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In recent decades, income inequality has soared in the United States, but few studies utilize experimental methodologies to assess whether having reliable information on income concentration affects the formation of redistribution attitudes. We advance this emerging literature through an analysis of information on the income owned by the top 1% of the income distribution – a group that is socio-politically meaningful and axial to the recent rise of inequality. The empirical evidence draws on a novel split-sample survey experiment (N = 4,000). The results indicate that having the real value of income concentration does not have an average, significant effect on redistribution attitudes. Neither does it moderate the positive association between prior perceptions of concentration and these attitudes. However, the analysis suggests that intense cognitive effort is related to preference revision. This is because, information reduces pro-redistribution attitudes among extreme overestimators who process the information more intensely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade unions are both a social movement and an organization with stable and permanent structures. Thinking of trade unions as organizations allows us to focus on the practices that take place within them. In this framework, the concept of trade union work provides clarity for the study of trade union practices, as it makes it possible, through the use of ethnographic techniques, to understand what happens on a daily basis within the organization. However, the literature on this topic is relatively scarce - even more so in Latin America. Thus, this article aims to offer a more complete definition of trade union work. To this end, it systematizes the existing contributions on the category of trade union work, recovers the developments linked to the category of political work - understanding that trade union work has a political component -, and finally makes a proposal for the operationalization of the concept of trade union work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se busca dar a conocer la originalidad del libro de Vincent Bloch, Cuba. Une révolution, una investigación interdisciplinaria que combina la historia, la historiografía, la filosofía política, la ciencia política, la sociología y la antropología en un mismo análisis. Al ser la Revolución el fenómeno político por excelencia, el autor se propone pensar (a partir de la filosofía y la teoría política) e indagar (a través de los hechos y su narrativa) la naturaleza del régimen político que en Cuba funda Una revolución, y que, después de un estudio exhaustivo, el autor define como totalitario.

Resumo A partir de um olhar histórico e das ferramentas analíticas da sociologia política, o objetivo deste texto é discutir o estabelecimento das regras de ocupação do posto mais alto na hierarquia do Ministério Público estadual: o cargo de procurador-geral de Justiça. Com base numa análise das trajetórias daqueles que ocuparam o cargo desde sua criação (1891) até o período pós 1988, foi possível compreender as mudanças nessas regras (oficias e não oficias), assim como a transformação morfológica dos nomeados. Os 33 casos analisados indicam as tensões políticas e sociais que envolvem a alta hierarquia do MP até o século XXI.

Introdução ao dossiê "Debates sobre a Sociologia Política Hoje: Teoria e Empiria"

Este artículo busca explicar por qué el Frente Amplio chileno no ha logrado consolidar vínculos estables con los principales movimientos sociales del país, a pesar de haber emergido en un contexto de movilización social. Secundariamente, se busca contextualizar el caso del Frente Amplio en el marco latinoamericano a través de casos paradigmáticos de partidos que han logrado desarrollar y mantener vínculos con organizaciones sociales. El artículo aborda cuatro posibles explicaciones: el carácter autónomo y apartidista de la movilización social; el rápido y costoso acceso de la coalición a la institucionalidad; la consolidación de una estructura organizacional menos abierta a la influencia de organizaciones sociales; y, de manera transversal, la disposición adoptada por el conglomerado en momentos clave de su trayectoria hacia la sociedad civil organizada. El artículo concluye destacando la importancia tanto de factores contextuales como de explicaciones asociadas a la agencia de los partidos.

O presente artigo é um trabalho de natureza teórica, que aborda a dimensão conceitual da sociologia política. O texto argumenta que existem duas possibilidades distintas de foco para a sociologia política: uma sociologia política da política e uma sociologia política do político. Para a distinção entre a política e o político, o artigo toma como base a teorização pós-estruturalista de Laclau e Mouffe e a forma como os autores empregam tais termos. Como a sociologia política da política pode ser considerada uma forma mais tradicional de sociologia política, o texto se concentra em esmiuçar o que seria uma sociologia política do político e, para isso, faz uso de um exemplo específico de uso de uma categoria de análise do político para a compreensão de fenômenos em esferas sociais que não se confundem com a esfera política. Trata-se da categoria populismo para análise do direito, da medicina e da religião.

Percy Allum began his studies with law and history and graduated from Queens' College, Cambridge in 1956 before going on to study political science and international law at Sciences Po in Paris (1959). In 1965, he completed his D.Phil. at Oxford under the supervision of the historian Christopher Seton-Watson and began his teaching career, working at English, French and Italian universities. His study Politics and Society in Post-war Naples was published by Cambridge University Press in 1973. From 1966 to 1993 he taught at the University of Reading, and from 1993 to 2005 at the University of Naples 'L'Orientale', a return to the city that was his first and favourite field of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Moroccan system of 'compensation' subsidises products that are deemed to be important for household purchasing power: butane gas, flour, bread, sugar, and fuel (until 2015). This article offers a historical sociology of this system, which was inaugurated during the colonial period in 1941 and which survived criticism from neoclassical economists working in international financial institutions. It demonstrates that the system's resilience and the transformations it underwent can be analysed by treating it as a means of exercising power. Subsidies make it possible to involve private actors in governing social issues. It also helps to regulate economic and political rivalries and alliances through market interactions and competitive relationships, including around the King's Palace. The administrative mechanisms used to calculate the subsidies and the retail prices also shape the relationships between operators in the various sectors, while allowing opaque and rentier management. In addition, despite being the subject of social demand, the compensation system has been criticised by technocrats and protest movements, particularly after the 'Arab Spring' revolutions in 2011. The article is based on an analysis of the practical procedures of compensation in the contemporary period, in particular concerning flour and bread, and to a lesser extent butane, as well as on an analysis of the debates and struggles that subsidies has given rise to within Moroccan society, its State administration, and its political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millennials and centennials are two generations highly involved with social issues at a political and technological level. This interest has been raised in many of these individuals, some members of «woke» communities, a search for politically correct language both in networks and contemporary audiovisual fiction usually consumed on streaming platforms. This study aimed to analyze the psychosocial feeling of political efficacy millennials and centennials have as streaming platform users in Spain and Mexico to determine their predisposition and justification to prioritize their points of view in the face of content censorship and cancellation. The results reveal that centennials have a greater sense of efficacy than millennials, the latter being the most concerned about censorship and freedom of expression when receiving a story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is derived from the master's thesis entitled "Penitentiary Sites in Bogotá: A Study on the Modelo Prison", and it is oriented to review how communication is developed within this penitentiary site from certain daily practices. It works with the schizomethod, which allows for the integration of complex perspectives within the context and theories that surround the problem. Three axes of approach are proposed: (a) The communicative context in the Bogota Modelo Prison; (b) The penitentiary site; (c) Body and resistance in prison. From a rhizomatic perspective, it is not intended to exhaust the analytical horizon, but to present some reflections on the communicative within the penitentiary site, concluding, among other things, that communicative actions support a sociological structure where prisoners deploy communicative and bodily strategies to face the penitentiary site. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

durante la década de 1820 las preguntas sobre quiénes debían ser los alcaldes de la república y a través de qué mecanismos debían escogerse se hicieron cada vez más problemáticas. Mientras que los principales líderes del Ejecutivo y del Legislativo nacional atendieron a estas cuestiones con cierta indiferencia, para buena parte de los habitantes de las ciudades y parroquias los asuntos relacionados con los cargos de alcaldes tuvieron una importancia capital. A través del presente artículo, se propuso señalar la relevancia que la cuestión de los alcaldes fue adquiriendo a medida que avanzaba la segunda década del siglo XIX y la dificultad de conciliar la realidad de estos empleados públicos tan paradigmáticos de la política local con las novedosas nociones de igualdad ante la ley, gobierno representativo y soberanía popular. Para alcanzar este propósito se emplearon diversas fuentes primarias entre las cuales sobresalen las actas electorales de los alcaldes ordinarios y pedáneos de la Provincia de Tunja, archivos judiciales y publicaciones en la prensa local y nacional. La interpretación de estos testimonios permitió reflexionar sobre los efectos políticos que derivaron de la forma como el Estado y los ciudadanos colombianos lidiaron con el problema de los alcaldes, particularmente, el surgimiento de un incipiente fenómeno de plebeyización del cargo.

Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre as formas de vivenciar o tempo e a política a partir da análise dos discursos dos candidatos à presidência da República no Brasil no ano de 2022. Com base na revisão teórica da articulação tempo, subjetividade e pertencimento, particularmente no campo da política, o artigo tem como objetivo empreender uma revisão sistemática das diferentes formas de acionar o passado, de modo a compreender como a dimensão do vivido é capaz de alimentar diferentes faces da esperança. Além da revisão bibliográfica, a pesquisa estabelece como recorte e se concentra nos programas de governo dos candidatos mais bem colocados no pleito, disponível nos sites das campanhas. A investigação busca refletir sobre o entrelace entre sentimentos do passado e do futuro, verificando o rendimento teórico do debate para o campo da sociologia política com ênfase na articulação tempo e emoções. No plano dos resultados encontrados, verificamos como os discursos das candidaturas acionam passados ligados a pertencimentos e a propósitos, nostalgias projetadas ao futuro.

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La creación de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) fue una de las primeras medidas que adopto Alfonsín con el fin de recabar información que contribuyese a conocer la verdad acerca de lo acontecido en el proceso dictatorial. Una de las primeras decisiones tomada por los integrantes de la Comisión Nacional fue crear seis delegaciones encargadas de recolectar información acerca de lo ocurrido en distintas ciudades del territorio nacional donde se desplegó el ejercicio represivo: Mar del Plata, Córdoba, Rosario, Santa Fe, Resistencia–Chaco y Bahía Blanca. Un aspecto de importancia es que la tarea de las delegaciones fue seguida por distintos medios locales y algunas produjeron informes que se difundieron públicamente antes de la publicación del informe final de la comisión nacional. Este artículo se propone realizar una aproximación a las maneras utilizadas para narrar lo ocurrido durante la última dictadura en los informes producidos por las delegaciones Mar del Plata, Córdoba y Bahía Blanca de la CONADEP en la Argentina4. El objetivo es poder dar cuenta de cuáles fueron las representaciones del pasado que realizaron, las claves interpretativas y marcos utilizados en cada uno de los informes de estas delegaciones focalizando en sus similitudes y diferencias, pero también los silencios y omisiones que estos presentaron. Se trabajo con una metodología cualitativa centrada en el análisis documental de fuentes primarias.

La investigación constituye un abordaje pionero a la formación y funcionamiento de la agenda política en contextos locales cubanos. Se tomó como estudio de caso al municipio Mella (provincia Santiago de Cuba), el cual reproduce los condicionamientos estándares del sistema sociopolítico cubano. El diseño fue longitudinal y mixto explicativo concurrente. Una primera fase de tipo cuantitativa analizó la composición temática de la agenda política en dos periodos (enero y febrero) de 2017, 2018 y 2019. Una segunda fase de carácter cualitativo profundizó en las mediaciones, prácticas y procesos que conforman el modelo de definición de la agenda política local. Los resultados evidenciaron el carácter estable, crónico, cíclico y materialista de la agenda política, integrada tendencialmente por asuntos problemáticos de la realidad local. Estos rasgos determinaron la acción social de las instituciones sociales y políticas (y sus actores) para la conservación del macro y micro sistema social.

This interview, conducted in 2012, records Michel Marie Le Ven's memories and experiences with oral history. Born in France and arrived in Brazil in 1965, Le Ven mobilized oral history as a professor and researcher at Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG), but also in other instances of his personal and political life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a route to study the school exclusion of returned Mexican and U.S. born children in Mexico using analytical notions from the political sociology of international migration. The analysis focuses on bureaucratic practices of exclusion, legal entanglements associated with children's legal identity and informal decisions by authorities that produce fragmented trajectories in primary and secondary schools. Through interviews with mothers from Jalisco, Morelos, Nayarit and Sonora, it was possible to identify that the beginning, continuation and completion of compulsory schooling is still conditioned by the Unique Population Registry Code (CURP in Spanish) and that the consequences of not having it produce unfavorable results in the education of international migrant children in Mexico such as non-entry, school lag and, in the case of binational minors, returning to the United States to continue studies or to start their work trajectory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo is the property of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

O ensaio que aqui temos em tela pretende fazer uma análise exploratória de elementos que julgamos decisivos da chamada linhagem do pensamento radical no Brasil. Nesse sentido, nas seções que seguem, procuraremos oferecer um recorte e uma exposição que enfrente algumas críticas feitas à existência do radicalismo de classe média ou à possível limitação desta forma de compreensão de um conjunto específico de ideias e projetos políticos no Brasil. À vista disto, concluímos que o radicalismo de classe média é uma linhagem de pensamento com envergadura nacional e que possui características especificas que lhe dão sustentação.

Esse artigo tem por objetivo apresentar caminhos teóricos que possibilitem analisar a prática política enquanto uma agência. Nesse sentido apresenta, uma discussão teórica que aproxima alguns momentos em que os estudos antropológicos se dedicaram a questões próprias ao universo político e as reflexões sobre as práticas políticas e seus modos de produção presentes na obra de Pierre Bourdieu. Desta aproximação, resultam os seguintes entendimentos: i) os modos de produção das práticas políticas permitem entender a existência de uma lógica própria a um possível campo político com regras e pensamentos definidos e legitimamente reconhecidos; ii) os modos de produção das práticas políticas revelam a existência de outras lógicas, outras regras e outros modos de pensar sobre a política e seu funcionamento que não são reconhecidos e, por isso, não são legitimados socialmente.

Pablo Kreimer, a renowned expert in Science and Technology Studies (STS), shares the concerns he had throughout his academic career regarding science and technology, including how both relate to the social environment (from the perspective of national science policies), the relationships between centers and peripheries, and the relationship between knowledge problems and social problems. To better understand how scientific fields emerge and develop in peripheral contexts and how they relate to the societies in which they are immersed, he suggests treating disciplines and their institutionalization as key objects of analysis to be observed in peripheral contexts, as he did with molecular biology in Argentina. From a historical, political, and epistemological perspective, Kreimer critically reflects on the development of the field of STS, with a special emphasis on Latin America. He also highlights its limitations and challenges (in his opinion) and analyzes the relationship between STS and public policies, social sciences, and the private sector. Additionally, he argues that research agendas should be updated -- not as an interdisciplinary requirement, but rather as a way to address the circumstances of their time. According to Kreimer, whose perspective on the political sociology of science takes into account power relations and the relevance of different contexts, research objects and analytical approaches should warn about social problems and knowledge accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumo Este artigo discute o tema das políticas de waterfront regeneration (WR) no Brasil. Especificamente, propõe uma sociologia política dos processos institucionais de produção de tais intervenções através da análise dos casos dos projetos Porto Maravilha, no Rio de Janeiro (RJ), do Cais Mauá, em Porto Alegre (RS) e do Porto Novo e Novo Recife, em Recife (PE). Para tanto, articula uma leitura teórica de diferentes abordagens direcionadas aos fenômenos do político e do urbano a uma pesquisa empírica qualitativa de estudo de casos múltiplos baseado em análises documentais e entrevistas. Ao final, propõe um modelo analítico para interpretação dos casos com base na síntese teórica desenvolvida e, especialmente, na perspectiva neoinstitucionalista, e apresenta um enquadramento possível de leitura dos processos de produção de tais políticas no Brasil.

El 2013 naixia a Catalunya una iniciativa cívica a favor d’una reforma que adeqüés els horaris a les noves complexitats socials i a un major benestar individual i col·lectiu. Era la Iniciativa per a la Reforma Horària—Ara és l'Hora (IRH). Es tractava de posar aquest objectiu a l’agenda política del país i d’encetar un debat públic que ajudés a prendre consciència de la seva importància. Aquest article vol presentar un estat de la qüestió i n’explica els fonaments, l’acció duta a terme, els assoliments i també les resistències i dificultats. I, en particular, para atenció a com una reforma horària afectaria els serveis públics atenent als condicionaments legals i en relació amb les propostes que consten al Pacte per a la reforma horària. Objectiu 2025, de 2017.

The study focuses on the relation of economic inequality and political democracy, specifically exploring the democratic consequences of income concentration. It places income concentration among a composite of factors of democracy and considers democracy within a set of results of economic inequality. The study first surveys how the relationship of income and other economic inequality to democracy is theorized and researched in sociology and economics. It then outlines a conceptual framework for analyzing economic inequality's relationship with and especially net balance of consequences for democracy. It collects and analyzes cross-national data by empirical analyses and reports and discusses the results. Its key result is that income inequality is consequential mostly in an adverse way for political democracy and social freedom. The article's intended contribution is to better understanding and explaining the relations of economic inequality to democracy among contemporary societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Ciências Sociais - Brazil is the property of Revista de Ciencias Socias do Universidade Federal do Ceara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work refocuses research on multiple discrimination and immigration by focusing on "antidiscrimination" proposals made from sociological research and social action. While the literature review has covered the international community, with particular attention to what has been produced from the social sciences; the other empirical materials (documents available on institutional virtual sites, NGO, etc., as well as ex novo or archival interviews) have preferably been confined to the Spanish case. The inquiry, aimed at Latin, Afro and Muslim associationism, has been complemented by LGTBI, mental health and disability cases, with attention to the concurrence of discrimination for not only migratory diversity. It is concluded with the existence of discursive confluences between analysts and associations, with potential for antidiscriminatory social policies and sociological research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumo Trata-se da resenha de O retorno da sociedade (Petrópolis, Vozes, 2019), de André Botelho. O livro reúne dez artigos, alguns dos quais em coautoria, em que o autor procura interpretar obras clássicas do pensamento social brasileiro à luz da sociologia política, estabelecendo, com isso, diálogos com pesquisas contemporâneas nacionais e internacionais, ao mesmo tempo em que oferece um “programa forte” para a área. Analisa-se como tais propósitos aparecem no livro.

El artículo analiza las variables que inciden en la probabilidad de que la población costarricense acuda a ejercer su derecho al voto en las elecciones municipales del 2 de febrero del 2020. Propone un modelo para determinar si la probabilidad de votar en las elecciones está relacionada con la socialización política, la gestión del gobierno municipal u otras variables de índole sociodemográfico y político. Se concluye que la socialización política y, especialmente, la valoración de gestión del gobierno local inciden en aumentar la probabilidad de que las personas asistan a votar en las elecciones municipales.

Este trabajo analiza, desde la sociología política, la participación del movimiento social afrodescendiente (MSA) colombiano en la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente de 1991. Se recurrió a dos categorías conceptuales para el análisis: la estructura de oportunidad política (EOP) y la política de la influencia, para identificar cómo se generó la apertura para la participación de este movimiento en la esfera institucional, en el contexto de crisis y violencia política que enfrentaba Colombia en la década de 1980. Para esta investigación se acudió a literatura especializada, se entrevistó a líderes afrodescendientes y se rastreó noticias de prensa. Así, se reconstruyó históricamente la participación política del MSA en escenarios institucionales y se identificaron sus formas de acción colectiva. A partir de lo anterior, fue posible definir sus demandas de identidad, desarrollo económico y titulación del territorio en el artículo transitorio 55 de la Constitución de 1991.

This article discusses the concept of the state proposed by Émile Durkheim, as well as its implications in the fields of human and social sciences, considering the sociological bias of its analysis. From its most significant works, it aims to analyze its contributions to the consolidation of a political sociology and, above all, to the current political debate. For this, some important questions are raised about its definition of State, aiming, from the interpretations recognized by the specialized literature, to confront it with the social reality that it encloses in the modern and contemporary world. It is, therefore, an eminently bibliographical work, of a revisionist nature, which seeks, starting from a dialogue with primary and secondary sources, to map the development and maturation of this concept within Durkheim's work.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo estudiar el encuentro de los poderes regionales y las élites emergentes que se gestaron a partir de las economías agropecuarias, minero-esmeralderas y del narcotráfico en las escenas equinas, que tuvieron lugar durante la década de 1980 en Pacho, Cundinamarca. Esta investigación contempló diferentes escalas de observación –territoriales e históricas– en tanto el objeto micro, que es el caballo de paso fino y la escena equina, tiene una conexión diacrónica con la historia, y a través de su estudio particular se pueden analizar fenómenos históricos y políticos de la formación de los poderes regionales y de las élites emergentes en Colombia.

this paper aims to present three theory currents, two as the fruit of the pure social science, and a third which has a connection with theology. The three critical theories are gathered in the writings: "Assembly" (2017) by Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt; "For a left populism" (2018) by Chantal Mouffe; and, together with other texts, "Religious life and the Church in the Liberation Process" ("A vida Religiosa e a Igreja no Processo de Libertação", 1976) by Leonardo Boff. It is worth noting that we define critical theory in two parts: (a) a theory that presents social subjects as capable of producing emancipatory elements, that is, overcoming the status quo in which they are included; (b) to take into account other theories that are capable of analyzing reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In recent years, hate groups have increasingly attracted public attention while at the same time escaping the purview of scholars. Although overt prejudiced attitudes have lost public support in recent decades, hate group and hate-group activity has remained relatively consistent. What, then, explains the enduring power of hate? I argue that hate groups have arisen in reaction to the loss of social capital, particularly in regard to rural and exurban communities. Using county-level suicide rates as a proxy for the loss of social capital, I test this theory using data from the lower 48 states from 2010 to 2019. I find that each 5.38 percent increase in suicide rates is associated with 1 additional hate group forming. These findings highlight the importance of examining quality-of-life in understanding far-right activity, and challenge previous findings with regard to rurality and hate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debatendo as definições utilizadas em estudos de casos focados no Congresso Nacional, objetiva-se lapidar e propor definições precisas aos conceitos de social background e carreira e trajetória políticas, para levantamentos vindouros nesse frutífero segmento de estudos da Ciência Política. As análises do recrutamento de elites políticas sofrem pela imprecisão desses conceitos-chave, tratados como sinônimos, por vezes utilizados e classificados de acordo com cada autoria, dados seus critérios abertos. O presente artigo apresenta uma demarcação para estudos de carreiras, trajetórias e posição socio-ocupacional, com enfoque no caso brasileiro, revisando parte significativa e importante da literatura nacional e internacional do tema, delineando o social background como titulação escolar, origem regional e profissão prévia à carreira política; elencando a trajetória política como passagem por postos e cargos em associações e entidades não público-burocráticas; e, por fim, a carreira política como os mandatos eletivos e nomeativos ocupados até a eleição para outra posição política.

We live in a time of protest. Relative to sociology, political science has traditionally paid little attention to 'extra-institutional' forms of political behaviour. For its part, sociology has tended to prioritize the explanation of mobilization processes over political outcomes. Using bibliometric records from 14 political science and sociology journals over the last two decades, this study demonstrates that protest has witnessed a resurgence of interest in political science and that both sociology and political science now share a focus on the outcomes of protest. The article lays out key trends in this research agenda and suggests what is missing, arguing that a political sociology of protest should integrate recent findings from both disciplines to better understand elite decision-making, the mediation of protest information and protestor aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El artículo indaga en las narrativas y prácticas políticas de ciudadanas y ciudadanos habitantes de los cantones de Santa María de Dota, Puntarenas (central), Alajuela (central), San José (central) y Curridabat en torno al proceso electoral del 2016. La realización de entrevistas semiestructuradas a informantes clave permitió identificar los anclajes simbólicos entre el ejercicio del sufragio y los significados otorgados al concepto de ciudadanía y democracia. Desde los aportes de Robert Dahl y Guillermo O´Donnell y la perspectiva teórica de los estudios críticos del discurso y producción de imaginarios políticos, fue posible establecer los puntos de encuentro y rupturas entre los relatos de las distintas comunidades. Se sostienen los hallazgos que vinculan el ejercicio del sufragio con los procesos históricos de identificación del “ser costarricense” aun cuando la práctica de los valores de la solidaridad y el diálogo- centrales en la producción discursiva de la nación- han perdido fuerza frente a prácticas cotidianas que los y las entrevistadas vinculan al individualismo.

“Sobre a supressão geral dos partidos políticos”, de Simone Weil, seguido de “Partido, cultura, futuro”, de Teixeira Coelho (São Paulo, Ed. Iluminuras, 2018, 269 p.)

La crisis pandémica ha afectado de forma contundente tanto a países en desarrollo como a países en vías de desarrollo, de forma que políticas públicas, planes de desarrollo y planes estratégicos como la Agenda 2030 han quedado impactados de forma considerable. Como metodología: examinar el ámbito de países Latinoamericanos, aquellos que se habían implicado más, y aquellos que estaban más tardíos, se realiza examinando cuáles habían establecido un departamento gubernamental a nivel de país para la implementación de la Agenda y se establecen cuatro niveles distintos. Los que no lo hubieran realizado, más difícilmente podrán incorporarse a la consecución que los ODS de forma efectiva para el año 2030. Además, invitando a la reflexión profesional, académica y científica cabe preguntarnos de qué manera, y de forma crítica, en este escenario de forma de crisis que apunta que en una mayoría de países, nos va a costar despegar unos años, es compatible el mantenimiento de la Agenda tal y como estaba prevista, si este planteamiento es igual de efectivo para países menos desarrollados, o si hay objetivos y prioridades que ahora deban de tener una mayor atención por parte de gobiernos e instituciones sociales. Por ello, si se promueve desde las más altas instancias la Agenda 2030 y los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible, es importante poder abrir un espacio crítico a si esto va a tener un impacto positivo para la sociedad latinoamericana, o sin embargo tras el impacto de la crisis pandémica que no ha acabado, es necesario fijarse en otros objetivos. Como vemos, cabe un replanteamiento o una actualización de la agenda.

The state participates in shaping and transmitting citizenship. From a European outlook, this special Issue of Politics & Policy focuses on the role of public policy, according to a comparative and multisectorial perspective. The special Issue originated in a Panel held on September 4, 2019 at the European Consortium of Political Research's General Conference, at the University of Wroclaw, Poland. The articles in this special Issue draw from a plurality of methods, from sociohistory to policy ethnography, and analyze how the state, in the concrete conception and implementation of its action, is a producer of social categorizations determining the legitimate contours of citizenship. Altogether, the case studies in this issue allow us to scrutinize the government of and by citizenship, meanwhile identifying discrepancies and invariants in Europe. Related Articles in this Special Issue: Barrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. "From Good 'User' to Good Citizen? The Political Effects on Families of Education Policies in France." Politics & Policy 49 (4). Ewert, Benjamin. 2021. "Citizenship as a Form of Anticipatory Obedience? Implications of Preventive Health Policy in Germany." Politics & Policy 49 (4). Skowronska, Kaja. 2021. "The Recent Politicization of Immigration in Poland in Light of Preexisting State Practices: Continuity or Change in the Understanding of Citizenship and Nationhood?" Politics & Policy 49 (4). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a literature review led with the purpose of gathering and organizing the main contributions made by Stephen Ball to the field of educational policy research. We present Ball's epistemological perspective on the study of both the textual and discursive dimensions of policies and his discussion on the need to develop new theoretical approaches oriented to understand the complexity of policies and the need of new integrative analytical frameworks to study the trajectory of policy processes. Accordingly, this paper describes the continuous policy cycle as a methodological model and synthetizes Ball's conceptual tools for understanding and explaining the process involved in the trajectory of that cycle. Those conceptual tools are organized according to their relevance to the macro or the micropolitical arenas. The former, focuses the analysis on the transformations of the State: the pluralization of the policy arenas, the private participation in public services, the formation of global policy networks, and the market as the ideological root of these transformations. The latter states the need to study both agency and local practices as the key aspects to understand the results and effects of policies through the concepts policy enactment and policy recontextualization. Finally, we advocate for the relevant contribution of these tools as analytical resources for the study of educational policies and in Ibero-America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La teoría social y política se constituye en un campo teórico-conceptual de gran importancia en el estudio de los problemas de las sociedades modernas al analizar los fenómenos que emergen en un espacio y tiempo determinado desde una perspectiva de pensadores encargados de teorizar temas como lo político, la condición humana, la teoría de la justicia, la democracia y el poder entre otros. La emergencia de establecer una comunicación entre los enfoques propios de la ciencia política y la sociología, permitió la construcción de un diálogo abierto entre teorías, conceptos y metodologías que se han materializaron en una interdisciplina denominada “sociología de la política” en los años 80 del siglo XX. Por ello, el presente artículo tiene como objetivo realizar una aproximación analítica de la teoría de los movimientos sociales desde una perspectiva descolonizadora de la sociología política.

O Brasil é uma República de dinastias políticas, visto que se constata a presença dessas famílias em todas as esferas do poder público dos períodos da Colônia, Império, República e na contemporaneidade. A pesquisa procurou investigar a relação direta entre a ascensão do conservadorismo brasileiro e o aumento das dinastias políticas na Câmara dos Deputados. Para isto, foi necessário traçar a trajetória biográfica de todos os 513 deputados e compreender a lógica específica da ação dos deputados pertencentes a dinastias políticas. O propósito foi verificar em qual espectro político se encontram estes referidos parlamentares.

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)