Search

We examined an understudied aspect of religiosity, namely engagement with a sacred text, in relation to a multidimensional construct of well-being. Specifically, we hypothesized that the relationship between Bible use (various ways of utilizing the Bible) and human flourishing would be positive and mediated by three likely outcomes of Bible use: spiritual engagement, positive beliefs about the Bible, and the behavioral influence of the Bible. These relationships were also hypothesized to be reciprocal over time. To test these hypotheses, we estimated three-wave structural equation models using panel survey data from a quasi-experiment that assessed a scripture engagement program developed for the U.S. military members and their families. The results showed that Bible use and human flourishing were positively related, and that this relationship was partially explained by the behavioral influence of the Bible and, to a lesser extent, spiritual engagement and positive beliefs about the Bible. However, these relationships were not reciprocal across all waves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ciência & Saúde Coletiva is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Pos-Graduacao em Saude Coletiva and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This paper aims to identify and evaluate factors determining the development of future competences of a military logistician. The problem is more precisely formulated as a question: what competences should the personnel responsible for the logistical support of the armed forces have and how should they be developed effectively? Design/methodology/approach: A range of methods are employed, led by analysis and synthesis, literature research, abstract thinking, and inference. Diagnostic polling serves as the empirical method. Findings: The obtained research results allowed for the identification of the five key competences necessary at present to realise logistical support of the army: decision-making and problem-solving; cooperation and communication in a team; ability to adapt; linguistic competences; modelling and optimisation of logistical processes. Research limitations/implications: The future competences of the military logistician should be considered in three principal areas: cognitive, digital and technical, and social. In order to develop the future competences of military logisticians, a wide-ranging cooperation of military universities and educational centres with civil institutions. There is an urgent need to start work on the development of and continuous improvement to a model for developing military logisticians competences. Practical implications: The results of the research make it possible to focus efforts in the process of preparing the logistics personnel of the armed forces on the competences of the future, which determine the effective implementation of the tasks of securing and supporting the logistics of troops. Social implications: The results of the research are crucial for the military logistics community by delineating key competencies for military logisticians. Originality/value: The review and analyses performed enrich the existing literature on the future competences of military logisticians, while the findings presented can serve as a starting point for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contributions to Contemporary History / Prispevki za Novejšo Zgodovino is the property of Prispevki za Novejso Zgodovino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polonia Maior Orientalis is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current inclination towards monarchical absolutism of the Thai government and politics is in essence the actualization of one of the two conflicting tendencies that have been inherent in Thai constitutional monarchy from the start. I intend to trace the political and scholarly discourse about them at some key junctures in modern Thai history. My main argument is that it had been the royal hegemony of King Rama IX that managed to maintain a relatively stable if tilted balance between the opposing principles of monarchy and democracy and keep the two opposite tendencies at bay. The perceived threat of a disguised republic under the Thaksin regime and the waning of royal hegemony led to a hyper-royalist reaction from the monarchical network that disrupted the pre-existing balance and prepared a potential ground for a virtual absolutism which has been taken over and actualized under the present regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The phrase "media literacy" is becoming ever more present in daily communication. The importance of media literacy is a significant guide for the orientation of members of the military in contemporary media arena dominated by a pronounced dichotomy in the field of effects of media content. New media have given numerous advantages to the life of a modern man. On the other hand, the hyperproduction of false news, fabricated information and interpretations, which often mix fragments of truth and falsehood, have created information disorder in the public sphere having a powerful potential to adversely affect decision-making process, combat morale, reputation and the system of values of soldiers and military leaders. Every day, mass communication media produce narratives which have become a powerful weapon for the production of meaning and reality construction. Media literacy should not be observed solely as a defensive paradigm and a shield against harmful effects of media content, but as a powerful mechanism to recognise and use all those benefits offered by modern digital technologies. The aim of this work is to point out the need to raise awareness of the importance of media literacy as an important competence of members of 21st century military.

The article compares Brazil’s president Jair Bolsonaro diplomacy with the traditional one and explains in what terms and why his foreign policy is different from a classical approach.Before he came to power, such principles as peaceful coexistence with neighbors, aspiration for national grandeur, peaceful conflict settlement and independent decision making were inherent in Brazilian diplomacy. Today the country’s foreign policy is unpredictable, inconsistent, and far from traditional peacefulness. Before changes in the US administration in 2021, Bolsonaro, as well as many of his predecessors, bet on the USA to solve national problems. Unilateral concessions to Washington predictably gave no results and lowered Brazilian independence in decision making. The USA was not interested in strengthening its rival in Latin America, no matter how friendly the relations between the two countries were. Bolsonaro’s policy is influenced by different lobby groups with opposing interests in government agencies. An important role is played by the military and followers of the theoretician Olavo de Carvalho. Paying attention to each of these groups, Bolsonaro implements an inconsistent foreign policy and runs a risk of not putting important political projects into practice and of finding himself in an international isolation.The changes in foreign policy take place amidst political and economic crisis in Brazil. Coronavirus pandemic aggravated the conflict of the branches of power. To strengthen his positions, the president appeals to the population, looks for support in the Parliament and pushes through an administrative bill aimed at making the president more autonomous in managing the executive branch structures.The appearance of the “right-wing” president and powerful influence of the conservative military stem from the economic and political crisis in Brazil, and Bolsonaro’s “special” governance style fits a worldwide trend of populism and active politics coverage in social networks.

Operations involving special operations forces are veiled in mystery, and public opinion is usually not well informed. The period of the last twenty years, beginning with the terrorist attacks of 09/11, has been no exception. But occasionally, official reports and the results of investigative journalism are published, very often criticising the actions of special operations forces soldiers. Given the secretive nature of special operations forces, researching these groups is challenging. The paper provides Special operations forces soldiers' views on the so-called global war on terrorism based on their views, observations, and experiences. There are individual opinions present in published testimonies of special operations forces members around the world. However, the research that includes a vast sample of seasoned, Polish special operations forces soldiers is an initial and original attempt to fill the gaps in the academic knowledge of the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The environmental conditions generated by war and characterized by poverty, undernutrition, stress, difficult access to safe water and food as well as lack of environmental and personal hygiene favor the spread of many infectious diseases. Epidemic typhus, plague, malaria, cholera, typhoid fever, hepatitis, tetanus, and smallpox have nearly constantly accompanied wars, frequently deeply conditioning the outcome of battles/wars more than weapons and military strategy. At the end of the nineteenth century, with the birth of bacteriology, military medical researchers in Germany, the United Kingdom, and France were active in discovering the etiological agents of some diseases and in developing preventive vaccines. Emil von Behring, Ronald Ross and Charles Laveran, who were or served as military physicians, won the first, the second, and the seventh Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine for discovering passive anti-diphtheria/tetanus immunotherapy and for identifying mosquito Anopheline as a malaria vector and plasmodium as its etiological agent, respectively. Meanwhile, Major Walter Reed in the United States of America discovered the mosquito vector of yellow fever, thus paving the way for its prevention by vector control. In this work, the military relevance of some vaccine-preventable and non-vaccine-preventable infectious diseases, as well as of biological weapons, and the military contributions to their control will be described. Currently, the civil–military medical collaboration is getting closer and becoming interdependent, from research and development for the prevention of infectious diseases to disasters and emergencies management, as recently demonstrated in Ebola and Zika outbreaks and the COVID-19 pandemic, even with the high biocontainment aeromedical evacuation, in a sort of global health diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of the interrelationship between the political and military elite is very complex, multidimensional, multi-hierarchical and relatively protected from the scientific and professional public and, as such, more difficult to understand. It is particularly relevant in war, where ties are looser and where the self-initiative of individuals and social groups comes to full expression, which is precisely the subject of this analysis. However, the subject is not considered in its totality, but is limited only to the territory of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in the period from the 1980s onwards. The events out of that time were used as an empirical basis for illustrating and arguing one's own views. The subject of this paper is structured in five separate parts. In the first part, the epistemological and logic bases of the relationship between politics and the military in war are presented, with the focus on the noticed weaknesses in the theoretical and normative sphere and their consequences for real practice. In the second part, a comparative analysis of the goals of politics and the military has been done, with an emphasis on the necessary need for them to coincide at the state level and be conducted by joint efforts. The third part explains the relationship between the military and politics at the most general level. It has been proven that politics is more general and that it directs the entire activities of the society including the deployment of the military in war. The fourth part presents the models of the relationship between the military and politics at strategic level. It has been unequivocally proven that politics is superior to the military, which does not exclude the possibility of intensive negotiations before making definite decisions on the deployment in combat operations. Finally, the fifth part explains the relationship between local government representatives and units at tactical level. The links between management and cooperation between these entities with the focus on communication difficulties and consequences are explained.

The attitude of political system, and in a broader sense of political community, towards the military is largely defined by the understanding of the role and purpose that the military has in a society. The lack of the understanding of the true purpose of the military often leads to inadequate evaluation of this institution, both in political system and by general public. The objective of this paper is to define peace as the purpose of the military, which will enable a proper understanding of its vital political role as a necessary framework and preconditions for the existence and functioning of all other institutions in the society. The paper analyzes the perception of the role of the military institution and its members and offers an alternative definition of its function and purpose, which facilitates correct insight into the role of the military in the society and depicts its essential nature. An intuitive understanding of the role of the military, through misinterpretation of instrument (war) as the purpose itself, reduces its purpose to war, and thus determines the attitude of the lay political public towards this institution and its members. Therefore, it is necessary to offer an adequate answer to the question: why the purpose of the military is actually peace and not war, what kind of peace it is, and by which functions this institution fulfills its role. It is concluded that the military exercises the defined purpose of "good" peace in two ways - in peace by preserving it through the function of deterrence, and in war by establishing it as quickly as possible through victory.

Copyright of Interação em Psicologia is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Thi Qar Arts Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the role and power of the military in Turkey and how they interfere in Turkey's political arena, using deep state-of theory. The research question is that with regard to the Turkish constitutional amendments and the reduction of military influence on political affairs, is it possible for the country's military to become an active actor in the political arena? The conceptual framework of research is the theory of deep state. The research findings indicate that the military still has the potential for political participation and intervention in Turkish affairs, but for reasons such as reducing legitimacy, foreign pressure and a new understanding of security issues in Turkey, the military has found that issues Political should be solved by the government, not the military and the army headquarters. On this basis, they have implicitly entered the coalition with Erdogan and the AKP because of their common enemies with the AK PARTy, including the Pkk and the Gulen Movement, and given Erdogan's security National and fight against internal and external enemies need military support, and the army will cooperate with the AKP government if they consider national security and defense issues in their regard. The data collection method is document and library and data analysis is done by process tracking analysis.

The paper, drawing primarily on archival material located in Austria, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey, examines the lifeworld of an Ottoman officer, Şerefeddin, who in the midst of the Balkan Wars (1912/13), after accepting Christianity, voluntarily joined the army of the Kingdom of Serbia. By relying on the theoretical concept of loyalty, the essay claims that loyalty towards state is not given and fixed, but rather is subject to change. It indicates in particular that Şerefeddin’s decision to join the enemy army is context-driven and thus should be imbedded in the momentary setting. It pursues to show how a person amid war is nevertheless able successfully to adjust to a new emerging context. This case should not be co understood as a typical biography, but rather as an episodic one because similar cases are noticeable in different settings worldwide as well.

In this article I interrogate three misapprehensions around the concept of counter‐revolution: (1) defining the old regime, (2) defining counter‐revolution's temporal boundary, and (3) different meanings of the countering actions. Using Egypt as a case study, I develop and apply a disaggregated and temporally sensitive framework to analyze the counter‐revolution. I argue that counter‐revolution was instigated during the revolutionary crisis (25 January–11 February 2011), accrued momentum during the extended transitional period (12 February 2011–30 June 2013) and achieved a decisive victory after the military coup of 3 July 2013. I interrogate the varieties of counter‐revolutionary actions in these periods: repression and propaganda, adopting a project of containment during the transitional period, then launching unlimited repression campaigns against revolutionaries, and expanding military rule. This framework helps make sense of how different forces change their positions over time, and of the contradictions and the dynamism of counter‐revolutionary actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The environmental conditions generated by war and characterized by poverty, undernutrition, stress, difficult access to safe water and food as well as lack of environmental and personal hygiene favor the spread of many infectious diseases. Epidemic typhus, plague, malaria, cholera, typhoid fever, hepatitis, tetanus, and smallpox have nearly constantly accompanied wars, frequently deeply conditioning the outcome of battles/wars more than weapons and military strategy. At the end of the nineteenth century, with the birth of bacteriology, military medical researchers in Germany, the United Kingdom, and France were active in discovering the etiological agents of some diseases and in developing preventive vaccines. Emil von Behring, Ronald Ross and Charles Laveran, who were or served as military physicians, won the first, the second, and the seventh Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine for discovering passive anti-diphtheria/tetanus immunotherapy and for identifying mosquito Anopheline as a malaria vector and plasmodium as its etiological agent, respectively. Meanwhile, Major Walter Reed in the United States of America discovered the mosquito vector of yellow fever, thus paving the way for its prevention by vector control. In this work, the military relevance of some vaccine-preventable and non-vaccine-preventable infectious diseases, as well as of biological weapons, and the military contributions to their control will be described. Currently, the civil–military medical collaboration is getting closer and becoming interdependent, from research and development for the prevention of infectious diseases to disasters and emergencies management, as recently demonstrated in Ebola and Zika outbreaks and the COVID-19 pandemic, even with the high biocontainment aeromedical evacuation, in a sort of global health diplomacy.

Copyright of Revista de Antropología Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The military’s omnipotent role in Turkish political life following the establishment of the Turkish Republic developed into one of the most significant characteristics of the Turkish political landscape. The armed forces gained significant privileges and strengthened their autonomy within the multi-party era, which saw three coups. However, the EU’s 1999 Helsinki Summit brought about a paradigmatic change in the status of the military, shifting the balance of power in favor of civilians. This piece throws light on the developments that contributed to changing the role of the military in Turkish politics, and details the many factors that contributed to its more receptive approach to the EU democratization reforms. These include the momentum gained in Turkey’s EU accession bid after its declaration as a candidate country in 1999, the AKP government’s reformist and conciliatory stance, Chief of Staff General Hilmi Özkök’s adoption of a more liberal version of Kemalism, the maintenance of the guardianship role of the military in the political system, and the emergence of a political environment that was conducive to democratization.

The occupation of the city of Marawi in the southern Philippines and a series of terrorist attacks in Indonesia which followed it demonstrate that terrorism is a persistent and enduring threat to Southeast Asian security, despite the governments' concerted efforts on countering terrorism since 9/11 and the Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005. Security specialists and defence officials in the region believe that ASEAN has to intensify its cooperation to address the challenge of terrorism through the use of military forces. This article, however, claims that the militarised counterterrorism has no institutional, normative and practical basis within ASEAN's main security structure, the APSC. This is followed by dual implications for the broader security agendas, affecting democratisation and sharpening mistrust among ASEAN states which challenges ASEAN centrality in regional security affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Serbian Armed Forces are, from the legal-normative and strategic point of view, the strength and the exponent of the defense system. In the Defense Strategy, the Serbian Armed Forces are assigned missions and tasks. To execute the assigned missions and tasks, the Armed Forces have an obligation to build and maintain the necessary level of operational and functional capabilities. One of the missions assigned to the Armed Forces is to support civil authorities in countering the security threats, known as their third mission. However, in order for the Armed Forces to be engaged in peacetime, certain preconditions are to arise, such as the declaration of a certain state (for example, the state of emergency). Neither the Defense Law nor the Defense Strategy know the institute of “emergency situation”. This term appears in the Law on Emergency Situations and the 2011 National Strategy of Protection and Rescue in Emergency Situations.

The scope of this paper is to analyze the literature relating to professional military language. The paper describes relevant writings of Serbian, Russian and English authors in this field. The research has shown that the dominant fields of philological interests are: military terminology, professional and non-standard lexicon (jargon), as well as stylistic characteristics of the military profession language, while other language layers are devoted much less attention.

The paper presents the research results that have empirically proven effects of integrated communications on the views of examinees about the military profession. The primary survey sample consisted of 553 high school students (127 students from Novi Sad, 179 from Niš, 106 from Kragujevac, and 141 from Belgrade). Based on the obtained results it has been established that the use of individual instruments of communication (television advertising, distribution of printed materials, and internet content) has a limited effect on the examinees. On the other hand, a combination of two instruments of communication, information on organizations and vacancies to be filled, were better accepted by the examinees. The exposure to multiple instruments of communication enables more effective acceptance of key messages and encourages the examinees to react in a positive way. It can be seen that the integration of multiple instruments of communication provides additional value owing to the strategic roles of a series of instruments of communication, which are combined to ensure the most effective communication. Clearly, the synergistic effect of all communication instruments is very important, and therefore considerable attention is paid to adjusting the materials to the examinees. It can be seen that the integrated communications make a system using which it is possible to coordinate a greater number of instruments of communication to communicate clear and convincing message and make an impression on examinees. Consequently, an effect can also be expected on the adequate positioning of military organization in the minds of the examinees as potential employees.

Military sporting events are planned and prepared, and in a given period of time performed, sports events of public interest, involving members of armed forces of one or more countries, with the aim to demonstrate, compare and improve their knowledge and skills in sports through competitive or non-competitive sport activities. As regards their nature and targeted effects, the military sports events can be: training, competitive, scientific research, development, military professional, informative, humanitarian, and special ones. Military sports, as key element of sporting events in the armed forces, include typical military sports (military multi-sports events), sports of military nature (martial arts, sport shooting, fencing, parachuting, orienteering, biathlon), and any other team and individual sports that are practiced in an organized manner in military units and institutions. The first competitions, which had been organized since ancient times in order to get winners in various sports disciplines, were conducted among soldiers, in the Balkans exactly, which suggests a very long tradition and rich history of military sporting events in the region. In Ancient Times, the most famous competitions of this type were the ancient Olympic Games. In the Middle Ages, military sporting events were knight tournaments and duels. Across Europe, including the Balkans, there were various organizations of knights, which represented specific forms of professional army. In the late 19th and early 20th century, in several Slav countries, including Serbia, Sokol societies were founded, which promoted physical exercise and the fight for liberation and unification of Slav nations. Sokol sports meetings and events may be partly considered as military sporting events as well, because the Sokol movement was approved in the military, and soldiers and officers were regular participants of these events. In the 21st century, the main objectives of the military sporting events have been: the development of friendship and solidarity among members of the armed forces; the promotion of physical education and sports; the contribution to balanced and harmonious development of military personnel; and strengthening of peace, security, trust and cooperation in the world. By taking part in these activities, members of armed forces develop their courage, mental stability and physical condition, promote the values of the military and the military profession, encourage the spirit of tolerance and mutual respect, enhance the defense capabilities of their countries, and contribute to universal peace.

he complex relationship between politics, technology, military art and warfare is Ivana Damnjanović certainly one of the most interesting and always topical areas of research in the area of social sciences. The aim of this paper is to shed light on several aspects of this relation, as well as their explanations in the scientific literature. First of all, the tie between the state, the army and the technology has prompted many authors to point to the far-reaching social consequences of such a complex of power. In addition, the military technology, exactly because of its association with the state, is characterized by a range of specific features that require special analysis. Finally, the technology may be a multiplier of the military power, and thus, indirectly, of the political power.

The subject of this research is lexemes of foreign origin in the language of the military profession (words of French, Russian, German, Turkish, Italian, English, or Spanish origin) and their impact on the lexical composition of the Serbian language. Using the material excerpted from the Military Lexicon and etymological dictionaries, we performed etymological and contrastive analysis, aiming to highlight the following questions: how, why and to what extent foreign words can affect the lexical composition of another language, which is used by a closed system such as the military.

In the second half of the 20th century, the security dilemma was rapidly shifting towards a broader area of social life, with non-military factors of security threats taking ever more important place, and a source of power of the state was moving from a strictly military factors and their supporting elements to technology, education, human resources, and market control. The conditions for the maintenance of military capacity also changed; weapons were aging at an incredible rate due to technological innovations, and scientific knowledge became especially important. This paper is an attempt to remind the scientific community and political structures of the state that the role of the military is an indispensable factor in preserving the security of the state and its citizens. In this sense, the military force of a modern state is the major factor of the security system, because the military of the modern state must be able to implement a strategy of deterrence and a strategy of response.

The paper discusses the problem of further strategic development of the Republic of Serbia on the basis of hierarchically ordered system of strategic documents. This paper is a result of years of study of strategy as a science under development, theory, skills, and documents, with special emphasis on the results of the comparative analysis of national and foreign strategic documents. Looking at the experiences of about a dozen countries in the world and comparing them with the current practice in the Republic of Serbia, this paper emphasizes the importance of logical consistency, mutual interdependence and hierarchical arrangement of the system of the nation's strategic development. Proceeding from an analysis of the current situation in the Republic of Serbia, it points to the inconsistency of the fact that the strategy of sustainable development is being nationally prepared, adopted and implemented, without including the sustainable development in the field of security. In addition, the paper deliberately encourages further discussion of strategists, security experts, officials of the Ministry of Defense, members of the Serbian Armed Forces, and public officials about the necessity that, after the adoption of the national strategy, the national development strategy, the national security strategy and the defense strategy, the development of military strategy should be also addressed in the Republic of Serbia to complete the hierarchical series of the strategic documents.

The paper presents some options of project risks management in military projects and programs. Military projects and programs are usually very complex and risky, and therefore it is necessary to manage the risk in the process of military projects implementation. The paper proposes the use of some of the well-known methodologies for managing the project risks, as applied in various projects. Particularly, it points out the need to prescribe a special procedure or a directive, and highlights examples from the US Department of Defense.

War, the organized destruction of human beings, of human lifeworlds and modes of livelihood, has long been regarded as outside the usual preoccupations of organization studies. And yet, as the various on-going “asymmetric wars” increasingly become the taken for granted background noise of contemporary life, this aloofness becomes difficult to maintain. This special issue then is an initial contribution to a long overdue conversation. By way of introduction to the articles that comprise the special issue this essay seeks to highlight some of the key connections between organization theory, forms of organized destruction and their ongoing mutations in the still young, but already quite bloody, 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the forces behind former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purna's recent imprisonment and the subsequent political upheaval in Indonesia. It delves into the murky ties between President Donald Trump's most important Indonesian business partner, multibillionaire Hary Tanoesodibjo and the latter's relationship with pro-Islamist politicians and the military to evaluate the consequences of political turmoil on the future of Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the development of relationships between military bodies and political power in Portugal, from the time of the 19th century liberal monarchy until the end of the 20th century. In particular, it offers an interpretation of the impact on military culture of the diffusion of constitutionalist, republican, nationalist and socialist ideologies and the norms guiding the attitudes and actions of military elites within the political arena, in the light of their professional experience of war (the African campaigns, the First World War and the colonial war of 1961-74) and the observed behaviour of the working classes recruited for these missions, in comparison with the courses adopted by successive governments and political regimes. The international context is also established, both with regard to dominant ideologies and the framework of established strategic interests.

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary History / Časopis za Suvremenu Povijest is the property of Croatia Institute for History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)