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This study explores the consequences of nationalist governing elites for states' territorial behaviours. We argue that political elites who promote nationalist ideologies and stoke nationalistic fervour are often more inclined to initiate or escalate territorial disputes with other nations. They are likely to perceive greater values of territory, while they underestimate the perceived costs associated with territorial disputes. Analysing all territorial claims from 1901 to 2001, our research reveals compelling evidence that nationalistic political elites are more likely to initiate territorial disputes and less likely to seek peaceful resolutions, particularly when the contested territory possesses intangible salience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nature reserves are important ideational spaces where global goals on environmental conservation can be achieved. However, their management is complex and challenging when multiple stakeholders claim ownership and control. This study was centered on this debate and explored stakeholder dynamics and territorial disputes around nature reserves, with a focus on Mhlanganisweni and eLalini Villages situated adjacent to Cwebe Nature Reserve (used interchangeably with 'the Nature Reserve') in South Africa. The aim was to understand the dynamics of the relationship between local communities and the Nature Reserve management, and to investigate how these factors contribute to territorial disputes and their consequences. Qualitative data was collected from women, youth, the elderly, and traditional authorities on one hand, and the management of the Nature Reserve on the other. The study found complex stakeholder relationships among stakeholders, with local communities frequently losing out in territorial disputes. This outcome is evident from the territorial disputes that arise over exclusion in decision-making, natural resource exploitation, and conservation policies within and around the Nature Reserve. The study recommends the implementation of a more inclusive conservation framework that acknowledges the perspectives of multiple stakeholders.

Ethnic identities often solidify in response to perceived or actual injustices endured by groups. Historically, Amharic-speaking people in Ethiopia have resisted ethnic identification, aligning instead with broader Ethiopian nationalism. However, the rise of extreme ethnonationalist forces in the country has subjected the group to negative narratives, violence, and marginalisation, associating them with past state domination. In response, the Amhara have increasingly embraced ethnic identity as a form of self-defence. This study employs thematic analysis to explore the experiences of the Amhara people and the subsequent emergence of their collective identity, including the rise of resistance movements. Despite this new alignment, Amhara elites and activists paradoxically maintain a strong commitment to Ethiopian unity, reflecting a complex duality in their socio-political stance. This balancing act illustrates their struggle to survive while remaining loyal to national unity. The article argues that sustained violence and marginalisation have catalysed the rise of Amhara group consciousness, transforming Ethiopia's political landscape. This study offers broader insights into how group mentality can emerge as a response to systematic and sustained injustice and the implications this has for redefining power politics in Ethiopia and beyond, providing insights for policymaking and future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can territorial disputes within countries be a basis for affective polarization? If so, how does it vary across territories? A burgeoning literature on affective polarization has largely focused on partisan divisions; we argue that contentious political issues such as those relating to territorial integrity can also be a basis for such affective polarization, where citizens feel concord with those sharing such policy preferences and animus for those who do not. We specify hypotheses about territorial‐policy‐based affective polarization and bring comparative survey evidence from three European regions with salient and contentious territorial claims: Scotland, Catalonia and Northern Ireland. While these three cases encompass different outcomes of territorial disputes, our results show strikingly similar levels of affective polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores South Korea's evolving role and state practice in the realm of international law since its admission to the United Nations in 1991. It highlights Korea's transformation from a recipient of international aid to an active contributor to global peacekeeping, development assistance, and international criminal justice. The analysis delves into key aspects of Korea's international engagement, including its approach to territorial disputes, constitutional commitment to peace, and participation in human rights treaties. Particular attention is given to Korea's domestic implementation of international legal obligations and its complex relationship with third-party dispute resolution, as exemplified by the Liancourt Rocks dispute with Japan. By evaluating Korea's state practice and legal commitments, the article sheds light on its broader implications for international law and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores South Korea's evolving role and state practice in the realm of international law since its admission to the United Nations in 1991. It highlights Korea's transformation from a recipient of international aid to an active contributor to global peacekeeping, development assistance, and international criminal justice. The analysis delves into key aspects of Korea's international engagement, including its approach to territorial disputes, constitutional commitment to peace, and participation in human rights treaties. Particular attention is given to Korea's domestic implementation of international legal obligations and its complex relationship with third-party dispute resolution, as exemplified by the Liancourt Rocks dispute with Japan. By evaluating Korea's state practice and legal commitments, the article sheds light on its broader implications for international law and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South China Sea (SCS) dispute is one of the most burning issues in contemporary international politics. Mainstream academia and scholarship are rigorously investigating various dimensions of the dispute. The present study attempts to analyze the conflict of interest of various states in the South China Sea region and the consequences of rising assertiveness from the contesting parties. The study adopts qualitative methodology and analyzes the data collected from various sources of literature utilizing a thematic analysis. The study analyses the problem in the paradigm of Offensive Realism and argues that rising assertiveness and the compromised nature of international law will subsequently lead to regional and global instabilities. The study further suggests that the enhancement of the international sea regime and peaceful settlement of territorial disputes between the contesting parties can potentially reduce the risk of military confrontations in the South China Sea region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization has contributed to the development of economic relations between Europe and the Indo-Pacific. However, after 2011 they were influenced by the American “pivot to Asia” and the shift of US attention from countering international terrorism to rivalry with the “revisionist” powers — Russia and China. In 2019, with the adoption of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, China became their main regional rival. The rivalry with him provided for the Americans to unite their Asian allies in a network of managed formal alliances, as well as to connect Great Britain and France to solving strategic tasks. On February 11, 2022, a new Indo-Pacific strategy of the United States appeared. This document emphasized the strategic value and increasing role of Great Britain, France, the EU and NATO in Indo-Pacific and set the task of building bridges between the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions. The main role in its solution was assigned to AUKUS, a trilateral military alliance of the United States, Great Britain and Australia, created on September 15, 2021. At about the same time, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the European Union approved their own strategies in Indo-Pacific. They had in common an unwillingness to see China as the main opponent in the context of the US-Chinese rivalry. At the same time, the documents did not indicate that Europe was equidistant from global rivals. On the one hand, being part of the collective West, the EU demonstrated its support to America, on the other, being the most important economic partner of the Celestial Empire, it refused to see it as an existential threat to its security. Against this background, a similar British document published in March 2021 stood out, characterized by a hostile attitude towards China. However, significant differences in the strategies of European countries were offset by their membership in NATO. At the Alliance summit in Madrid in June 2022 the Europeans, together with other allies, proclaimed a strategic course for “systemic rivalry” with the PRC in the context of the interconnection of the security of the Euro-Atlantic and the development of the situation in the Indo-Pacific. With the signing of the NATOEU joint declaration in Brussels on January 10, 2023, there was a further rapprochement of the two Western structures on an anti-Chinese basis, as well as the complete subordination of Europe to the interests of American global policy.

Globalization has contributed to the development of economic relations between Europe and the Indo-Pacific. However, after 2011 they were influenced by the American “pivot to Asia” and the shift of US attention from countering international terrorism to rivalry with the “revisionist” powers — Russia and China. In 2019, with the adoption of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, China became their main regional rival. The rivalry with him provided for the Americans to unite their Asian allies in a network of managed formal alliances, as well as to connect Great Britain and France to solving strategic tasks. On February 11, 2022, a new Indo-Pacific strategy of the United States appeared. This document emphasized the strategic value and increasing role of Great Britain, France, the EU and NATO in Indo-Pacific and set the task of building bridges between the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions. The main role in its solution was assigned to AUKUS, a trilateral military alliance of the United States, Great Britain and Australia, created on September 15, 2021. At about the same time, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the European Union approved their own strategies in Indo-Pacific. They had in common an unwillingness to see China as the main opponent in the context of the US-Chinese rivalry. At the same time, the documents did not indicate that Europe was equidistant from global rivals. On the one hand, being part of the collective West, the EU demonstrated its support to America, on the other, being the most important economic partner of the Celestial Empire, it refused to see it as an existential threat to its security. Against this background, a similar British document published in March 2021 stood out, characterized by a hostile attitude towards China. However, significant differences in the strategies of European countries were offset by their membership in NATO. At the Alliance summit in Madrid in June 2022 the Europeans, together with other allies, proclaimed a strategic course for “systemic rivalry” with the PRC in the context of the interconnection of the security of the Euro-Atlantic and the development of the situation in the Indo-Pacific. With the signing of the NATO-EU joint declaration in Brussels on January 10, 2023, there was a further rapprochement of the two Western structures on an anti-Chinese basis, as well as the complete subordination of Europe to the interests of American global policy.

The economic base of the state of Mato Grosso is associated with agribusiness and the production of agricultural commodities, corresponding to one of the main producing states in the country. Agribusiness holders occupy a central place in political and economic decision-making and state lands have become one of the main interests of international capital through multiple mechanisms of foreignization. That said, the main objective of this article resides in the description and analysis of the contemporary scenario of the foreignization of land, identifying the main international companies and seeking to clarify the mechanisms of acquisition and exploitation of the state territory. The methodological contributions resided in bibliographic research and documental research. It was concluded that in Mato Grosso, agribusiness and the foreignization of land follow a single path, large corporations, multinationals and/or Brazilian companies with foreign capital, territorialize themselves, feeding the agribusiness productive chain, as a correlate, the dynamics of Foreignization materializes unevenly, and culminates in the exclusion of less favored classes from access to land, in the expansion of social, economic and environmental vulnerabilities, also contributing to the increase in land disputes, food insecurity and negative environmental impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the Philippine Supreme Court's landmark ruling declaring the Joint Marine Seismic Undertaking (JMSU) unconstitutional, emphasizing its implications for Philippine foreign policy and territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The JMSU, an agreement between China, Vietnam, and the Philippines for joint exploration in a contested maritime area, was challenged for contravening the Philippine Constitution's provisions on national sovereignty over natural resources. The decision reaffirms the Philippines' sovereign rights and sets a legal precedent emphasizing the primacy of the Philippine Constitution in international agreements on natural resource exploration. This article discusses the decision's significant impact on Philippine foreign policy, the ongoing territorial and maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and its wider relevance to diplomacy and international law. The ruling marks a critical affirmation of Philippine sovereignty and adherence to legal norms, shaping the country's future diplomatic relations and stressing the importance of constitutional fidelity in international agreements, especially within the contentious South China Sea areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Territorial debates complicate the politics of the affected regions, as parties decide whether to compete on a territorial dimension alongside other longstanding important issues. Yet, empirical evidence is scarce regarding how much voters politically weigh territorial issues against others. We theorize that in contexts when such issues are salient, they have a greater weight relative to others due to their identity-oriented nature. We present evidence from conjoint experiments from three European regions with active territorial debates: Catalonia, Scotland, and Northern Ireland. We find that territorial preferences matter more than others for candidate choice, as the reward (punishment) of congruent (incongruent) candidates is greater, and individuals are less willing to trade off on this issue. Our results have comparative implications for political competition in multidimensional spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OpenStreetMap (OSM) as one of the most successful projects of Volunteered Geographical Information (VGI) has attracted millions of contributors to work together and produces massive open geographical data. However, the co-work does not always run smoothly since mapping can involve conflicted understandings of the reality. In this paper, we investigate behaviors of mapping related to territorial disputes to reveal the characteristics of contributions and examine the contradictions between ground truth as the vision of OSM and the theory of critical cartography. We perform our experiments from the perspectives of entities, changesets, and contributors using the full history data of OSM. The experiments show that territorial-dispute-related contributions have substantially different characteristics from various aspects but they cannot be treated as outliers either, considering that most contributors do not focus on disputed boundaries. Interpreting OSM data as a converging state to ground truth or equally opinions can both be inaccurate. We also find that mapping disputes may not be absolutely negative in a VGI project. We perform quantitative, large-scale (global) analysis of dispute-related mapping. The results show that territorial-dispute-related contributions and contributors are different from contributions and contributors in general. Territorial-dispute-related mapping is not an independent phenomenon for OSM. The contributors make much more disputes-unrelated contributions. Dispute-related entities have more (divergent) versions than normal boundaries, attract more participants, and are more semantically complete, especially for names. Dispute-related changesets generally attract more discussions. The spatial distribution of the dispute-related changesets is consistent with real-world territorial disputes and very different from that of all boundary-related changesets and all changesets. Contributors who participate in dispute-related contributions are generally more active. These users tend to have a special interest in boundaries but most of them do not focus on disputed boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the process of the visitation and demarcation of the village of Gueychiapa, in the province of Xilotepec (Mexico), during the stage prior to the elimination of the congregation and reduction of its numbers. It analyses the organization of the territory, the transfer of villages and their position within the congregational order. It also examines the disputes among cattle ranchers, landowners, and beneficiaries of land grants; the Indian villages adjacent to these properties; and the viceregal administration, which was inclined to return the lands in order to reduce the number of congregated villages on them. The documentation consulted provides a glimpse into both the Indigenous villagers' and Spanish and Creole farmers/ranchers' interests in the control and use of resources such as land and water. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to clarify and provide new information regarding the Japanese approach to handling territorial issues involving the Senkaku Islands. By applying the Negotiation and Mediation theory by Dean G. Pruitt and Peter J. Carnevale to evaluate and further explain the types of negotiations between Japan and China to resolve the territorial issues of the Senkaku Islands, it will explain the process of Japan's strategy for doing so. The study discovered that both countries went through several dynamics in their negotiating process using the Negotiation and Mediation theory. To identify the best way to develop a solution, Japan and China used two strategies: the first was the contesting strategy, which took place at the start of the negotiating process, and the second was the yielding or concession strategy. Finally, carry out the problem-solving plan whereby both parties agreed to host a Joint Development to put an end to the territorial disputes over the Senkaku Islands.

The rising tensions in the South China Sea (SCS) have mainly been affected by China's growing confidence in its ability to challenge and redefine norms that constitute the regional structure. In parallel to its continued rise, China faces inevitable pressure to either accept prevailing international norms or, if it challenges existing norms, to provide an alternative source of legitimacy for its behavior. The purpose of this article is therefore to examine China's selection process when it comes to challenging certain norms. The main argument pursued in this article states that from the Chinese perspective, when challenging norms, it is not primarily the content of the challenged norm that matters but the likelihood of successfully shaping a new norm and thus becoming the effective norm-maker in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article concerns participation of state authorities of the Khabarovsk Territory in complex and painful geopolitical problems, in this case, relating to the so-called “disputed territories” of the Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China. The material focuses on the role of the regional leader, the Head of the Khabarovsk Territory V. I. Ishaev, in building a complex, multi-stage and sometimes contrary to the diplomacy, system for defending the Russian border: negotiations on the demarcation of the border were conducted at level of leaders of the two states, but there was a risk of difficulties for the Khabarovsk Territory residents due to falling the settlements of the region including the city of Khabarovsk into the border strip. The author has shown how the presence of Russia was indicated through the Orthodox symbols in the zone of demarcation line with China long before the actual transfer of a part of the Big Ussurian Island to the PRC. In this case it was the establishment of a worship cross, and then the construction of an Orthodox chapel of the Holy Warrior-martyr Victor, which eventually turned out to be only 200 meters from the Sino-Russian border. The head of the region managed to mobilize forces and funds for the construction of a 26-meter temple in a record time of 5 weeks. Despite the short time-frame for the design of the temple-chapel performed by the Khabarovsk architects A. E. Mameshin and A. V. Mameshina, all calculations of the building parameters turned out to be so well calibrated that during the 2013 Amur flood the chapel did not submerge. For the first time, the drawings and exact parameters of the first frontier Orthodox church-chapel of the Holy Warrior-martyr Victor on the Big Ussurian Island, as well as the memoirs of the chief architect of the project A. E. Mameshin are published in this material.

In the last two decades, against the backdrop of multiple anti-Japanese protests in China, the rise of Chinese nationalism has been much debated. By taking the 2010 and 2012 Sino–Japanese crises over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands as a case study, the article applies discourse analysis to media articles and interviews to ascertain the Chinese government's propaganda toolbox in shaping the nationalist discourse, as well as to substantiate the defining features of anti-Japanese nationalism. The findings reveal a combination of strategies and techniques that the propaganda apparatus uses, such as the creation of an 'us-versus-them' dichotomy, galvanised inclusiveness, censorship, and 'card-stacking' to mould nationalism. The article substantiates empirically both top-down and bottom-up strains of nationalism, and their interaction through the four key themes of sovereignty, history, mistrust and reactivity. It finds that Japan bridges these strands of Chinese nationalism, but in its absence alternative views of nationalism are articulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the course of the past 75 years, the International Court of Justice (icj) has adjudicated a total of 17 territorial disputes, building a considerable body of case law along the way. While the Court has shed light on many legal issues concerning territorial sovereignty over the years, it has never clarified its approach to territorial disputes. Bridging the gap between a 2004 analysis by Brian Sumner, who identified a threetiered hierarchical decision rule, and modern territorial doctrine, this study aims to provide an updated attempt at systematization of the Court's approach in its case law concerning territorial disputes. Refining Sumner's hierarchical decision rule, the findings - while overall congruent with the basic hierarchy identified in his work - suggest that the Court's approach revolves around a hierarchy of three tiers of territorial titles (understood broadly as sources of the right to territory), namely, legal instruments, State succession and intangibility of boundaries, and independent effectivités. Equity infra legem is used as a last resort tool for interpretation of these titles, where they themselves yield no clear result. Another source of the right to territory, unilateral conduct constituting acquiescence and/or estoppel, is relied on outside of this hierarchy, often to support a decision based on another title. A review of the entirety of the Court's case law reveals a relatively consistent yet multi-layered approach to territorial disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under pressure to choose between the U.S. and China, Southeast Asian countries have adopted a hedging strategy: deepening economic relations with China while strengthening security cooperation with the U.S. How does the region's public view this strategy? With tensions rising in South China Sea territorial disputes, are more nationalistic individuals more likely to oppose hedging? Using an original public opinion survey conducted in the Philippines, we find that while an overwhelming majority of respondents were concerned about the territorial disputes, more nationalistic Filipinos were no more concerned than less nationalistic ones. Further, more nationalistic Filipinos were more likely to view economic relations with China as important for the Philippines and to approve of Duterte's China policy, which follows the logic of hedging. These surprising findings suggest that under the shadow of great-power competition, the link between domestic politics and foreign policy is nuanced in the Philippines, and Southeast Asia in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the centenary of the 1919–1920 Paris Peace Conference reignited interest in this pivotal post-war event, the perspective of East Central European geographical sciences remains little investigated. In 1918 and 1919, rather unexpectedly, geography turned out to be a confidante of the knowledge that shaped the future of the world, and it was geographers from new states that emerged in the Eastern and South-Eastern part of the continent that largely contributed to this development. The article assesses the limits of their impact while it also characterises the tensions between their understanding of 'science' and their nationalism. • Geographers played a key role in post-WWI diplomatic conferences. • Experts' political role in border-making exceeded that of the local politicians. • Peace Conference was the field for methodological innovation in geography. • ECE's experts belonged to the main authors of the said innovation. • ECE played pivotal role in the post-WWI reflection on border-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The China Sea connects as many coastal states as it divides due to the economic and strategic challenges it represents. It also embodies an area of confrontations between the Great American and Chinese strategies. Identifying with precision the differences that arise requires an interest in the symbolic dimensions that surround them. This angle of analysis provides an opportunity to observe the functioning of international law and inevitably leads to a discussion of the emerging international order. The literature on the situation in the China Sea abounds. The paper’s singularity is to approach it under the prism of international law as revealing the psychology of an actor. To carry out this research, the authors use a pragmatic and critical approach to international law. The thesis defended shows that, contrary to a positivist and judicial approach to international law, elements exogenous to the law, the history, and the psychology of an actor, influence the interpretation of existing norms.

Before non-European regions adopted international law, a different set of law of territory governed the non-European regions. Notwithstanding their differences, international courts and tribunals have approached non-European territorial disputes through a single lens of Eurocentric international law. The general claim of this article is that international courts and tribunals should approach non-European territorial disputes with special consideration to account for the region's historical system. This article case studies the China-Vietnam dispute in the South China Sea to advance this claim. Through the case study, I argue that East Asian concepts of sovereignty do not equate with those employed by Eurocentric international law. I then suggest guidelines for considering regional systems when ruling on non-European territorial disputes. If international courts and tribunals do not change their legal approach, this not only distorts the historical realities of the non-European regions but also results in unfair dispute settlements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents the content of discussions held over three seminars on the theme of the heterogeneous subfield of Social Cartography in Brazil and in Latin America. It produces a reflection that represents the issues raised by those who design, develop and participate in these cartographic experiences. It cited relevant literature, but most of the contributions presented emerged from discussions that took place during these events. The research aims to contribute to the expansion of cartographic discussion in Brazil and in Latin America, which includes different perspectives and ideas about conceptual, epistemological and methodological dimensions of mapping experiences that increasingly integrate situations of cartographic disputes that are being overlapping territorial disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on ethnic kin-groups primarily focuses on their role in perpetuating conflict. Less attention has been devoted to how ethnic kin-groups might encourage mediation in disputes affecting their kin in other nations. We argue that transborder kin-groups' collective concern for the welfare of their fellow members in other states can motivate interstate mediation efforts. Utilizing the Ethnic Power Relations and the Issue Correlates of War datasets, we examine how transborder kin-group connections shape the likelihood of mediation, as well as who provides it. Our findings suggest that the deeper the network of transborder kin-group connections among target states of territorial disputes, the more likely mediation is to occur. Alternatively, challenger transborder kin-group connections reduce the likelihood of mediation. While transborder kin-group connections help explain the likelihood of mediation, mediation is often not provided by the connected third-party state. Instead, these connections promote mediation from international organizations, particularly regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores limits to the framing power of several important short terms and phrases typically used within eastern Asia’s international politics. It conceptualises these labels as terminological frames. As frames, these terms/phrases help to set agendas, categorise, emphasise certain perspectives while excluding others from view, and ultimately shape opinions about controversial issues within international politics. Yet, I argue, the limits of frames have been insufficiently explored, especially as frames are taken to new audiences whose understanding of the broader discourses associated with the issues are weaker than that of the original audience. Do these terms still produce framing effects outside of eastern Asia? The study relied on a short survey of 800 U.S.-Americans. Respondents answered differing versions of questions relating to eastern Asian maritime politics in order to ascertain whether the wording and labels used affect evaluation of political issues. Specifically, the survey sought to determine whether use of East Sea vs. Sea of Japan, Northern Territories vs. Southern Kurils, and South China Sea vs. East Sea affected views of maritime disputes and issues relating to Korea, Japan, Russia, China/Taiwan, and Vietnam. It also explored whether an increasingly central phrase in eastern Asia’s maritime territorial disputes—“inherent territory”—presented a stronger claim than other possible phrases claiming territory. Survey results showed no statistical difference through use of one term or label over another. Thus, a certain type of limit to the power of these terminological frames was found. Nevertheless,the survey additionally demonstrated that producing framing effects required only a slight addition to the terminology, confirming the ease of framing international political issues to partisan effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state actors take edge them closer to war. Less attention has been devoted to the ways in which state actors' perceptions of what is at stake in a dispute can also change, with important consequences for the likelihood of conflict. This paper examines the phenomenon of dispute inflation – wherein a contest over an object or issue assumes ever greater stakes and significance for its protagonists – and identifies three different mechanisms that can generate increasing non-material stakes. The upshot is that theoretically even a minor dispute can grow into a major conflict due to swelling stakes, especially when dispute inflation spirals. To illustrate these dynamics at work, this paper looks to recent developments in the dispute between the People's Republic of China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)