an alignment between an ethnic minority group and its external ethnic kin in another country. Similar to interstate alliances, in which a powerful state extends its deterrent capability to protect its protégé state against another state, a powerful external kin can extend its deterrent capability to protect a minority group against the target government. I employ deterrence theory and develop a game-theoretical model to analyze the triadic strategic interaction between a government, a minority group, and this minority group's external kin. I argue that a minority group can only be effectively protected by its external kin when the external kin possesses a credible and capable threat of using force. I test the predictions of my model with a newly developed dataset covering 20 minority groups and 5 powerful ethnic kin. The results show that a highly credible and capable threat by an external kin significantly decreases the likelihood of government repression in the form of active and targeted political discrimination. Specifically, previous economic support to the minority group by their militarily powerful external kin constitutes a strong signal of a credible military threat, contributing to general deterrence and diminishing the probability of repression. This research contributes to the literature by moving beyond the mostly invariant factors, such as geographical proximity or the nature of ties between the groups, to understand the effect of an external ethnic kin on a minority's security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines four different trajectories of contestation individuals go through. We highlight how the five motivational dynamics function per trajectory, depending on how they interact within individuals' psyche, their perceptions, and the surrounding political setting. We argue that through the citizens' narratives about these political moments we can better understand how the motivational dynamics function per trajectory of contention. Our focal point is to disentangle how, under the same political conditions, individuals act differently, even though they might hold the same political stances. Repression is a focal point of analysis in the article showing how the individuals within the various trajectories react to regime's repression differently. It is the context within which individuals within the four trajectories function that is affecting their behaviour. We investigate how the ways individual express dissent change by interacting with the regime whose repressive actions might push them to change their attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies into nonviolent resistance have led to a broad but scattered understanding of why some of these movements erupt and succeed, while others do not. This article offers a multilevel framework of analysis to explain trajectories of nonviolent resistance in repressive regimes and illustrates this framework by analysing the potential of Russian domestic nonviolent resistance to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The proposed framework incorporates seven overarching factors identified in previous studies, namely the political and economic system, the international relations, the level of modernization, the distribution of power within society, and the grievances, resources and organizational capacity of the resistance group. Based on this framework, it is tentatively concluded that Russia's political and economic system, the limited power dispersion and the lack of organization among the opposition help to explain why no successful resistance has emerged. Additional case studies are required to further assess the framework's utility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emerging literature dealing with transnational repression has identified several strategies used by authoritarian states to control and coerce their populations abroad. This article builds on existing research by investigating the domestic determinants of transnational repression. It argues that an increase in domestic repression is likely to lead to a subsequent increase in transnational repression because crackdowns at home drive dissent abroad and incentivize the state to extend its repressive gaze beyond its borders. To evaluate its arguments, the article draws on a database of approximately 1200 cases in which authoritarian states around the world threatened, attacked, extradited, abducted, or assassinated their own citizens abroad between 1991 and 2019. Offering a first quantitative test of domestic drivers of transnational repression, using multivariate regression analysis, the paper finds that as repression intensifies domestically, the likelihood of that state subsequently escalating its transnational repression also increases substantively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many autocrats govern with an in-group, whose support must be secured, and an out-group, which is subject to repression. How do autocrats exploit in-group/out-group dynamics to secure their survival? One strategy, we argue, is to broadcast out-group repression to the in-group as a signal of the regime's capacity for violence. Empirically, we focus on China, where the government represses ethnic Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Drawing on 1 million articles from six propaganda newspapers, we show that the regime broadcasts out-group repression to urban elites on each anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, when 10% of Beijing residents joined anti-regime protests. To understand its effects, we conducted a survey experiment balanced on the national census during the June 2020 Tiananmen anniversary. Using a list experiment to mitigate preference falsification, we show that CCP propaganda about Uyghurs during the Tiananmen anniversary discourages protests among politically engaged urban elites because they fear repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of secret police organizations on the occurrence of antiregime protests in authoritarian regimes. We argue that such organizations are related to lower levels of protests via two related mechanisms: intelligence gathering and an increased perception of risk among citizens, which reduce citizens' ability and willingness to mobilize, respectively. Using new data on secret police organizations in dictatorships covering the post–World War II period, our findings support the main expectation. This research contributes to our understanding of security institutions, antiregime protests, and the repression-dissent nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In autocracies, why are certain bureaucrats more heavy-handed in their use of force than others during repression? In this article, we propose an incentive-compatible theory that explains the uneven compliance of bureaucrats in repressive campaigns. We argue that bureaucrats from less trusted backgrounds tend to implement repressive tasks more fervently to credibly display loyalty and bolster their career prospects. We provide evidence for our theory using China's Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957-1959), a repressive campaign launched by Mao Zedong against alleged critics of his rule. We find that officials who were former undercover partisans, a faction considered untrustworthy by Mao, tended to prosecute more "rightists" in their jurisdictions and imposed harsher penalties on them. This study contributes to the literature by revealing the motivations of coercive agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which autocratic elites are more likely to be punished after being removed from office? Purges are an important tool of autocratic survival, helping dictators to eliminate potential rivals. However, expulsion is not always the end for victims, as some also suffer detention or execution. Although we have compelling theories on why certain elites are purged, we still lack strong understanding of why punishments may differ. Using individual-level data on autocratic elites from communist Eastern Europe between 1917-1991, I find evidence that military and internal security elites are more likely to be detained than civilians, owing to the higher coup risk they pose. Internal security elites are also more likely to be executed than other elites, due to long-term threats of their professional knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I explore a previously neglected mechanism of mass mobilization in autocracies. Revolutionary leaders may deliberately provoke punishment from the incumbent regime to signal their political conviction and thus encourage citizens to identify with and support the revolutionary movement. I model the interplay of repression, criticism, and revolutionary actions as a dynamic game with incomplete information about the leader's type. The role of the revolutionary leader is to enable people to identify with the movement by credibly embodying political change. From the incumbent's perspective, repression turns out to be a double-edged sword. On the one hand, a severe punishment of critics increases citizens' cost of participating in revolutionary actions. On the other hand, harsh repressions may simultaneously establish a trustworthy leader whom people want to follow in order to replace the current political regime. My results thus help explain a stylized fact, namely that revolutionary leaders sometimes need to fail before they can succeed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy culture cultivates suspicion towards the hidden workings of power. While some modes of suspicion direct critical attention towards the crimes and cruelties of oppressive social relations, other modes misdirect that same attention. When such misdirection serves to reproduce oppressive social relations, entrapping its adherents in the promise of emancipation, this may be understood as ‘repressive suspicion’. Empirically, this concept is characterized, herein, via a reception study of the QAnon conspiracy theory, reconstructing how one of the most prominent participants in the insurrection in Washington, D.C., on 6th January 2021 became wrapped up in ‘Q’ culture – a story that paints a poignant, complex picture of repressive suspicion. This concept is then further developed in historical and theoretical terms, in dialogue with the works of Herbert Marcuse, leading to an analysis of QAnon as a microcosm of the contemporary crisis of hegemony, drawing on Antonio Gramsci, Stuart Hall, and Nancy Fraser. While, in the 1960s, and even in the 1990s, repressive suspicion could be largely ignored by practitioners of political critique, in the current conjuncture this is no longer the case. Thus, as well as constructing a diagnosis, this article also poses a question: If this is what repressive suspicion looks like, how must we conceive its opposite? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines processes of (de-) politicization among Egyptian student activists in the post-2011 context. Based on ethnographic observation, interviews and focus groups, I argue that the rapid and successive political changes – with the revolution in 2011 then the coup d’état in 2013 – made the boundaries separating institutional, contentious and prefigurative politics fluid. As student activists debated if their claims and activities were ‘student-related’ or ‘political’, several conceptions of politics and political action coexisted among them and their understanding of politics fluctuated. These evolving conceptions created gaps and contradictions allowing for the negotiation of the meaning of their various activities. The negotiation of politics is a collective pattern but was also reflected in, and reflective of evolving individual subjectivities. As young students lived through the revolution, entered university and joined or left a group, their perceptions of their roles and of the political meaning of their present and past activities changed. The rising repression in 2013/14 shaped the activists’ tactics, as well as their perceived priorities and the meaning of activities, thus amplifying the negotiation of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]