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Stemming from the theory of paradiplomacy, the study investigates the topic of external contacts of quasi-states of the Hanseatic League as a special type of cultural and diplomatic activity. The relevance of this study is associated with the need for a more comprehensive description of the behavioral dynamics of such structures both today and in retrospect. The study attempts to identify the roots of the modern cultural phenomenon of paradiplomacy. To reach this goal it was necessary, firstly, to systematize modern theoretical approaches to paradiplomacy; secondly, to apply a theoretical framework to studying paradiplomacy on the example of the Hanseatic League; and thirdly, to find the correspondences and inconsistencies between this framework and the economic, political and legal practices of the Hanseatic League. The research materials are both theoretical works on paradiplomacy and historical documents concerning the activities of the Hanseatic League. It has been revealed that even though paradiplomacy is traditionally dated back to the globalization of the 1970s, some elements of paradiplomacy can be observed as early as in the Middle Ages. As a result of the study, it has been shown that external contacts of quasi-state formations of the Hanseatic League may be considered as prototypical paradiplomacy: the cities of the Hanseatic League were guided by the common Lübeck Law, which regulated, in particular, the external relations of the Hansa members and outlined the framework of proto-diplomatic cooperation; common economic interests pushed the Hanseatic cities to cooperate with the urban entities of Norway, England and Rus'. Based on the theory of the Canadian political scientist A. Lecourt, the authors conclude that all three levels of paradiplomatic activity were present in the Hansa. To substantiate the conclusion, it was proved that the first (economic) level is represented by actual economic interaction that underlay the existence of the Hanseatic League, as shown by the example of the connections between German cities and Novgorod. The second (cultural) level of paradiplomacy with cultural interaction as a strategy to increase the influence of city-states is represented by the so-called Hanseatic fairs. The third (political) level includes the provision by Lübeck of a fleet for the transport of the army of the Teutonic Order, land and sea military campaigns and the conclusion of the Stralsund Peace Treaty. The authors analyze the Hanseatic League office system in the context of the antennas theory of paradiplomatic interaction by J. Ciesielska-Kilkowska and T. Kamiński. At the same time, it demonstrates the limitations of the theoretical approaches used in relation to medieval city-states.

In 1579, four years after the visit of the Augustinian missionaries Martín de Rada and Jerónimo Marín to Fujian, a new group of Spanish friars reached China from the Philippines. The mission of Pedro de Alfaro, O.F.M., has generally been dismissed as a useless attempt to break the spiritual monopoly of the Society of Jesus in East Asia, which was perceived as an attempt to put at risk the careful labor of the first generation of Jesuit "giants." However, as this study shows, the arrival of the Franciscans in Guangzhou cannot be simply regarded as a reckless behavior to "smuggle" the Gospel in China by means of some local Cantonese convert. Alfaro and his brethren pursued a specific goal, which was related to the recent achievements of Spanish diplomacy. Rather than Guangdong, they tried to reach the coast of Fujian (Chincheo), to carry on the mission of the Augustinians, who had visited Fuzhou in 1575. With the indirect support of some local encomenderos , the Franciscans intended to take advantage of the words of "friendship" expressed by Governor Liu Yaohui and other Mandarins to Rada and his fellows. Through a comparative analysis of European and Chinese coeval sources, notably some unpublished letters and reports, this article offers a reinterpretation of the aims and results of the Alfaro mission, shedding new light on a well-known but not yet fully explored page of the history of the early Christian presence in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo es producto de una revisión bibliográfica, cuyo objetivo consistió en analizar los diferentes enfoques internacionales que explican la diplomacia comercial actual entre China y Estados Unidos desde las relaciones internacionales. Se aplicó el método de análisis, con un enfoque cualitativo, diseño no experimental, bajo un nivel documental-bibliográfico transversal. Tras la revisión documental se enlistan los elementos que le han permitido a China hacer frente a las restricciones arancelarias impuestas por el gobierno de Estados Unidos. Se concluye que la política proteccionista en la estrategia de gobierno de los Estados Unidos tiene un trasfondo geopolítico a favor de fuerzas “nacionalistas” y “americanistas” por recuperar el poder angloamericano.

In 2010, Indonesia officially filled a complaint to the World Trade Organization (WTO) over a dispute regarding the US import ban on clove cigarettes. Despite the fierce exchange of arguments in the WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB), in 2014, Indonesia and the US agreed to cease the formal pursuit and resolve trade disputes through signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) encompassing a more comprehensive trade partnership. This paper examines the reasons behind Indonesia's preference for settling the clove cigarette dispute by signing the MoU with the US, stemming from the Indonesian Government's perception of the shared benefits generated and WTO DSB's institutional weaknesses. The MoU also allows the Indonesian Government to advance its foreign policy agenda and its trade diplomacy objectives, offering broader sets of advantages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has drawn massive benefits via expanded trade since it acceded to the WTO in 2001. We might therefore reasonably expect it to have taken a more assertive lead in trying to rectify the travails in which the organisation finds itself mired, attendant with its rising power status, its active trade diplomacy elsewhere, the high levels of relative gains it has enjoyed since becoming a member, and its broader trade dependency. That China has not done so represents a puzzle, which is usually answered with reference to the international picture: i.e. that global trade has appeared to be holding up reasonably well throughout and beyond the global crisis, and, despite some inchoate protectionism, there generally exists a broad commitment to an open trading regime. Yet this only tells part of the story: China's approach cannot simply be 'read off' from the structural context and there are, in fact, a series of interesting domestic explanations for why China has remained a 'reluctant leader' of the WTO too. On the basis of a series of interviews with Chinese experts, we offer a more complete account of these processes that better recognises patterns of agency, and how China navigates a contingent international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Scholarly literature has recently developed the notions of Anthropocene geopolitics and planetary security. How these relate to and whether they inform states' foreign policy, however, remains a largely underdeveloped issue. This article goes some way toward addressing this gap both theoretically and empirically. Theoretically, it unpacks how traditional and Anthropocene geopolitics diverge in their approach toward the security repercussions of climate change and teases out the emanating foreign policy implications. These revolve around different levels of climate ambition, divergent approaches to fossil energy geopolitics, and differing weighting of planetary security versus mainstream geopolitical threats. Against this theoretical background, this article empirically zooms in on the EU case to explore which geopolitical mindset guides EU's pursuit of climate change concerns and their incorporation in the EU foreign policy design. The analysis finds that, despite its comprehensive foreign climate policy initiatives, the EU remains fixed to a traditional geopolitical mindset and a foreign policy that underappreciates planetary security threats. This article subsequently operationalizes a foreign policy design informed by the Anthropocene geopolitics approach and sketches what it would entail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile often portrays itself as Latin America's bridge to Asia, where the ASEAN countries have been singled out as its new priority. Yet, it is not difficult to see that Chile, a small and peripheral state, does not actually serve as a gateway between Latin America and Southeast Asia. This article argues that Chile has lacked consistency in its approach toward Southeast Asia as well as focus of purpose to become a bridge‐builder due to the structural constraints faced by a small state. Based on an analytical framework of small states' foreign policies, I revisit Chile's relations with Southeast Asia, pointing to factors driving and limiting deeper engagement with the distant region. The analysis shows that a risk‐adverse, low‐profile approach of tactical maneuvering has served Chile's objectives even though it is insufficient to bridge the Pacific Ocean. The article concludes with a reflection on this trans‐Pacific relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the topic is to elucidate the role of trade diplomacy in efficiency of realization the foreign policy of the state. Special importance this issue has taken in light of the prospects of economic development of the Republic of Belarus in the modern international economy. Object of research – trade diplomacy in modern international economy. The research purpose – identification of theoretical bases of use of trade diplomacy in international economic relations as a form of effective implementation of foreign trade policy and the advantages in the international market, to search for mutually acceptable solutions, expand and deepen international cooperation. Methodological basis of research - system approach, methods of the analysis and synthesis, the subject and object, quantitative and qualitative, historical and logical analysis. Results of research – basis of identification of tendencies of development of international economy, the possibilities and prospects of use of trade diplomacy as a form of foreign policy at the bilateral, regional and multilateral basis, to promote the development of the national economy and ensure the foreign trade interests in the framework of the general foreign policy of the state in order to improve international competitiveness. Scope of results: development of strategic tools for the effective implementation of foreign trade policy and the advantages in the international market that can be achieved by means of trade diplomacy. Conclusion: 1. It is obvious that trade diplomacy is at the intersection of foreign policy, foreign policy and foreign economic activities of the state and is a form of realization of foreign policy of the state, providing favorable conditions for national actors by forming a rational trade regimes in relations with trading blocks, individual states and corporations. 2. Currently, trade diplomacy, given the processes of internationalization and interdependence in the global economic system, can realize the effect in two dimensions of globalization and regional integration in three forms – bilateral, regional and multilateral solving assistance, assistance, protection and lobbying of the national foreign trade interests is complex and systemic nature, working closely with government agencies, organizations, economic and trade structures. 3. Liberalization of national economies and their interaction through trade and international investment, a growing number of actors in the international economy – transnational corporations, banks, investment and integration groups, large and increasing dependence of the economies of independent states from the international markets of goods and services, investment, technology, forcing them to adjust their foreign trade policy. Foreign trade policy has at its disposal in addition to non-tariff barriers, competition rules, monetary parity, tax harmonization, convergence of economic systems, new tools, practical activities and methods of active influence, such as information and communication technology, marketing, advertising, negotiation skills etc. All of the above is the basis for the trade diplomacy of a strategic nature that allows us to develop conceptually and well-supported export program and increases the level of coordination between the institutions involved in the implementation of export-import operations.

Why has Brazil traditionally adopted a defensive position in multilateral negotiations on trade in services? Three explanatory factors are typically used for understanding the domestic determinants of economic diplomacy: interests, institutions, and ideas. In this study, I assess the role of these variables in determining the Brazilian stance in the negotiations on trade in services in the Uruguay Round. I use archival evidence and interviews in a case study designed to recover the country's negotiating position throughout the round of negotiations, identify the preferences of relevant government and private actors, and reveal the mechanisms and loci of government-business interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces both a conceptual and an analytical framework of economic diplomacy so as to contribute to sounder understanding of economic diplomacy's activities, tools and goals. While the state is not regarded as the only player, or as a coherent entity, it is assumed that the state is the primary actor in economic diplomacy. The conceptual framework discerns five strands of economic diplomacy, which involve tools and purposes that are relatively more commercial/economic or political in character and are thereby closer to the 'business end' or 'power-play end' of economic diplomacy. The analytical framework identifies four essential dimensions of economic diplomacy within which historically contingent change may occur: the context; tools; theatres; and processes. Interaction between these dimensions takes place in multiple ways. Building on the insights provided by these frameworks, the article analyses the foci, assumptions and methodologies of the research fields that are concerned with economic diplomacy, and discusses the strategic and ideological considerations that underpin it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Least-developed countries (LDCs) have been included in the multilateral trade regime since the days of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), with the majority joining during the 1960s and 1970s following their independence. The Doha Round of negotiations of the World Trade Organization (WTO) has focused significant attention on the role and impact of LDCs that are currently WTO members as well as the process of accession for those remaining outside the organization. This article examines the accession experiences of LDCs joining both the GATT and the WTO with regard to international development norms, and demonstrates that the manner in which the majority of LDCs acceded to the multilateral trade regime has enabled them to have a greater impact on the multilateral trade organization than would otherwise have been possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether or not bilateralism and regionalism have threatened multilateralism has been debated in the literature. In recent years, the United States has argued that the increasing numbers of regional and bilateral trading arrangements made under the Bush administration are 'complementary' to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Accordingly, the case of Taiwan's bilateral trade negotiations with the United States and its accession to the WTO provide a useful case study for examining the relations between bilateralism and multilateralism. This article not only aims to study the role of bilateralism and multilateralism in Taiwan's liberalization process, it also seeks to compare the two types of trade diplomacy in terms of power relations, decision-making and negotiation, and the influence of negotiation on economic liberalization. The article is divided into three sections: the first section focuses on US–Taiwan bilateral trade negotiations during the 1970s and 1980s; the second section mainly discusses the process of Taiwan's WTO accession; and the final section examines Taiwan's bilateral and multilateral trade diplomacy after its accession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]