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The problematic field of political interaction between the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is constructed under the influence of actualizing national priorities of external political players in view of the strategic and resource significance of the post-Soviet space in general. Attention is focused on the contribution of extra-regional and transnational subjects to the development of political and economic space of the EAEU. Political presence of the United States, as well as Western and European states in this region is increased. In this context, we are talking about the intersection and competition of geostrategic, political, economic and other goals of existing political participants in the framework of interstate exchange. On the one hand, it creates some additional factors and mechanisms of manifestation and expansion of conflict-causing precedents, on the other hand, it leads to the emergence of qualitatively new opportunities for opening special political potential, strengthening the status-role positions, establishing the bilateral and multilateral ties, etc. In the end, real prerequisites are created for transformation the symbolic nature and activity significance of the EAEU in the context of domestic political and supranational processes. In this sense, the conceptual basis and tool of American media publications in the direction of actualization the US political agenda in relation to the EAEU countries are interesting. The ideological, semantic and technological features of The Washington Post publications on the topic of political relations between the United States and other foreign policy actors with the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus, the Republic of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia are analyzed. As a result, it is determined that political participation of the United States in this region is built in the focus of creating the restraining factors for stabilization of political and economic partnership of the EAEU participant countries in the framework of the concept of Greater Eurasia. The existing institutional and functional potential of the post-Soviet states is used for negativization of political and regional role and strengthening of geopolitical opposition of the Russian Federation and the PRC. Particularly, the most frequently published topics in relation to political problems of the EAEU are the Russian participation in a special military operation on Ukrainian territory and foreign policy participation of foreign states in the main processes of Eurasian integration.

Abstract Objective This work compares the marketing authorization, labels and dosage forms of medicines in the WHO Model List of Essential Medicines for Children (EMLc) in China, the Russian Federation and Brazil to urge policymakers to pay more attention to paediatric medication. Methods Medicines were selected from the 8th EMLc. By searching relevant databases, which include different types of medical information in China, the Russian Federation and Brazil, the marketing authorization, labels and dosage forms of paediatric medicines in the three countries were evaluated. Results A total of 485 drug products containing 312 active pharmaceutical ingredients listed in the WHO EMLc were evaluated. Among them, 344 products were approved for use in China, 286 in the Russian Federation and 264 in Brazil. Out of the 344 approved medicines, 317 (92.15%) were authorized for paediatric use in China, 224 (78.32%) in the Russian Federation and 218 (82.58%) in Brazil. In terms of guidance information labelling on drug labels, 75.08%, 83.04% and 88.07% of paediatric drugs approved in China, the Russian Federation and Brazil, respectively, clearly indicated the usage and dosage for paediatric use. Additionally, injections and tablets were the most prevalent dosage forms in these three countries. Conclusion There is still scope for enhancing the marketing authorization and development of dosage forms for paediatric medicines in the three countries. Furthermore, additional measures are being implemented to enhance the information provided on drug labels for children, particularly in China.

Objective: This work compares the marketing authorization, labels and dosage forms of medicines in the WHO Model List of Essential Medicines for Children (EMLc) in China, the Russian Federation and Brazil to urge policymakers to pay more attention to paediatric medication. Methods: Medicines were selected from the 8th EMLc. By searching relevant databases, which include different types of medical information in China, the Russian Federation and Brazil, the marketing authorization, labels and dosage forms of paediatric medicines in the three countries were evaluated. Results: A total of 485 drug products containing 312 active pharmaceutical ingredients listed in the WHO EMLc were evaluated. Among them, 344 products were approved for use in China, 286 in the Russian Federation and 264 in Brazil. Out of the 344 approved medicines, 317 (92.15%) were authorized for paediatric use in China, 224 (78.32%) in the Russian Federation and 218 (82.58%) in Brazil. In terms of guidance information labelling on drug labels, 75.08%, 83.04% and 88.07% of paediatric drugs approved in China, the Russian Federation and Brazil, respectively, clearly indicated the usage and dosage for paediatric use. Additionally, injections and tablets were the most prevalent dosage forms in these three countries. Conclusion: There is still scope for enhancing the marketing authorization and development of dosage forms for paediatric medicines in the three countries. Furthermore, additional measures are being implemented to enhance the information provided on drug labels for children, particularly in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: identification of the specifics of the role of the executive authorities of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus in the actualization of the Union patriotic agenda.Methods: informal content analysis of documents, content analysis of the content of Internet resources, formal legal method, methods of comparative and multilevel analysis.Results and discussion: The conceptual foundations of the phenomenon of «patriotism» in the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus are investigated through the prism of the existing functionality of executive authorities. The equivalent position of the countries regarding the semantics of the concept of «patriotism» is revealed along with national trends aimed at supporting various initiatives focusing on issues of patriotic education. The correlation of autonomous state processes in line with patriotism with collegial decisions of Russia and Belarus at the union level on the issue under consideration is shown. The concept of «patriotism» is defined through the prism of the modification of the paradigm of political processes, including at the site of the USBR, taking into account external challenges and threats.Conclusion: The Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus are traditional partners, whose interaction initially had a pronounced axiological aspect. Modern realities in general, increasing external pressure encourage the mobilization of all resources to strengthen the anti-crisis potential and socio-political consolidation. The official discourse and practical events within the framework of the Union State demonstrate the actualization of a new paradigm and integration mechanisms for the formation and strengthening of the Union patriotic agenda and the policy of patriotic education. Interdepartmental communications are of particular importance here. In general, the area under study remains in the field of action of national and interstate mechanisms.

The article analyzes the development of the Russian Federation during the 33 years after independence. It was noted that during the first years, decisive measures were taken to dismantle the communist regime, all its key institutions, and introduce in its place a democratic and legal system, a market economy on a multi-system basis, the modernization of its leading industries, the development of the socio-economic sphere and the provision of the primary needs of citizens, solving international problems in the country itself. In foreign policy, the leadership of the Russian Federation sought to form equal, democratic and mutually beneficial relations, especially with such world centers as the EU and the Atlantic countries. The same principles were initiated in relation to other world regions and states, in particular, in relation to the post-Soviet countries that continued to cooperate within the framework of the CIS. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the departure of the Russian Federation from the democratic values developed by Western civilization began, since a number of provisions regarding the transformation of socio-political, socio-economic and national development, which were recommended for borrowing, ran counter to the interests of Russia and contradicted the national idea. In the activities of the new elite of the Russian Federation, their own geopolitical and geoeconomic interests, which were aimed at reviving the positions of the great powers in the world, ensuring the security and integrity of the multinational state, were increasingly strengthened. At the final stage of transformational transformations in the Russian Federation, the final establishment of a totalitarian model of the state system took place, the main features of which were: in domestic politics - over-centralism, dictatorship, militarism, revival and development of the Military Industry; on the international arena - revanchist and aggressive policy; it is increasingly obvious that the principles of peaceful coexistence, equal cooperation, and the strengthening of the dominance of its geopolitical interests are being ignored. It is emphasized that the establishment of a dictatorial model of the state system in post-Soviet Russia took place primarily because the tsarist-imperial centralist and great-state traditions most corresponded to the implementation of its tasks in domestic and foreign policy. It is proved that the dominance of internal rather than external factors was the reason for the inability of the Russian Federation to form a progressive political-legal, democratic and economic model of the development of the state and society, to build international relations, in particular with neighboring states, on a legal, competitive and mutually beneficial basis. It was noted that the growing aggressive policy of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine and other countries did not receive timely and appropriate countermeasures from world states and international organizations. Only the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian nation to the invaders forced the collective West to provide active assistance to Ukraine and to introduce effective sanctions against the Russian Federation. It is emphasized that the war of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the annexation of part of its territories, the barbaric destruction of the civilian population and industrial infrastructure are aimed at the liquidation of the Ukrainian state and the Ukrainian nation, the colonization of its territory. The ideology of ruscism must be condemned and banned at the international level and its bearers and those involved in the commission of crimes must be punished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article makes an x-ray of the current situation at the Black Sea, Romania's most vulnerable flank, and proposes possible solutions for Romania, together with Bulgaria and in collaboration with Moldova, Georgia or even Turkey, to become a strong anchor, but also a basis for projecting an external position of the EU in this hot zone, which even envisages an extended collaboration up to the Baltic Sea, on the entire Eastern flank of NATO and the EU!. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents trends in the epizootic situation on classical swine fever (CSF) in the Russian Federation, for 2007–2021. Most likely, a drop in the number of CSF outbreaks throughout the country results from two factors: a geographical shift of the disease outbreaks from the European part of Russia to the eastern regions bordering on China (into the wild boar population), as documented between 2015 and 2021, and a large-scale vaccination of domestic pigs practiced in the recent years. The introduction and spread of CSF in the Russian Federation are, most likely, associated with the internal risk factors (i.e. quality of anti-epizootic measures, mainly vaccination) and with the territories, where the virus circulates in wild boars. Expansion of vaccination coverage since 2011 is one of the factors contributing to a decrease in the number of clinical CSF cases registered in domestic pigs of the Russian Federation. The infection spread in domestic pigs is still on a downward trend. For purposes of analysis, current trends of CSF spread in domestic pigs and wild boars in the Russian Federation, as well as the volume of the vaccine used, were visualized in relative numbers (taking into account total number of pigs in the country) used to build a regression model. Currently, vaccination against classical swine fever in the Russian Federation (and its good quality) is an essential prerequisite to contain the infection spread in the country.

The implementation of the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement introduces a significant impact on enhancing trade flows between countries. Five years have passed since Russia ratified this Agreement. The goal of this study is to assess the implementation process of trade facilitation in the Russian Federation and to identify the main challenges and prospects in this area of the Russian foreign trade policy today. The paper firstly discusses various research approaches on the role of trade facilitation measures in the economic development of countries. The authors then conduct a qualitative analysis of the data on the implementation of measures in Russia and provide quantitative estimates for some categories of trade facilitation measures.The literature review demonstrates that trade facilitation leads to lower transaction and trade costs, but it is also associated with certain costs of changing the regulatory framework and infrastructure. In the implementation of the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement from the perspectives of many categories, Russia has today achieved impressive results in comparison with the world practice. However, firstly, the Russian Federation should pay attention not only to the mandatory measures of the Agreement, but also to those measures, which are advisory and are not included in the Agreement. Those measures substantially contribute to the trade under the modern conditions of trade cooperation and digitalization of economies. Secondly, the authors present recommendations for the development of trade facilitation measures, which today require a special approach and the implementation of which will significantly simplify export-import operations. Finally, Russia needs to conduct continuous comprehensive monitoring of all applied trade facilitation measures in order to achieve their greater effectiveness.

Central Asia is situated in the proxy vicinity of two large states: the Russian Federation and China, both looking for the undisputed status of a global actor. The mode the two states relate to Central Asia differs because of the way each projects its power. The Russian Federation has a multidomain cooperation with the Central Asian states, mainly focused on the security aspect, while China, on the other hand, is betting on the economic force through which it could influence Central Asian politics in its favor. USSR’s implosion and Kremlin’s revisionist and imperialist intentions of influence sphere reconfirmation corroborated with China’s accelerated economic development strengthens mainly competition, not cooperation, between the two actors who are also strategic partners. Turkey, through its foreign affairs’ pragmatic and opportunistic policies, supports the Turkish-speaking communities in Central Asia and aims for mentoring their policies. The USA, the EU, India and Iran are, foremost, interested in the energy resources of the region, because of economic reasons, as an alternative to the Russian gas or as a resource for their own development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1. Objective: The purpose of this paper is to present the main visual elements used by the Russian Federation propaganda in public space based on the narrative of the Great Patriotic War. At the same time, the paper analyzes the use of this narrative in Russian foreign policy. In this case, symbols such as the Ribbon of Saint George, military parades, but also monuments, parks and museums dedicated to the perpetuation of the narrative of the Great Patriotic War will be analyzed. The originality of the research idea lies in the fact that visual content analysis has been used as methodology on the contemporary visual propaganda of the Russian Federation on the Great Patriotic War. 2. Research method: The methodology of the paper addressed both qualitative research and quantitative research through visual content analysis and observation. 3. Results: The visual elements were classified and numbered according to the themes used: symbols, monuments, politcians, Vladimir Putin, historical photographs, military parades, events. Each element of these categories is analyzed and contextualized in terms of the goals and objectives of Russia's domestic and foreign policy. 4. Conclusion: Russian official propaganda presents the Soviet victory in World War II as the founding element of today's Russian identity. This victory, alive in popular memory, is used by Vladimir Putin's regime to justify its aggressive actions.

The authors of the article observe the evolution of the economic cooperation between the Sverdlovsk region in Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the research two major stages of the collaboration between two countries can be traced clearly: "the nomenklatura partnership" in the second half of the 20th century and "the market pragmatism" at the beginning of the 21st century. The aim of the paper is to investigate the ways of integration of the Sverdlovsk area as an old industrial region in the system of economic interaction with the People's Republic of China, and define the reasons and factors for the dominant position of PRC in the foreign trade and economy of the Sverdlovsk region and the Urals, in general. The novelty of the study is to identify the particularity of the economic relations between one of the regions of the Russian Federation and the PRC under different conditions of the planned and market economic models using the demonstration of the exact examples. The research problem is to identify the risks and the drivers of the intensification of economic relations between the Sverdlovsk region (including its capital city of Yekaterinburg) and the PRC. Current research is carried out on the basis of a concrete - historical approach to the study of the stages of economic interaction between the USSR and Russia with the PRC using systemic and logical methods of analysis of the problems considered in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are the human rights pertaining to the freedom of conscience/religion, health, and distinct culture intersect in the context of a global pandemic in the Muslim-minority areas? How do Russia's Muslims make sense of the challenges to those rights caused or exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic? In this paper, I focus on diverse Muslim Tatar communities, primarily of the Middle Volga region, who have recently witnessed numerous political and socioeconomic challenges infringing on their human rights. Attending on the period of the COVID-19 pandemic, in this paper I gauge the nature of human rights in the areas of health and religion by interrogating how the general Muslim publics and elites understand, justify, and explain those challenges in an environment of creeping authoritarianism. I call for a conceptual shift from the elite-driven traditional security perspectives to those of human rights as quotidian/everyday experiences while considering these vital issues. I use the Tatar-language Internet forums for the empirical analysis, offering and delineating the discursive repertoires and categorizing the areas of public concern in the new pandemic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, China-Russia relations have demonstrated a significant and consistent progress on a number of issues advancing to the strategic alliance. However, the existing explanations of such progress have rarely gone beyond simple recognition of the continuous deterioration of relations between these countries and the West, particularly the United States. However, such explanations seem insufficient since they do not reveal the key determinants of the Russian-Chinese alignment and cannot help assess the sustainability of this trend. In order to provide a comprehensive and methodologically consistent assessment of the main drivers of the China-Russia relations within the framework of the post-Cold War international system evolution, this paper draws on the latest findings in the theory of international alliances. To this end, the author harnesses the epistemological potential of the three main approaches to the root causes of interstate strategic alliances, namely the ‘balance of power’, the ‘balance of threat’ and the ‘balance of interests’. The paper examines the Russian-Chinese cooperation both within the framework of each of these three balances separately and in their interrelatedness and interdependence. The author shows that trend towards a closer strategic cooperation between China and Russia in the post-Cold War period stemmed from the inner dynamics of all of these balances. This strategic alignment is based on a complex of shared views on the United States as the main source of threats for national security and the commitment of both states to the idea of a multipolar world. The author concludes that not only will the trend towards strengthening Russian-Chinese cooperation continue, at least in the medium term, but it can receive a new impetus to evolve into a full-fledged alliance.

The article is devoted to trade and economic cooperation between Russia and the BRICS membercountries and trade cooperation within the BRICS Union. First, the authors study the peculiarities ofthe development of the BRICS member countries and the possibilities of their trade cooperation withinthe framework of this association. Trade and economic cooperation within the BRICS group is beingconsidered: structure of export and import supplies, dynamics of foreign trade turnover and features ofmutual trade. Authors consider the complementarity of the national economies of the BRICS countries,about the competitive directions of each of its countries in the provision of certain services. The focusis on the study of trade and economic cooperation between Russia and the BRICS member countriesin recent years. The article analyzes the export, import, and foreign trade turnover of Russia with each country of this organization. At the same time, all the calculations in the article are made independently based on statistical data. The authors identify the specifics of Russia’s trade cooperation within the BRICS grouping, draws relevant conclusions, and discusses the investment direction as a component of the growth of trade cooperation, the increase in foreign trade turnover, and GDP growth.

The article shows that during the two decades of the 21st century, a new reality of trade and economic relations between the Russian Federation and Latin America (Latin-Caribbean America – LCA) has been formed and filled with concrete content, which, it can be argued, has passed the test of complementarity, and in a number of cases reached the level of large-scale partnership. According to the author, these relations are not artificially done geoeconomic construction, but a consequence of both objective factors that bring Russia and the LCA closer together (including in approaches to achieving the sustainable development goals and restructuring of the existing system of world economic relations), and the efforts of state bodies, business circles, representatives of the expert community interested in the development of Russian-Latin American cooperation. Of course, over the past decades the dynamics of trade and economic relations between Russia and Latin America has not always been stable, at some point it was largely lost, there was some pullback and “surrender” of some significant positions. This happened in large part because in the conditions of increased turbulence in the international markets and rapid global changes, the parties sometimes lost a promising vision of the future of Russian-Latin American economic cooperation, did not find opportunely new areas of cooperation attractive to both sides. In fact, positive introductory approaches to strengthening relations on the principles of strategic partnership have been periodically tested, especially in times of renewed international instability that has eroded the established world order. But each time the parties mobilized existing internal reserves and offered extraordinary areas of interaction. An example of the most recent time is the Russian vaccine Sputnik V, which has crossed political boundaries on the map of Latin-Caribbean America, became the core of the so called “vaccine diplomacy” and opened a “second breath” in the relationship between Russia and the LСA in the key area of business cooperation.

Both disinformation and propaganda are basic means of manipulation in the Russian society, thus contributing to the electoral decision-making process, as well as to the consolidation of the „orchestrated democracy“.In the case of such regimes, both information dissemination technologies and social networks do not embody the citizens’ right to be informed correctly; they rather turn into the state’s right to lie. This paper analyzes the electoral process and the voter manipulation techniques used in the pre-electoral stage of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation that took place on March 18th, 2018, together with the main ways to campaign through which Vladimir Putin managed to win a landslide victory.

5q spinal muscular atrophy (5q SMA) is one of the most common autosomal recessive disorders in the Russian Federation. The first medication to treat 5q SMA was registered in the Russian Federation for treatment of all 5q SMA types in 2019, and the last of the three currently available in December 2021. We launched the pilot newborn screening (NBS) program for 5q SMA in Moscow, the Russian Federation, starting in 2019. During the pilot program, 23,405 neonates were tested for the deletion of exon 7 of the SMN1 gene, the most common cause of 5q SMA. We used the SALSA® MC002 SMA Newborn Screen Kit (MRC Holland) to specifically detect homozygous deletions of SMN1 exon 7. We used the restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) approach to validate detected homozygous deletions and the SALSA MLPA Probemix P060 SMA Carrier Kit (MRC Holland) to determine the SMN2 exon 7 copy number to prescribe gene therapy for 5q SMA. Three newborns with a homozygous deletion of the SMN1 gene were detected. The calculated birth prevalence of 1:7801 appears to be similar to the results in other European countries. The children did not show any signs of respiratory involvement or bulbar weakness immediately after birth. Until now, no 5q SMA case missed by NBS has been detected.

Under President Lukashenko, three Belarusian national security strategies have been announced: the first in 1995, the second in 2001 and the third in 2011. The first proposal, formulated after Lukashenko’ victory in the presidential elections in 1994, outlined Belarus as a neutral state, unbound to any military block in the absence of external enemies. The direction of the foreign policy pursued by the president of Belarus was reflected in the second strategy, where security against NATO and EU member states was sought in a federal state with the Russian Federation. Under the third national security scheme Belarus was to remain in Russia’s military security system. Nevertheless, an important security factor was considered to be the modernisation of the economy with foreign capital participation and the need to diversify the supplies of fuels, thus reducing the country’s dependence on its earlier partner. The subsequently issued documents: the military doctrine of the State, whose assumptions were published on 20 July 2016, and the Concept of security of the Belarusian state borders for the period 2018–2022, prioritised further development of relations with the Russian Federation and the member states of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation. A new element of the 2019 defence plan is the prevention of external aggression and internal disturbance that contribute to the destabilisation of the state.

The paper examines views of the President of Finland Martti Ahtisaari on the development of the Russian-Finnish relations in 1994–2000. This issue has been thoroughly studied by both Russian and Western scholars, both in terms of bilateral relations and within a broader framework of Finland’s foreign policy in a post-bipolar world. This paper, however, attempts to address the issue from the perspective of a cognitive approach. According to the author, this approach may not only provide insights on the models of thinking of M. Ahtisaari, who played a key role in the formation of Finland’s foreign policy in 1994–2000, but also to reassess the dominant views by placing them within a new theoretical framework. To this end, the paper provides a cognitive mapping of a sample of speeches and articles written by the President of Finland in 1994–2000. The author identifies the most significant and pronounced themes specific to M. Ahtisaari’s foreign policy discourse, and establishes causal links between them. On that basis the author creates a cognitive map which in turn makes it possible to detect the central causal line: a set of closely related themes and ideas which provided a general framework that defined president Ahtisaari’s views on policy towards Russia. The subsequent analysis of the cognitive map reveals a hierarchical system of the key objectives and determinants in the M. Ahtisaari foreign policy agenda setting. The cognitive mapping shows that during M. Ahtisaari’s presidency the main goal of Finland’s foreign policy towards the Russian Federation was to promote peace and security in Europe in general and in the Northern Europe and the Baltic Sea region in particular. In that regard special attention was paid to the Northern Dimension programme. It was considered as a primary means of the EU-Russia rapprochement aimed at enhancing political dialogue and increasing economic cooperation between them, as well as at promoting reforms in the post-Soviet Russia.

As it is known, this year, in August, the victims of the nuclear attacks carried out by the United States of America on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were commemorated in Japan and around the world. Since then and until today, the nuclear arsenals have increased spectacularly, reaching in 2019, (approximately) 13,865 nuclear weapons worldwide but with colossal destructive powers, in the order of megatons and gigatons. The most active promoters are, as in the past, the United States and the Russian Federation (the heir to the USSR’s nuclear arsenal). The leaders of the nuclear states do not seem to give the slightest sign to remove, or at least to diminish, the danger.

Throughout history, especially after the Cold-War period, the Russian Federation manifested itself as a global power, engaging in many aggressive forms of warfare, ranging from conventional, to hybrid and informational. An important requirement in order to fully comprehend the legal consequences of their actions is to understand and analyze the international legal aspects, especially the International Humanitarian Law. This paper supports this initiative by raising awareness of all society members regarding the modus operandi of aggressive states that violate the International Humanitarian Law and the solutions provided by international conventions, such as the Geneva Conventions, international norms and customs. Methodologically, the qualitative research was integrated through the use of document analysis and a case study: the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The paper also presents the key differences between international human rights and international humanitarian law, a distinction which is often times confused by society at large. The evolution of international legislation regarding human rights and international humanitarian law is another aspect investigated in the study. In the end, the most important factor for protecting the civilian population is their knowledge of international legislation, as the key to halt all armed conflicts lies often in the societies' initiative and their proactive actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International commerce can be determined by the political climate between the exporter and the importer. Arms transfers are a much complex process, where beyond economic factors, alliance ties, security perception and defence planning are also considered. Still, they might not be independent of political relations. This paper aims to capture the arms supplier-recipient relations between the Visegrád countries and Russia, the United States and Germany from 1999 to 2020. More specifically, how do the two factors affect each other: are good political relations necessary for arms deals? Or do arms deals facilitate a friendly political climate? Our conclusion is as follows. On the one hand, a cooperative political climate increases the probability of arms deals, but they are not a necessity, as mutual benefits and security perceptions can override the current political climate. On the other hand, however, arms transfers can deepen cooperation or alleviate the existing differences between the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International commerce can be determined by the political climate between the exporter and the importer. Arms transfers are a much complex process, where beyond economic factors, alliance ties, security perception and defence planning are also considered. Still, they might not be independent of political relations. This paper aims to capture the arms supplier-recipient relations between the Visegrád countries and Russia, the United States and Germany from 1999 to 2020. More specifically, how do the two factors affect each other: are good political relations necessary for arms deals? Or do arms deals facilitate a friendly political climate? Our conclusion is as follows. On the one hand, a cooperative political climate increases the probability of arms deals, but they are not a necessity, as mutual benefits and security perceptions can override the current political climate. On the other hand, however, arms transfers can deepen cooperation or alleviate the existing differences between the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to identify and compare the main threats to the security of NATO member states situated on its Eastern border, as they are found in the strategic documents of NATO's Eastern border member states and in document "NATO 2030: United for a New Era" at organisational level. The analysis is limited to the threats identified as such, not to the security risks or vulnerabilities. Thus, it is found that some of the former communist Eastern European countries, many of them part of NATO's Eastern border, have in common the reminiscent threat related to Russia's vicinity. However, NATO's Eastern countries also have specific perceptions of security threats. For some of these countries, a threat reassessment is needed in order to include the results in their national security strategies. The same update needs to be reflected in NATO's Strategic Concept, given the new challenges and the flare up of old ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military action against Ukraine on February 24, 2022, has substantially raised the level of tensions between the Russian Federation and the West, and changed the military dynamics in Eastern Europe. Naturally, the states in the region and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization have become much more concerned with identifying effective solutions to strengthen deterrence and defence. In this context, the aim of this article is to analyse whether the logic of deterrence has changed in the case of conventional allied presence on the Eastern flank (Enhanced Forward Presence/eFP and Tailored Forward Presence/tFP). From an official perspective, NA TO's two initiatives fall under the umbrella of deterrence and defence. However, on the one hand, there are researchers/experts who assume that eFP and tFP are manifestations of deterrence by punishment, and on the other hand we can identify another side that supports a logic of deterrence by denial. By applying elements of deterrence theory to the analysis of recent developments on the Eastern flank - the deployment of four additional battle groups in Slovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Romania; the increase in the number of troops in the existing battle groups - one can see that a deterrence by punishment approach is maintained (the threat of a global-alliance response in the event of an attack). Although there have been significant developments in NA TO's conventional military presence on the eastern flank, the requirements of a strategy by denial are still not being met. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes specifics of instrumental and perceptional dimensions of the soft power of Russia. The analysis of these dimensions is particularly relevant in terms of studying the likelihood of the fact that Russia may continue applying the soft power strategy of long-term external influence. The main tools of the instrumental foundation of Russia's soft power have been analyzed. Russia's position in the rankings of well-known international rating agencies have been compared. The comprehensive studies are considered to be promising, combining detailed analysis of the soft power tools in the domestic and foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation and the way it is perceived by different target audiences. It is concluded that foreign countries and societies perception of the soft tools application (mostly perceived as propaganda) may affect Russia's low position in international soft power and branding rankings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 30 years, NATO-Russia relations have come a long way. The present paper provides a retrospective analysis of the NATO-Russia relations that may shed new light on their current state and prospects for development. The author shows that after the collapse of the bipolar world, and the Russian Federation’s emergence on the international scene as a sovereign state, Moscow did not exclude the possibility of establishing partnership and even allied relations with the North Atlantic Alliance. In fact, during the 1990s2000s, Russia and the Alliance cooperated successfully in such areas as the fight against piracy and international terrorism, rescue at sea, etc. However, hopes for a full-fledged partnership between Moscow and Brussels did not materialize as a result of the Alliance’s advance to the East, to the Russian border. NATO’s eastward enlargement — combined with the firm position of the official Washington and Brussels on the unacceptability of Russia’s membership in the Alliance — meant a complete exclusion of Russia from the decision-making process on the European security. At the same time, for a variety of reasons, in the post-bipolar world the military-political dependence of the Western European subregion on Washington did not decrease, as many hoped, but, on the contrary, has increased, thus excluding for Moscow the very possibility to play on the contradictions between the United States and its European allies. Accession to the Alliance of the Eastern and Southern European ‘recruits’ (many of which shared strong anti-Russian sentiments) further limited the Russia’s possibilities for such maneuvering. The Alliance thus became an instrument of the US global domination — a domination which Moscow rejects categorically. The author concludes that in these circumstances, it will not be easy to overcome the military-political contradictions between Russia and NATO.

The paper examines a complex web of domestic and external issues which have both provoked a systemic crisis in Venezuela and, at the same time, determined its specificity in comparison with the wave of protests sweeping across Latin America in 2019.The authors conclude that the escalation of the conflict in Venezuela was caused not only by the standoff between the legislative and the executive branches of the government, but also by the split of the whole society into proponents and opponents of ‘socialism of the 21st century’. The contradictions have led to the formation of the parallel branches of power: two presidents, two parliaments and two supreme courts (one of them in exile) which de facto coexist in the country and each claims exclusive rights and legitimacy.The authors also stress that the situation in Venezuela has obvious regional consequences. The miscalculations of the incumbent president were used in election campaigns in other Latin American countries and became one of the reasons for the defeat of left candidates, the subsequent ‘right drift’ leading to the isolation of the republic. The new political landscape has also affected the architecture of integration associations, which failed to develop a unified position toward the Bolivarian regime.Furthermore, in a current heightened state of international tensions Venezuela has turned into a theatre of international rivalry and conflict involving all the key subjects of world politics. The United States, China, Russia and the European Union compete for the energy resources of the country and pursue their own strategic interests. The inability or unwillingness of external forces to reach compromise and to bring the parties to the negotiating table can pose a threat to peace and international security.As a result, Venezuela has become one of the most turbulent countries in the region. At the same time, the repeated outbursts of protest waves are significantly different from popular uprisings in other Latin American states. In the worst-case scenario, a constantly worsening situation may result in a social explosion which threatens to make the Bolivarian Republic another hot spot of the planet.

The article presents the results of applying the elements of the object security research methodology in the study of one of the threats hanging over society — pandemic COVID‑19. In this particular object, the author of the article tried to show the general, inherent in the collective concept of “a national security threat”. Knowledge of a common for all threats (the general) characteristics and particular one to each of them allows us to organise the protection of the object better, prepare to stop the threat and eliminate the consequences of its emergence. Based on the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation official data, the author shows a deterioration of the state of public health and science in modern Russia. The article also presents a mathematical model, used by the author to calculate the results of two ways to slow the spread of coronavirus infection. The first way is the isolation of citizens, second — the use of personal protective equipment. In particular, the conducted research confirmed two well-known theoretical statements. First, in studying the process of emergence of threats and in estimating the damage caused by them, it is advisable to rely on the results of model calculations. Second, when choosing counteraction measures, it is reasonable to search for the best combination of them.

The paper elaborates on the specific legal environment of the Russian Federation in relation to international commercial arbitration. In particular, the author points out the issue of interim measures. Russia is a country of interest to the Czech businessmen; therefore, various disputes might, naturally, occur. These potential disputes are usually attached to the state courts. Given the current legal conditions of the state, the interaction between the arbitral proceedings and the court proceedings can rarely be eliminated. The sole case of a true independent course of arbitration might be witnessed in the case of voluntary compliance with the arbitral award when other requirements are also met. In the author’s view, it is always beneficial to have an awareness of the state’s procedural environment of the venue of the arbitration and of the venue of a potential enforcement of the award. The paper follows such idea and summarizes the present knowledge about the respective issues. The paper also refers about other current problems in Russia and in the region of the Commonwealth of Independent States.

The paper proves that consideration of environmental crises in the United States of America (the Flint Michigan Case), Russia or any other country, involving poisoning the residents with contaminated drinking water, is not permissible in isolation from many other social, economic, political and other factors. As it was shown on the examples of the city of Flint (United States of America) and the cities of Krasnokamsk and Nytva (Russia), the problem of poor quality drinking water, entailing poisoning of children and adults, had the main cause in poverty and economic depression in the corresponding region (municipality). The paper proposes a number of legal and social measures to mitigate the consequences of such tragedies and to create conditions for their prevention.

A pioneer in the field of Public Relations, Edward L. Bernays, emphasized the use of words as weapons in his work entitled „Propaganda” in 1928. In „Public Relations”, he considered the word and image to be the representation of tools for building peace or war. Therefore, in 2013, the chief of the Russian General Staff, Valery Gerasimov stated that „the non-military means have proved to be used four times more frequently in modern conflicts than in conventional conflicts.” The Russian Federation is led following Lenin’s idea: “If Russia cannot control a country, then the respective country must be at least destabilized.”

The article will discuss the course of Germany's foreign policy after reunification and its central role within the EU from the perspective of foreign policy, security and defense initiatives, its participation in crisis and conflict management at EU borders, as well as strategic and economic partnerships. it has with France, the USA and the Russian Federation. We will also highlight the new informal management practices preferred by Germany in the event of resolving crises in which political and diplomatic negotiations took place through "horizontal and informal interactions" between a limited number of EU Member States within mini lateral mechanisms.

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

By stepping up linkages with post-Soviet states and by creating a various and sophisticated scope of soft power instruments, the Russian federation has striven to maintain its strong influence and simultaneously sought to block Western impact in the Post-soviet region. The principal goal of this study is to explore how the Russian political establishment and the influential Russian Orthodox Church are working together to generate Orthodox Christian linkages in the post-Soviet state of the Republic of Moldova and how they are using Orthodox aspects related to “Orthodox identity” and “Orthodox brotherhood” with a view of obtaining support and admiration of the population of this country. The Russian Orthodox Church as an institution is increasingly becoming an effective tool of the Russian concept of soft power, which is taking on growing dimensions and dangerous forms in the hands of the current Russian political leaders. A success or failure of this kind of Russian soft power is subsequently evaluated in the conclusion.

The paper is devoted to the consideration of one of the varieties of inter-sectoral contracts concluded in the sphere of interaction between society and nature. As conclusion, it is argued that this type of contractual relationship is regulated by the norms of the civil law and the environmental law, which is studied on the example of the specifics of four types of contracts for the provision of services (contracts of environmental insurance, contracts of environmental audit, contracts of environmental tourism as well as contracts for the treatment of solid municipal waste).

The article is devoted to the analysis of one of the main causes of the Russian-Belarusian crisis of 2018-2019 -the Pro-Western vector of the Belarusian foreign policy. Since the establishment of the Union state of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation (1999), Minsk’s policy towards the European Union and the United States has always been of a special non-bloc nature. Minsk traditionally links its foreign policy with the task of preserving the sovereignty and independence of Belarus. At the same time, the Belarusian leadership has always stressed its status as Russias “only ally”. However, gradually the foreign policy of Minsk began to acquire a Pro-Western character, which began to have a negative impact on the Russian-Belarusian integration. Over time, Minsk for a number of reasons began to shy away from supporting its ally in the foreign arena, the foreign policy of Belarus has acquired the character of balancing between Russia and the West. The policy of balancing allowed Minsk to ignore the lack of political and economic balance of interests within the framework of Russian-Belarusian integration for more than twenty years. For many years, Minsk has used the Western vector of its foreign policy to stimulate Russian economic support for the Belarusian economy. In 20142018, amid the escalation of the confrontation between the West and Russia, the policy of balancing Minsk began to gradually reformat into a slow geopolitical turn of the Republic to the West. Currently, the Belarusian leadership uses the Western vector of its foreign policy to mask the gradual change of the geopolitical vector on the one hand, and to maintain access to Russian financial and energy resources on the other hand. By 2018, both formed opposite trends against the backdrop of the aggravation of the Ukrainian crisis resonated, which led to a crisis in relations between Russia and Belarus and jeopardized the preservation of the Union state.

The author considers that the topic of this article is of public interest in Romania, especially after the regional and global politico-military evolutions originating in the aggressive actions and the bellicose statements of the officials from the Russian Federation. I believe that the justified concerns are not only in Romania, but also in all the countries situated in the area Russians refer to as their “close vicinity”, a vicinity that no one knows where it ends - Berlin or the Atlantic! Many Romanian and foreign political and military analysts have noticed a suspicious political passivity from the great European countries (Germany, France, Italy) over the recent demonstrations of the Putin regime. These countries have some common motivations, but also some specific ones in protecting and even in encouraging Russian actions, their main reason being the energy dependence on Russia, but also the vast field of mutual business of all kinds.

Abstract Background Oral problems, known as a neglected epidemic, have become prevalent in Brazil, the Russian Federation, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) countries in last decade. The objective of the study is to examine the prevalence and associated risk indicators of oral problems in adults in the Russian Federation, India, and China in BRICS countries. Methods We used data from the first round of the Study of Global AGEing and Adult Health (SAGE), conducted by WHO in 2007–10 in selected BRICS countries. Oral problems are defined as if an adult had any mouth and/or teeth related problems including swallowing problems in last 1 year of the survey. We estimated the mean age of adults who had oral problems and used a t-test for comparing it by sex of adults. We determined the prevalence of oral problems in adults. We designed a hierarchical conceptual model to identify associated risk indicators with oral problems. Finally, we applied a multivariable binary logistic regression model based on a conceptual model to examine associated socioeconomic and demographic, behavioral and nutritional risk indicators and systemic diseases – diabetes, hypertension, and angina pectoris/angina with oral problems in adults. Results The mean age of adults who had oral problems is lowest in India (57 years; SD: 15) and highest in China (65 years; SD: 11). However, it does not vary by sex of adults except India. The prevalence of oral problems is highest in the Russian Federation (35%) and lowest in China (9%). Adults with body mass index (BMI) less than 25 kg/m2, age 45 years or more, diabetes, hypertension, and angina pectoris/angina have a higher risk of oral problems. Females and adults using alcohol are also more likely to have oral problems in selected countries. Conclusions The study concludes that females, adults using alcohol and those having any systemic disease are at higher risk of oral problems in the Russian Federation, India, and China. A one-third of adults had oral problems in particularly, in the Russian Federation; thus there is an urgent need to formulate oral policy and program, which the country currently lacks in.

The aim of this paper was to present some results of the study of the impact of the sanctions, imposed on the Russian Federation in 2014 and consistently expanded and deepened, not on Russia, but on those who use these sanctions — the countries that imposed the sanctions (the sanctioners). External trade, that is one of the objects of the sanctions, was chosen as the subject of the study. The author’s task was to estimate the role of the Russian Federation in the external trade of the countries, which use the sanctions against Russia, before and after the sanctions, and to evaluate the harm caused to these countries by their sanctions and by Russia’s counter-sanctions. To solve these problems, the author proposed a mathematical tool for the damage quantitative assessment. The World Trade Organization statistics for 2012–2017 formed a database for the study, and economic-mathematical and statistical methods were taken as research instruments. One may summarize the results of the study as follows. First, Russia plays an insignificant role in foreign trade of most countries that imposed sanctions against the Russian Federation. However, the damage from the sanctions and counter-sanctions for some of them turns out to be quite significant. Second, the negative impact of the sanctions on their initiators in the sphere of external trade is the stronger, the more important for the sanctioning country its trade relations with the Russian Federation are. Third, the burden of the sanctions was less heavy for their main initiator — the united States of America, than for their less economically strong partners that imposed the sanctions. The author’s main conclusion is that eventually the economic interests of some of these countries win up over the political goals that go against these interests, and the volume of the foreign trade, that dropped down after the sanctions were imposed on Russia, tends to recover. Russia, shifting from the overseas markets to the domestic one and changing the geographical structure of its international trade, does continue to develop. To present the results of the study to the Russian readers, the version of the article in Russian is submitted to the journal “The World of New Economy”. Its title is “Anti-Russian Sanctions: Damage to the Countries that Declared them”. The version gives the results of the analysis of the impact of sanctions on technology trade and the content of the study of foreign trade in goods, detailed in this paper.

The author considers the elements of the constitutional legal status of the deputy of the representative body of local self-government. The article analyzes the scientific and research literature on this issue. The relevance of the proposed topic is determined by the lack of scientific studies investigating this problem since 2008. During this time, the legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation has undergone significant changes. Using the comparative legal method, the author explores the elements of constitutional legal status (age, citizenship, education, term of office, responsibility, forms of activity, etc.) of deputies of representative local governments on the example of the deputy body of the Omsk City Council and Maslikhat of Astana. The ways of further improvement of the legal regulation of the constitutional and legal status of deputies of representative bodies of local self-government of the Republic of Kazakhstan are proposed.

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nowadays educational migration is still one of the most relevant topics for Russian and foreign scientists and understudied topic at the same time. Despite the many published sources including quantitative and qualitative aspects of the process, the set of topics under consideration is quite limited (adaptation of foreign students, brain drain, demographical characteristics of migrants, etc.). The article using scientific principles of systematicity and general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, comparison, classification, etc.) considers the dynamics of the changes in the amount of foreign students from the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States to the Russian Federation (including which countries they are from), correlation of the process with forming-up Common Education Space in Russia and CIS. The study conducted led to the conclusion that the actions by government agencies of the Russian Federation, higher education institutions and scientific organizations allowed stopping the negative process of foreign students drain, which took place in 1990-s, promoting and increasing the educational migrant influx from the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States from 2000 to 2007. Among the leaders in the number of students studying at Russian universities, in early 1990-s there were Kazakhstan, Ukraine and Belorussia and in 2017 there were Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]