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The article considers the activities of the authorities in the direction of finding an acceptable model for the organization of control in a Soviet-type society. Based on archival sources, methods and technologies related to the involvement of workers to the work of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate and the construction of the entire system of functioning of control departments are analyzed. It is also shown how such a practice was coordinated with the course of the CPSU (b) and the Soviet government, difficulties and contradictions that prevented the involvement of citizens in the management of the state in the face of growing internal party contradictions.

The purpose is to analyze the processes of the revival of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church in the late 1980s and early 1990s, to consider the factors that contributed to these processes and those that hindered them. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematicity, comprehensiveness, and impartiality. The following methods were used to implement scientific tasks: analysis and synthesis, historical-genetic, historical-problematic, and historical-comparative. The scientific novelty. Little-known aspects of the history of the UAOC, changes in the course of its development, the influence of representatives of the national liberation movement on its revival, opposition from representatives of the authorities, relations with other religious currents, etc. are considered. Conclusions. At the end of Gorbachev’s “perestroika”, when the Ukrainian people, accepting the challenges of the times, awakened their state and spiritual forces, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church became part not only of religious life in Ukraine but also the subject and object of Ukrainian national revival. It was closely connected with the patriotic Ukrainian clerisy, underwent a certain politicization, and exerted political influence itself. The Soviet authorities had a negative attitude toward the process of revival of the UAOC in Ukraine, seeing in the national churches a powerful disintegrative force that threatened the existence of the USSR. In addition to the opposition of the Soviet authorities, the supporters of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, in the process of developing their churches, faced another serious problem — intra-church struggle. All this hindered the involvement of wider masses of believers in the UAOC. Despite all the troubles, supporters of the church were able to achieve considerable success in the revival and development. At the end of the Soviet period, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church became an important factor in the spiritual and national-cultural life of the Ukrainian people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. Constant changes in the system of urban self-government necessi-tate the study of reforms of urban self-government bodies after the October Revolution of 1917. Unprecedented changes in the urban management system of the revolutionary era, taking place through the prism of sharp inter-party discussions, make it possible to under-stand the specifics of organizing local government at one of the turning points in the history of domestic statehood. The purpose of the work is to analyze the interaction of the organs of Soviet power – the councils of workers’ and soldiers’ deputies and city councils at the stage of the formation of Soviet power in Russia. Materials and methods. The implementa-tion of research tasks was achieved on the basis of the use of articles of magazines: local self-government “City Business”, the official press organ of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republicа “Bulletin of the NKVD” and the journal of the municipal commission of the Central Committee of the Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries “Self-Government”. Methodological potential includes: a relatively historical method, the application of which allows us to compare the reaction of various political forces to the reform of local self-government after the October Revolution of 1917; statistical method, the significance of which is obvious for the analysis of changes in the composition of city governments. Results. The positions of the Bolsheviks and so-cialists of the revolutionaries on the problem of reforming local governments were investi-gated. The stages and features of the relationship between the bodies of Soviet power and urban thoughts, as bodies of local self-government, are considered. Conclusions. The study of the process of relations between the bodies of Soviet power and urban thoughts in the pe-riod October 1917 – July 1918 makes it possible to understand the facts of the impossibility of coexistence of these structures on the ground and the integration of urban thoughts into the systems of local bodies of Soviet power, the presence of a strategic goal of eliminating the Soviets of local self-government bodies of pre-revolutionary Russia. The author con-cluded that the potential of urban thoughts and administrations was not disclosed. All forms of compromise of councils and pre-revolutionary bodies of city self-government testified both to the initial weakness of local councils and to the presence of valuable experience in city councils and administrations in solving problems of urban economy, and not to the de-sire to liquidate only those local governments that opposed Soviet power.

The article is devoted to the study of the history of the struggle of the Orthodox in Kazakhstan for the objects of worship in the 1920-1940s during the period of renewal schism in the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). The methodological basis of the work is the civilizational approach, the principle of historicism, the authors use a complex of general scientific and special historical methods of research. As sources, the normative documents on state-church relations and the materials of the business of local authorities and management were used. Documents from the regional archives of the Republic of Kazakhstan are analyzed. The task of the study is to study and identify the regional features of the renewal movement in Kazakhstan in the first decades of Soviet power and the position of ordinary believers in the years of the split. The Orthodox confession was one of the numerous in the republic, occupying the second place after Islam. The schismatic movement in the Russian Orthodox Church reached the regions of Kazakhstan and manifested itself in the confrontation between the "tihonovists" and the "renewalists". This struggle was most acute in the cities of Kazakhstan, where the church clergy switched to the side of the Renovationists. In the provinces and districts of the republic, the renewal did not find wide support among the Orthodox population. Most of the common people remained loyal to the ideas of Patriarch Tikhon. Archival sources testify to the political component of the schism and the formal support of the "renewalists" by local Soviet authorities in the 1920s. But in the 1930s, the anti-religious policy of the Soviet state led to the closure of religious sites, regardless of the communities' affiliation with any particular direction of the Renovationist schism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The recovery period of the early 1920s in Soviet Russia coincided with the search for new forms of production management and was complicated not only by economic devastation, but also by the difficult international situation, political and economic blockade of the country. Under such conditions, the long overdue task of modernization of fishing and fur-trading was solved in the Arkhangelsk province, which first of all required providing the fishermen with the newest vessels. Lack of coal did not allow using steam vessels in full measure in the fishery; purchase and construction of vessels at foreign shipyards were also difficult. Therefore, it was decided to restore peasant shipyards as a temporary measure, centrally organizing the construction of small fishing vessels under the supervision of qualified technicians. The models used were Norwegian-built sailing, rowing and motor vessels, which were considered to be the most suitable for fishing in the White Sea and Arctic Ocean. The difficulties that the economic institutions had to face during the transition period (from war communism to the new economic policy) are considered in this article with the help of a large set of archival and published sources. The transition to the use of trawlers and icebreakers is explained not only by the tasks of modernization of the fishing economy, but also by the revolutionary ideology: to prevent conditions for the emergence of a prosperous layer of the Pomor population, which included shipbuilders and shipowners.

The article aims to explore the role of national cinema in the early 20th century and its contribution to the development of the Soviet anthropological project. Any significant transformation of society involves the human factor. This factor can be observed in two ways: as a consequence of changes, which shape the new social experiences acquired through individual socialization, and as the unique qualities of those organizing the transformations. The beginning of the 20th century marked a period of active formation of mass society, urban lifestyles, and entertainment industries. Within this landscape, cinema held a special, perhaps even crucial, position—probably due to its accessibility and the condensed intensity of content presentation. The adventure genre, in particular, played a dominant role and greatly contributed to the success of film distribution. The interplay between commercial and creative aspects has been influential in shaping the development of cinema from its inception. However, during the Soviet era, the balance between entertainment and creativity began to shift, influenced by socio-political circumstances. Firstly, there was an increasing emphasis on social themes in films. Secondly, by the 1930s, these circumstances had evolved into direct political pressure, significantly impacting the content requirements for films and even the fate of their creators. This resulted in a clear contradiction: while cinema content portrayed the ideal of an initiative, responsible, and creative individual, in reality, individuals, including film authors, were expected to conform to ideological requirements. This contradiction between the broadcast content and the real lives of people led to the squandering of the resources of the anthropology project and the creative potential of cinema. Nonetheless, it did not impede the development of models and technologies that shaped the personalized power of mass society, which have retained their significance to this day. Hence, cinema, which initially emerged as a form of entertainment with adventure genre for a dominant, not only played a role in shaping the concept of the “mass man,” but also laid the groundwork for the models and technologies that defined a “person in power.” Статья содержит попытку выявить роль отечественного кинематографа первой четверти ХХ столетия в реализации советского антропологического проекта. Любое существенное преобразования общества предполагает человеческий фактор. Он проявляется двояким образом: как последствие изменений, которое влияет на осваиваемый новый социальный опыт в процессе социализации личностей, и как особые человеческие качества организаторов преобразований. Начало ХХ века — время активного формирования массового общества, городского образа жизни, развлекательных индустрий. Кинематограф в этом процессе занимает особое, возможно, ключевое место. Это было обусловлено его доступностью, компактной интенсивностью презентации контента. При этом авантюрно-приключенческий жанр играл доминирующую роль, что обеспечивало принципиально важную успешность кинопроката. Соотношение коммерческого и творческого аспектов детерминировало развитие кинематографа с самого его начала. Однако в советский период баланс развлечения и творчества стал проявлять зависимость от социально-политических обстоятельств. Во-первых, социальная тематика приобретала нарастающую акцентуацию. Это обстоятельство к 1930-м года превратилось в прямое политическое давление, которое начало серьезно сказываться на требованиях к содержанию фильмов и даже на судьбах их авторов. Итогом стало явное противоречие. Содержание кино участвовало в трансляции идеала инициативной, ответственной, творческой личности, в то время как в реальной жизни от человека (включая авторов кино) требовалось соответствие идеологическим требованиям. Это противоречие между транслируемым контентом и реальной жизнью социума привело к растрате материала антропологического проекта и творческого потенциала кинематографа. Оно не помешало выработать образцы и технологии формирования персонифицированной власти массового общества, сохранившие свое значение и в наше время. Таким образом, возникший как развлечение с доминирующим авантюрно-приключенческим жанром кинематограф сыграл свою роль в формировании проекта нового массового человека, одновременно заложив образцы и технологии формирования человека власти.

The article analyzes the religious policy of the Soviet authorities during the period of implementation of the policy of perestroika in the USSR. The author tracks the changes that took place in it during the period from 1985 to 1991, which factors influenced it. It is indicated that the turning point of religious changes was the celebration of the 1000th anniversary of the Baptism of Rus’, in which representatives of the authorities took an active part. The attitude to religion and the Church not only of the union leaders, but also of the republican ones, the changes in the legislation related to the religious sphere were analyzed. The article shows how the oppression of religious organizations is gradually being replaced by the support of their activities by the state; how the Church, which was oppressed by the state for decades, becomes a rather influential social institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early Soviet period in the life of Grigory Kondratievich Ozhigov (Ozhegov) (1878-1935) is reconstructed within the author’s paper. A native of a Vyatka peasant family, a worker at the Izhevsk defense factories, a Socialist-Revolutionary militant, as well as a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the first convocation, who was at party work in the Baltic States and Finland, Orzhigov had a varied career The authors through their work have introduced into scientific use new sources analyzed in the context of the theory of social adaptation, through anthropological approach as well as historical-biographical methodology. Of greatest interest are the materials of the: Revolutionary Civil Council of Izhevsk (1918), Soviet commissions on the affairs of former Red Guards and Red partisans (the 1930s), and the autobiography and memoirs of G.K. Ozhigov himself . The documents of the private origin fund of the Ozhigov family are stored in the Central State Archive of the Udmurt Republic, and are of a complex nature. The study of the biography of Ozhigov, who had turned out to be among the most revolutionary-minded citizens, as shown in other empirical material, does explain why he supported the left-wing radical societal project in Udmurtia. A region by the beginning of modern times which has been the largest agrarian and industrial region of Russia, while largely preserving its traditional way of life.

The article examines the activities of the RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic) authorities in the search for the optimal model of organization of control in the Soviet-type society in the early 1920s. The methods and techniques directly or indirectly related to the involvement of workers in the work of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate and the construction of the whole system of functioning of this control agency are analyzed on the material of archival sources. It is also shown how this practice was coordinated with the course of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the Soviet government on the involvement of citizens in the management of the state in the conditions of growing inner-party contradictions.

This article examines the changes in the higher education system of Russia during the 1930s when the long-established educational system was transformed to meet the state’s demands. The Soviet state faced the problem of training and fostering highly qualified specialists to solve the problems of the country’s industrialization. For this reason, an extensive campaign was launched to create technical universities in the country. The Middle Volga region, where several technical universities were opened in a short time, played an important role in this process. Based on archival documents, the steps taken to build a new higher school are analyzed. Due to the state demand for the economy industrialization, new forms of work organization were introduced into the professional activities of professors and lecturers, in some cases either against their actual will or under pressure from the authorities. A close connection between science and production contributed to the emergence of new work formats that did not always “fit” into the academic environment. By the end of the 1930s, however, the Soviet state, which had set a clear course for the development of industrialization, defined technical specialization as a priority direction in the system of higher education.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze and publish a report on the collection of operational information by the Khanty-Mansiysk District Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) after the Kazym uprising of 1933–1934. The report is dated March 7, 1934, and it contains information about life, rights and customs of the indigenous inhabitants of the Sosva and Lyapin river basins located in the Berezovsky district of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug — Yugra (North-Western Siberia). In the history of the study of the Kazym rebellion, several main research lines are noted, including the identification and analysis of the factors of the uprising, their impact on life of the indigenous population, and also the analysis of the actions of the authorities to suppress the rebellion and to prevent similar protests. The events related to the Kazym rebellion and its consequences are preserved in historical and social memory. However, the documents still exist reflecting the actions of the authorities to prevent such events, which have not yet been introduced into scientific circulation. The prevention of protest movements was associated, first of all, with the identification of the “counter-revolutionary” sentiments locally, as well as of the religious and social status of local residents, and with the fight against shamanism and “kulaks”. A similar task was performed by an unknown author of the report. The report represents a logical narrative, with an emphasis on information related to the manifestation of religiosity by local residents and their attitudes towards the Kazym uprising; it contains the author's critical statements on his own observations and ends with recommendations for verifying the revealed facts. The author provides ethnographic description of the lifestyle, houses, dress, everyday features, home sanctuaries and cult attributes, bear celebration, maternity rites. In a number of cases, the document contains errors — in the name of the people living in the area, in the names of settlements. At the same time, noteworthy is the information on bear fangs, men's and women's hairstyles, the custom of “borrowing” from the sacrifices of the spirit, inter-ethnic relations, etc. Of particular value is the data on the rite of transition of a mother with a child back to the residential building after the childbirth, recorded in Verkhnenildino (Nildino), on the abandonment of a dwelling after the death of two children within it from illness (measles) in the village of Shomy (Shom). The information presented here largely complements the available materials on the social processes in the 1930s and represents a valuable source on the culture and life of the population of northern Sosva at the beginning of the 20th century.

Based on unpublished sources from the funds of the State Archive of the Kirov region and memoir journalism, the article analyzes a fragment of the life path of the spouses of security officers R. K. Lepsis and A. I. Lepsis associated with their service in Vyatka during the Civil War. The purpose of the work is to use the example of a single married couple of security officers to indicate the factors that influenced the life of the family in the era of social cataclysms. The theoretical basis of the study is the anthropological approach. In conclusion, the author emphasizes that the study of the Lepsis family makes it possible to reconstruct the image of a Soviet person, to get to the problems of gender history.

The protest movement of the Turkestani indigenous population against the Soviet rule known in history as “Basmachi movement” became the most important stage of the Civil War in the Central Asian territory of the former Russian Empire. This phenomenon, complicated in terms of motivating features, social composition, and ideological dimensions, had been researched throughout the entire period of Soviet Union. However, the researchers were conditioned by rigid ideological framework, the ban on access to documental sources, and several other restrictions, that excluded the possibility to provide unbiased objective assessment of the Basmachi phenomenon. Questions relating to the true causes of the movement, and specifically those that disclosed the support to the movement from the majority of Turkestani population, remained beyond the research scope. The collapse of the USSR, the access to formerly classified closed archives made it possible to largely change the view on the history of this popular protest. In the proposed paper, the author’s research is supported by materials from newly identified sources in the holdings of the Russian State Military Archive and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History. The author claims in the paper that a significant part of the causes that boosted the scale of the movement and its support from the population resulted from gross mistakes of the Soviet government in socio-political reforms and especially in matters of nationalities policy. Correcting these mistakes, applying new forms and methods of acting on indigenous peoples made it possible for Bolsheviks to gain the victory over the Basmachi and bring the internal political situation in the region to stability.

The paper provides an analytical review of the scientific reference publication «Victims of the Civil War: a reference book-martyrology on the act records of the parish registers of the temples of the Omsk region (June 1918–December 1919)», prepared by the creative team of Omsk historians-archivists — candidates of historical sciences Dmitry Igorevich Petin and Maxim Maksimovich Stelmak. The features of the author’s approach, chosen as key criteria in the preparation of the publication, are critically comprehended. The use of a theoretical set, consisting of the principle of consistency, problematic and comparative historical methods, allows us to present the analyzed work as a striking phenomenon of historical science. The general scientific, cultural and methodological novelty of the publication is noted.

The article deals with the problem of embedding foreigners in the early Soviet society in the conditions of the end of the Civil War in Siberia. For this purpose, on the basis of the anthropological approach, theories of social adaptation and social identity, the biography of the representative of the Czech intelligentsia Pyotr Vasilyevich Glinko–Appin is analyzed. The final stage of his life was associated with work in the special services of anti-Bolshevik and pro-Soviet authorities, being in custody, participating in the Soviet underground, and working as a civil engineer. The basis for the study is a complex of unpublished forensic and investigative materials that are part of the archival criminal case against the hero of the story. In conclusion, it is emphasized that a foreign officer with an anti-Bolshevik past could not count on successful social adaptation in the conditions of Soviet Russia.

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Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background. Modern Russia is a multinational unity due to the historically established national policy. The study of the historical experience of the administrative-territorial structure, cultural and educational policy among the non-Russian population will strengthen the current national policy. The purpose of the work is to analyze the national and cultural and educational policy among the non-Russian population in the Southern Urals in the 1920 years and 1930 years. Materials and methods. In the course of the study, statistical data on the results of the All-Union Population Censuses of 1926 and 1939, compiled by V.P. Motrevich, collection of documents “Chelyabinsk region. 1917–1945” edited by Professor P.G. Agaryshev were analyzed. The documents of the United State Archive of the Orenburg region and the Samara Regional State Archive of Socio-Political History were studied. Of particular interest are the reporting data on work among national minorities. The author applied the mathematical method of statistics, which made it possible to identify the population, the percentage of the national composition, the comparative historical method made it possible to assess the cultural level of national minorities, the effectiveness of cultural and educational work among them. Results. The main directions of administrative, cultural, educational, sanitary and preventive activities among national minorities in the Southern Urals are investigated, the ratio of the national composition by administrative-territorial units of the Southern Urals is compared. The features of the cultural level among different nationalities are considered. Conclusions. The national policy in the Southern Urals was implemented in accordance with national goals. National minorities have been given the opportunity to widely exercise their own rights. In the 1930 years, national districts were allocated, korenization was actively carried out, national minorities occupied leadership positions, received education, and raised the cultural level.

The article reveals the problem of the promotion of workers and peasants to leadership positions in the Bryansk province on the basis of archival material. The process of forming a new composition of managerial personnel in the first half of the 1920s was chaotic. Many nominees were not ready to quickly master a new profession and change the usual way of life. Workers and peasants, lacking the necessary experience and education, needed the help of qualified specialists. Some nominees expressed dissatisfaction with the appointment to a new position. Inattention to the abilities of specialists and the lack of systematic nature of the nomination led to irrational use of labor. In 1926, it was planned to increase the level of knowledge of workers and peasants by creating an institute of nominees in the Komsomol. The educational institution was supposed to carry out political and general training of nominees, as well as to replenish their practical knowledge. However, it took more time and attention from the local and central authorities to solve all the urgent problems. The sources used reveal some of the reasons for the failures of the Soviet government in the nomination and show that by the end of the 1920s in the Bryansk province it was not possible to create a new cadre capable of replacing old specialists in responsible work.

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The article is devoted to the activities of national divisions in the power structures of the Tersk province, which was transformed into a district that was part of the North-Caucasus Region in 1924. The administrative center of the Tersk province (district) was the city of Pyatigorsk. The article examines the system of power in this region of the North Caucasus and the place occupied in it by national units that resolved issues on the problems of national minorities: national party sections, councils of national minorities under the departments of public education, commissioners for national minorities, and others.During the years of the new economic policy, the Soviet government was forced to use, without officially recognizing, the idea of cultural and national autonomy, which the ideologists of Bolshevism considered incompatible with the idea of «proletarian internationalism». The most important element of this extraterritorial autonomy was the system of representation of national minorities in government bodies. National structures were called upon to take into account the cultural and everyday characteristics of representatives of dispersed ethnic groups living in the region, to assist the authorities in carrying out measures to involve them in Soviet, cultural and economic construction.The most active on the Terek were district and province Armenian sections. They worked among the 25,000 Armenian population of the district, which was second only to Russians and Ukrainians in number. The reasons for the creation, forms and methods of work of national sections, the reasons for their liquidation are analyzed. At that time, the Armenian sects were assigned the tasks to neutralize religious organizations and national parties that operated in the pre-Soviet period, to reorient the Armenian population from «bourgeois organizations» towards the Bolsheviks and the Soviet government. It is analyzed how the abolition of the Tersk District and the liquidation of national sections coincided in an amazing way, not only in the Terek and the North Caucasus, but also throughout the country.

In this article, through the prism of the anthropological approach and the theory of social adaptation, the biography of the representative of the Russian technical intelligentsia Mikhail Vasilyevich Lebedev is analyzed. He was given an alternate service in the Russian (imperial) army, the People’s Army of the Committee of the Members of the Legislative Assembly, the White Siberian Army, the Red Army, and Soviet institutions. The study was based on a set of unpublished sources from the funds of the Museum of Urban Life, the Historical Archive of the Omsk Region, and the archive of the FSB of Russia in the Omsk Region. The author concludes that, despite belonging to the category of «former people» and repression, the hero of the story has successfully adapted to the conditions of the Soviet society.

Using the example of the Saratov governorate, the activity of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate bodies aimed at finding the optimal model of control organization in a Soviet-type society is investigated. Techniques and methods directly or indirectly related to the involvement of workers in this work are analyzed on the material of archival sources. It is shown to what extent this practice corresponded to the course of the party and the government to attract citizens to the governance of the state. The article examines how the people’s control bodies influenced the implementation of plans and tasks, fought for increasing the efficiency of public production, economical spending of labor, material resources, and money in the 20s of the twentieth century.

Introduction. The article examines the history of emergence and development of unauthorized settlements of individual peasants in the territory of Kalmykia between 1930 and 1991. The insight into the topic provides an opportunity to learn more about the past of certain social groups, strata, classes — and related state policies during the Soviet era. Goals. The paper primarily aims to show a history of settlements arbitrarily established by individual peasants in Soviet times. The work examines causes and factors to have resulted in new settlements across Kalmykia, analyzes official Soviet policies, relations between government agencies and such settlers. Materials and methods. The study employs the historical comparative and historical genetic methods, analyzes works by previous authors and materials from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and National Archive of Kalmykia, including new unpublished materials thus to be introduced into scientific circulation. Results. The analysis shows the emergence and development of settlements were determined by such factors as island locations, desolate and undeveloped character of lands, harsh natural conditions, persistence of settlers, and the unspoken support from authorities of Priyutnensky District in earliest years of existence. The paper presumes it be also very important to take into account the fact unauthorized settlements had been initiated by individuals who — unlike kulaks — were considered unconscious, ‘lost’ people, and not socially alien elements. Most of the ‘unauthorized settlers’ were ones to have avoided dekulakization, the wealthiest ones had been able to liquidate their farms before lists of the to be dekulakized were compiled. Authorities identified such settlements as kulak ones, although in formal parameters those were socially different. Conclusions. Unauthorized settlements of individual peasants in Kalmykia appeared as a result of forced collectivization and served a manifested protest against official restriction policies. The collectivization movement and sociocultural ideology kept them under constant pressure, but two settlements did survive to resist for decades to come. In general, the Soviet period witnessed a success in eliminating unauthorized settlements of individual proprietors.

The article examines an important and especially acute for our country issue of interaction between the secular state and the church both at the grassroots and at the highest level, using the example of one of the aspects of church life. The policies pursued by the Soviet state in the early years of Soviet rule generated a lot of speculation and misinterpretations caused by superficial study of the subject and entrenched stereotypes. The article clarifies the existing ideas about the process of opening the relics, reveals the mistakes of a number of researchers. The main problem is the assessment by contemporaries and direct participants in the events of the policy pursued by the state and its results. The key method of work is the method of collating documents of secular authorities, church bodies and the memoirs of eyewitnesses of the events. The autopsy of the relics as a process that began from below and was picked up later by the state, as a grassroots one and really influencing the attitude of ordinary people to the church, could not eliminate the churching of the masses. However, it was the background against which the interaction of the new government and the organization of the Russian Orthodox Church was built in the first years of Soviet authorities.

The paper analyzes the monograph «The History of the Omsk clan of Batyushkin» prepared by the Omsk historian-archivist and public figure, candidate of historical sciences, associate professor D. I. Petin. The author analyzes the peculiarities of the author’s approach to coverage on the example of a single Omsk family and the mansion of political and social history that belonged to it in more than a century of the functioning of the Russian statehood. The scientific, methodological novelty of the monograph is noted; as critical passages, certain aspects are highlighted, with which the author of the review does not fully agree. In the final, a conclusion is made about the high significance of the analyzed book novelty.

Introduction. The article deals with the change of power in Kabarda in the context of the region’s involvement in the all-Russian revolutionary process. An unbiased analysis of the event canvas, reinforced by a new texture, made it possible to reconstruct two key plots of political transformations in Kabarda: the transition from the previous “tsarist” administration to the new “February” one in March – April 1917, and the proclamation of Soviet power in March 1918. Materials and methods. Sources of “revolutionary” origin published in censored form in Soviet times, including both official documents and a memoir narrative, do not reflect an integral objective picture of the transfer of power in Kabarda. The one-sided, ideologically mediated interpretation of the events was overcome by the verification of the existing corpus of published sources, the appeal to the original texts and the comparison of the latter with the archival materials that have become available from the “counter-revolutionary camp”. Analysis. The fall of the monarchy and the formation of the Provisional Government structures (regional and district civil executive committees) was supported and accepted by the overwhelming majority of the population of Kabarda and Terek region as a whole, which predetermined the conflict-free nature of the change of power. At the same time, the overthrow of the Provisional Government by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 divided the region into opposing camps – supporters and opponents of the country’s new political course. The current confrontational situation affected the nature of the transition to power of the Soviets in Kabarda. Results. The national “bourgeois” elite took leading positions in the administrative structures of the “February” administration in Kabarda not as a result of the seizure of power, as it was claimed in Soviet studies, but in the course of democratic election procedures. The real picture of the proclamation of Soviet power was also significantly different from the well-established interpretations, according to which, as a result of an operation brilliantly planned by the Bolsheviks, the “counter-revolutionary” leadership of Kabarda was overthrown and the military formations under its control were disarmed. In reality, everything turned out to be less pretentious: realizing the futility of further retention of power in the conditions of the transfer of Terek region under the control of the Bolsheviks and the collapse of the structures of the “February” administration in the region, the local bourgeois elite decided to transfer their powers to the Soviets, which was consolidated through the corresponding formal procedures at the people’s forum held in March 1918.

Abstract. Introduction. The legal order as the ordering of public relations on the basis of law is one of the main elements of the state. The problem of its provision was actualized during the Civil War. The presence of a firm legal order meant the stability of the government, and also directly influenced its support from the population, stability in the rear and success at the front. An important role in ensuring the protection of legal order, along with ordinary and emergency bodies, was played by the police. Methods and materials. With the help of historical-legal, systematic, formal-legal and comparative-legal methods, the analysis of written sources was carried out, among which the main attention was paid to legislation and other official acts of the authorities of state formations during the Civil War, works and memoirs of its participants, as well as scientific works devoted to the study of this period. Results. The article shows that the most radical changes in the organization of the police were carried out by the Soviet government. The flexibility of the leadership in matters of ideology (without affecting the foundations of Marxist doctrine and the construction of socialist statehood in the country) ensured the effectiveness of the activities of the Soviet law enforcement agencies and the significant contribution of the Soviet police to restoring elementary order and countering rampant crime on the territory of the RSFSR.

The issue of unemployment and the strategies devised to combat it have remained a persistent challenge both in Ukraine and globally throughout the twentieth century and into the present day. This article seeks to conduct a comprehensive examination of the approaches adopted by Soviet authorities in the Volyn region to tackle unemployment during the NEP (New Economic Policy) period. The novelty of this study lies in its inaugural in-depth analysis of the unemployment issue and countermeasures implemented in the Volyn region during the NEP years. This examination is bolstered by the introduction of previously unexplored archival documents and periodical materials, as it strives to offer an objective evaluation of the circumstances at that time. The analysis reveals that unemployment surged in the aftermath of the civil war, driven partly by the downturn in industrial production and staffing cuts across various institutions that characterized the NEP era. Contributory factors also included demobilization initiatives stemming from the Red Army and the forcefully executed establishment of market mechanisms by the Bolshevik regime, which instigated inherent conflicts. Inspecting the state's anti-unemployment strategies in Volyn unravels several critical observations: establishing robust control over labor market metrics was a challenging endeavor; administrative-command procedures predominated in unemployment resolution efforts, and the bureaucratic focus on facilitating the smooth operation of labor exchanges was inadequate. However, the regime's initiative to extend financial assistance to the jobless on a monthly basis marked a positive step, channeling substantial funds to address related issues and leveraging public works projects as a vital avenue to reduce unemployment numbers. Notwithstanding the strides made, the discourse surrounding unemployment among women and teenagers in Volyn remains underexplored and warrants deeper investigation. This article constitutes a pioneering effort to scrutinize the complexities of combating unemployment in Volyn during the NEP period, aiming to shed new light on a topic of enduring relevance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article shows the relationship between the state and the Orthodox Church during the 1917 revolution and the civil war. The reasons for the transformation of politics in relation to the most influential confessional structure are analyzed. One of the vectors of policy towards the Orthodox Church was a large-scale and uncompromising struggle within the framework of atheistic propaganda and agitation. The geographical area chosen is the national subject of the Russian state, Dagestan as a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional region. The author points out that the authorities do not have a clear line on the religious issue. Based on the analysis of specific factual examples, it is concluded that the postponement of the implementation of some decrees of the Council of People’s Commissars on religious issues of the period 1917–1919 contributed to the peculiarities of the establishment of Soviet power in regions where the Muslim population predominated. This situation was also associated with a difficult situation related to the Vladikavkaz Diocese. The article uses a wide range of unpublished archival documents extracted from both central and regional archives.

The article discusses the specifity of the relations between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in 1919–1929. The authors present the relations between the goverments of the two republics and actions of the Russian side aiming to transforme into the unitary state, initially rather loosely connected among them the constituent elements of the Soviet state. Relations between RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR were burdened with significant disavantages from the very beginning, as the former appropriates the rights of the union center. The article explains also the role and the place of the permanent representations of the union republics in Moscow, as well as the influence of the commissioners (Ukrainian government representatives in Moscow) on Soviet Russia’s policy towards Ukraine. Permenent ignoring by the government in Moscow of Ukraine’s needs and expectations, prompted the leadership of the party and the government of Ukrainian SSR to seek protection of its economic interests at the institutional level. With the creation of the USSR, the legal status of the republics included in that state changed. Relations between the republics lost their interstate character. In place of the existing ones, new representations were established to ensure the maintenance of permanent ties between the government of the RSFSR and the governments of the union republics.

The article aims to examine episodes of anti-religious activity of the Komsomol organization of Kalmykia in 1921–1941. The research is based on archival and published materials. The analysis of archival documents shows that despite the anti-religious policy actively pursued by Soviet authorities, the local party and Komsomol organizations failed to establish a system of effective anti-religious propaganda in Kalmykia. Notably, in their anti-religious activity, the Komsomol members had to deal with the multi-confessional population in Kalmykia. Granted the lack of guidelines for organizing the campaign against Buddhism, they often had to rely on practices used in the anti-religious work against Christianity: e.g., to follow the successful example of ‘Komsomol’ Christmas, the Tsagan Sar and other Kalmyk holidays were also introduced as ‘Komsomol’ events. Also, it was recommended that in their anti-religious work, the Komsomol activists were to take advantage of the split of the Buddhist clergy. After repressions against the clergy of all confessions that took place in the late 1930s, the anti-religious activity of the Komsomol organization in Kalmykia was reduced to formal work.

Introduction. Since the 17th c. as part of the Russian Empire, Buryats found themselves in the sphere of influence of Western secular culture and Orthodox Christianity. Depending on the local natural and climatic conditions, some basic features of agriculture, mining, and Russian culture were introduced into the Buryat economic activities and everyday life, but, in general, the people persisted in their extensive nomadic and semi-nomadic economy and patriarchal culture. In 1923, with the birth of the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (BMASSR), the processes of transformation of their culture and life began in every sphere of their traditional life, such as economic activities, material culture, family and marriage relations, religious beliefs, public leisure, etc. The article aims to study the processes of modernization of Buryat culture and everyday life at the initial stage of Soviet construction. Materials and methods. Major sources for the study were documents from the State Archives of the Republic of Buryatia; also, published sources and media materials were of great importance for the discussion. In its methodology, the study proceeds from the principles of historicism, consistency, objectivity, and reliability, helpful in approaching the process of Soviet modernization of Buryat culture as a multidimensional, contradictory process, hence avoiding both one-sided criticism and idealization. Results. The undertaken analysis of pertinent media materials and archival sources shows that two stages may be singled out in the Soviet construction in Buryatia. The first stage, that began with the formation of the BMASSR and continued to the late 1920s, was the time of radical transformations introduced in the lifestyle of the Buryats, but, still, their traditional culture and life persisted. They were to finally give up, with the policy of collectivization and the process of settlement of the nomadic Buryats pursued by the Soviet authorities at the next stage marked by Velikii perelom (Great turning point) and the beginning of “militant atheism”, i. e. in the period of intensive construction of a new life and the eradication of traditional lifestyles. The study concludes that the Soviet modernization embraced every aspect of the Buryat society, and its impact was deep, comprehensive, and effective. The project was implemented, with objectives and hopes assigned to it fulfilled.

The article analyzes alternative dimensions of dissidence and civil protests in Soviet Armenia, which covers the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, from the Khrushchev Thaw to Gorbachev’s Perestroika. Comparative study of the dissident paradigm has political and civilizational significance. The dissident paradigm is precisely associated with the entire human rights movement, and human rights activists were those who were called dissidents. Thanks to them, ideas of an alternative development of Soviet society and public authorities emerged. At the present stage, the democratic rights of citizens, for which the intelligentsia and human rights activists fought in the 1960s-1980s, are proclaimed and enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia. But this does not mean that the issue of human rights has been resolved in reality, since in reality human rights are often violated, first of all, by the public authorities themselves. The experience of the first generation of human rights defenders continues to be of interest to numerous committees and commissions advocating respect for the constitutional and legal rights of citizens. The relevance of the research topic is due to the fact that the processes of formation of a democratic society and the rule of law in modern Armenia put forward the task of effectively protecting human rights and freedoms. Given the fact that the recognition of human rights as a basic value was the result of a long evolution of society, it is important to see that their prerequisite was the struggle of the most socially active people for the possibility of civilizational development.

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The article is devoted to features of functioning of VChK in the south of Russia after the end of the Civil war.

The study features practices of constructing the image of a new man by Soviet mass weekly Ogoniok in the 1920s. Modern researchers nominate the period of the 1920s as the beginning of Soviet modernization, aimed at a radical transformation of the cultural, social, economic and institutional space of society. The Soviet leadership was developing new ideology, constructed a new model of interpersonal relations and disseminated new moral values via periodicals. Ogoniok was one of the first weekly magazines which developed various ways of representating the image of a Soviet man in the print media, which conformed to the bolshevic doctrine. One of these forms of presentation was the quiz game "The Hero of Our Time", a series featured in issues 2-15 in of 1929. The article analyzes twelve game series - quizzes, which made it possible to consider the process of formation and reflection of the image of a "new man" in Ogoniok. A series of quiz games was presented in the magazine in various visual and textual forms. "The Hero of our Time" quiz was aimed at formation of new character- istic features of the Soviet man and dissemination of a new representation of moral values such as social optimism, industriousness, patriotism, international socialist solidarity and atheism. They were necessary for the creation of a new society on a new value-semantic, economic, political and spiritual basis. Those values were the core of the Soviet man's mindset, Soviet ideology and a new social system. They conformed to the political strategy of the Soviet power at that time. Propaganda instilled a psychologically positive attitude towards the reforms that took place, promoted moral encouragement of the working people for hard work and exemplary life, created the basis for the introduction of Soviet value orientations and a new culture. All these aspects created the conditions for the formation of the Soviet identity.

The article shows what problems interested humanities scholars and publicists in the prewar period of the Soviet history and how these problems were covered from new methodological positions. The works created at that time by historians of the old school are examined, it is emphasized that even in articles written by authors who have not mastered Marxist theory, much attention is paid to the problems of the life of the masses, the manifestations of the class struggle, and public relations in Stavropol villages. The activity of local history societies and organizations is highlighted. Researchers paid much attention to the problems of the agrarian history of Stavropol, works of this time, as a rule, affect both the pre-Soviet and Soviet periods, since most of them give comparative material. In the 1920s, when the ways of agricultural development were not yet determined, the practical needs of the agricultural sector caused increased attention to the issues of developing cooperation, forms of land ownership and land use in the past. The restructuring of the economy in a socialist manner in the late 1920s and early 1930s is reflected in the journalistic articles of party and Soviet leaders. In the period under review, the history of the revolutionary movement and the struggle for power of the Soviets became the most relevant topics for research. The article discusses the activities of Eastparts - commissions on the history of the revolutionary movement and civil war. It is shown that these organizations, including the Stavropol Istpart, have done a lot to collect and publish materials on this topic. The analysis of journal publications is given, the errors made by the authors are revealed. The widespread publication of the memoirs of participants in revolutionary events, characteristic of the 1920s, was not accompanied by a critical check, therefore, over articles containing incorrect information or a controversial assessment of events, discussions arose in which both historians and participants in the events took part. The characteristic is given to generalizing works on the history of the October Revolution and the Civil war in the Stavropol Territory.

The paper based on materials of mass Soviet weekly Ogoniok of the 1920s features forms and methods of atheistic propaganda that was an integral part of mechanism aimed at creating a new socio-cultural identity in the Soviet society as well as one of the important practices of the Soviet power. Religious moral values of "the old society" were being replaced by Bolshevik ideology focused on collectivism and internationalism. The fight against religion was a form of the fight for "a new lifestyle", proliferation of new social practices and replacement of religious rites by civil ones. The magazine publications exposed the church as an outdated social institution that did not correspond with ongoing processes of modernization. The image of the church constructed by the press was directly related to political purposes of the Soviet power in that historic period. The author comes to the conclusion that the power used the press to introduce new values and ideas into public consciousness. In the 1920s the image of the church in publications was controversial. It ranged from allegations that the church was opposite to progress and science (in the early 1920s) to scathing invectives exposing clergymen as the enemies of the Soviet state (in the late 1920s).

The article analyses the images of the soviet everyday life in 1920-s by the example of the photo reports in the «Ogonek» magazine. The development of the new social structure and new identity of the people were reflected in new everyday practices such as anti-religious propaganda, introduction of new festivals and celebrations as well as new types of everyday life. Through the press channels the government introduced to the readers' minds new ideals and positive images of current changes. Photo reports in the «Ogonek» magazine created a positive image of reality. They reflected the ideas of the authorities about what the reality should be like. The changes that were undergoing in 1920-s were not widespread by that time. However, the press presented them as mass phenomena which took place nationwide.

The article studies the activities of Stavropol Bolsheviks during the Russian Revolution of 1917. The focus is on their efforts to cooperate with the new state authorities. The article outlines the conditions for establishing Soviet power in the Stavropol region led by Bolsheviks.

Background. In recent years, on the issue of Russian emigration in Xinjiang have been published some works. However, in Russian and Chinese historiography, many signi-ficant aspects were poorly developed or beyond the attention of researchers, such as the activities of individual leaders. At the same time, many documents and materials from the state archives have not been used in research, so much history about Russian emigration remains unknown. The article aims to present A.S. Bakich’s behaviors after the retreat in Xinjiang. Materials and methods. The primary sources are archival materials from the State Archives of the Russian Federation (F. R-5881), the Russian State Military Archive (F. 16, F. 110), the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History (F. 122), the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (F. Referentura of Xinjiang). The study also provides pictorial sources obtained from the archive, which visually complement the texts of the corresponding descriptions. The methods included retrospective and individualizing research methods. Results. A significant number of documents have been examined that show many unknown facts about A.S. Bakich. At the same time described the life of Ge-neral A.S. Bakich and his detachment after retreating to Xinjiang. Conclusions. From the first day of arrival in Xinjiang, General A.S. Bakich faced various difficulties. Despite the shortage of food, clothing, financial resources, and complex relations with other ata-mans, A.S. Bakich did everything possible to maintain the organization of the troops and solve the shortage problem. The death of A.I. Dutov influenced the relationship between China and Soviet Russia. It made A.S. Bakich change tactics, which subsequently led to an agreement on eliminating A.S. Bakich between the two countries. In the end, he was killed in 1922.

The given article considers the gender aspects of the State-Confessional policy of the Soviet government in the 1920-1930s in Kazakhstan. The main directions of the activities of state bodies to emancipate and involve Muslim women in the public life of the country as an alternative to its former patriarchal- religious life have been investigated based on the analysis of sources and literature. According to the results of the study, it was found that gender policy in the system of Islamic-State relations was carried out in all regions of the Republic, but the forms and mechanisms for its implementation had regional differences, due to the level of Islamization of the regions of Kazakhstan. In the northern and eastern regions of the Republic, Muslim women were actively involved in state building through the organization of "red yurts" and women's delegate conferences. In the southern regions, where Islam had deep roots and was closely intertwined with the traditions of the Kazakh people the policy to emancipate Muslim women was aimed at overcoming religious remnants in everyday life, at fighting against the paranja, and the legal protection of women taking off the veil. Against the backdrop of the growing religious antipolitical policy of the Soviet government, the clergy use various methods and conduct their influence on women. The authors estimated and conducted a religious studies analysis on the problem between anti-religious gender policy of Soviet government and the clergy aswell as the Muslim women occurring in this conflict during the research period (1920-1930s). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a unique phenomenon of the Soviet era -- the use of agitational-propaganda trains and steamers subsequent to the 1917 October Revolution. Given the military-political situation at the time, the Bolsheviks, headed by V.I. Lenin, needed to have their statecraft agenda grounded in support from the wide masses of the nation's peasantry and working class. The search for ways to distribute agitational leaflets, brochures, and books among members of the Red Army in as mobile a fashion as possible would result in the launch of literary-instructional trains and steamers. The paper offers an insight into the mechanics and practices behind the conduct of agitational work with local communities at the time. An attempt was made, based on the available statistical data, to identify the more common and effective propaganda techniques as well as the barriers in achieving the objectives for agitational vehicles. A noteworthy aspect touched upon in the paper is the Bolsheviks' interest, in this context, in the tenets of Taylorism, which found reflection in their plans to employ cutting-edge technical means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]