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This article examines the shift in international security from traditional threat-centric models to risk-based approaches, focusing on the role of emerging technologies in shaping perceptions and responses. While offering significant benefits, emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and quantum computing have also created new vulnerabilities, particularly when weaponized. Traditional state-centric security frameworks are inadequate in addressing these risks, especially as non-state actors gain access to these powerful technologies. The article categorizes global risks into catastrophic and existential types, exploring how their management demands a shift in risk analysis methods and proactive strategies. It advocates for a multi-stakeholder approach and global cooperation to enhance resilience, with a particular focus on NATO’s adaptive strategies for combatting cyber, cognitive, and hybrid threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genomics research is regularly appropriated in social and political contexts to publicly legitimize unjust and malicious political views, policies, and actions. In recent years, there have been high‐profile cases of mass shooters, public intellectuals, and political insiders using genomics findings to convince audiences that deadly force and coercive policies against racial minorities are warranted. To create a just genomics, geneticists must consider what makes their research so attractive and adaptable for the legitimization of unjust ends and what they can do to counter such appropriations. We offer insights and recommendations drawing from our research into the many ways online white nationalist and far‐right political movements mobilize genetics research to promote their racist, sexist, antisemitic, and homophobic views. First, geneticists should identify and change routine research practices that feed eugenic thinking. Second, geneticists should adopt creative extra‐scholarly communication efforts to counter the use of their field's research that occurs in nonscholarly spaces. Third, we identify permissive epistemological and professional practices within the genetics field that have enabled such unjust appropriations to thrive, and we recommend strategies for institutional reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spacefaring has emerged as a critical element of global security and strategic intelligence, playing a significant role in all aspects of national power: diplomacy, information, military, and economics (DIME). China's 2007 anti-satellite (ASAT) test ushered in a new era in spacefaring. China conducted a devastating direct ascent ASAT test that destroyed a weather satellite, resulting in over 3000 pieces of space debris. The unexpected nature of this test caught the international spacefaring community off guard, and gave rise to immediate concerns among spacefaring powers, prompting questions about China's intention. This was a stark reminder of the multifaceted dimensions of power associated with space exploration, encompassing all the DIME soft and hard power components. These were crucial in motivating China's decision to conduct the test and shaping the responses of other spacefaring nations. The United States and China have been competitors in space for decades. However, China's recent advancements in space and acts of aggression like the ASAT test have raised concerns with the space-faring community. The ASAT test and other potentially disruptive activities also present a thorny warning intelligence problem, as many of these activities span national power elements. Using the theoretical framework of realism, this paper assesses the significance of China's ASAT test through the lens of DIME components to shed light on its implications on global security and propose a set of intelligence recommendations intended to prevent strategic surprises in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media platforms have become the outlets of choice for many provocateurs in the digital-age. Not only do they afford egregious behaviours from their human users, this misbehaviour can serve to magnify, and even weaponize, the least desirable outputs of the generative AI systems (often called “bots”) that also operate upon them. In this paper we consider the responsibilities that AI system builders bear for the offences caused by their online creations, and explore what can they do to prevent, or mitigate, the worst excesses, whether explicit or implicit. As the term implies, explicit offence is overt and relatively easy to detect and root out, either in the final edit (in what we call “outer regulation”) or from the generative space itself (in what we call “inner regulation”). Conversely, implicit offence is subtle, mischievous and emergent, and is often crafted to bypass a censor’s built-in guardrails and filters. In line with recent developments in the technology of Large Language Models (LLMs), we argue that generative systems must approach the mitigation of offence as a dialogue, both with their own internal monitors and with their users. Here we will explore, in worked examples from simple generators, whether LLMs are sufficient to provide AI systems with the moral imagination they need to understand the implicit offences that emerge from the superficially innocent uses of words.

Phenomenon: Professionalism as a construct is weaponized to police and punish those who do not fit the norm of what a medical professional should look like or behave, more so when medical professionals in training engage in protests for social justice. In addition, professionalism silences trainees, forcing them not to question anything that looks or feels wrong in their eyes. Socialization in medicine, in both the undergraduate and postgraduate training spaces, poses challenges for contemporary medical professionals who are expected to fit the shape of the 'right kind of doctor.' Intersectionality seems to impact how medical trainees experience professionalism, be it intersections of gender, race, how they dress or adorn themselves, how they carry themselves and who they identify as. Although there is literature on the challenges pertaining to professionalism, not much has been written about the weaponization of professionalism in medical training, particularly in the South African context. There is also a paucity of data on experiences of professionalism during or after social upheaval. Approach: This is part of a study that explored the experiences of professionalism of five medical trainees during protests and after protests, extending into their postgraduate training. The main study had 13 participants, eight students and five graduates, who were all interviewed in 2020, five years after the #FeesMustFall protests. For the five postgraduate participants, we looked at how gender, race, hairstyles, adornment, and protests played out in the experiences of professionalism as medical trainees at a South African university. We employed a qualitative phenomenological approach. An intersectional analytical lens was used in analyzing the transcripts of the five graduate participants. Each transcript was translated as the story of that participant. These stories were compared, looking for commonalities and differences in terms of their experiences. Findings: The participants, four males (three Black and one white) and one Black female, were victimized or judged based on their activism for social justice, gender, and race. They were made to feel that having African hairstyles or piercings was not professional. Insights: Society and the medical profession has a narrow view of what a doctor should look like and behave – it should not be someone who wears their hair in locks, has body piercing, or is an activist, least of all if she is a woman, as professionalism is used as a weapon against all these characteristics. Inclusivity should be the norm in medical education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rather than seeking to recuperate the ideal of a digital public sphere or lament its demise with the rise of social media platforms, in this paper I seek to identify the dangers of precisely this insistence to imagine the Internet as a public sphere. It is this curious insistence and persistence that, I claim, may feed into precisely those post-truth media dynamics such critical accounts worry about and rally against. The success of viral conspiracy narratives like Pizzagate and QAnon, as well as other forms of mis- and disinformation, hinges not (only) on the absence or distortion of a healthy democratic public sphere, as is typically assumed, but (also) on its persistence as an imaginary in an environment that obeys an altogether different set of logics, namely that of ‘communicative capitalism’ and ‘information warfare.’ Whereas the former has drawn most critical attention in connection to current post-truth dynamics (e.g., the effects of targeted advertising and the role of algorithms in creating polarizing echo chambers and filter bubbles), I will instead focus on the latter. The unique problem and ‘cunning’ of what I refer to as ‘post-truth conspiracism’ is that it draws on idea(l)s of digital publicness to establish its own epistemic legitimacy, as well as derive its unique powers of persuasion, while also mobilizing the full tactical arsenal of information warfare in a global attention economy. The resulting weaponization of digital public sphere imaginaries complicates attempts to recuperate the idea(l) of a digital public sphere as a solution to a ‘polluted’ information environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The weaponization of artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML) models in cybersecurity is a growing concern, with cybercriminal organizations and nation-states exploiting their weaknesses. The Microsoft "Tay" chatbot incident exemplifies the risks of weaponized AI, as it displayed sexist and racist behaviors due to malicious data inputs. The researcher examined 21 academic studies on AI weaponization and AI-driven cyberattacks in this systematic review. This work, a systematic review, concludes with an in-depth understanding of the scale and scope of using AI as a cyber weapon. The findings revealed that more research is necessary on weaponizing AI for offensive cybersecurity applications and the following key observations (a) a connection between AI weaponization and countermeasures, (b) AI's role in enhancing cybersecurity defenses, (c) AI weaponization offering mitigation strategies for protecting digital assets and infrastructure, and (d) AI-driven attacks exploiting vulnerabilities, enabling automation and scalability, facilitating data poisoning and manipulation, improving social engineering, and augmenting evasion obfuscation. This study contributes to a better understanding of AI weaponization and aids researchers in synthesizing current literature on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why does post-truth discourse feel true? This article argues that post-truth fears the death of rhetoric, rather than truth, and traces that fear to the voluminous, rapid, and intense production of stasis on social media. Social media enable and weaponize the production of stasis, and that production generates affects more aligned with death than life (stagnation, hopelessness) that explain why post-truth feels true. These fears and their concomitant hopes constitute an affective economy also present in philosophy's predominant images of rhetoric. Some images picture rhetoric as movement, whereas others emphasize rhetoric's capacity to secure the status quo. Social media beckon a supplementary image—a vortex—in which rhetorical movement functions to produce standstill. This image suggests the need to consider affects generated by rhetorical processes as much as from texts. Post-truth's affective economy also drives stasis production generally, and scholars should attend to the affective economies driving various rhetorical modes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wars will not be fought on the grounds in future, but explosions will occur beyond horizons. The subject of advanced strategies of Great Powers, space militarization, and political adventurism of China, USA, and Russia has been extensively inscribed in this research paper. The paper mainly reflects the political stratagem and space arms race of Russia, China, and the USA, which are combating each other for power status in orbits of space. As China and Russia challenge USA dominance in space, the USA seeks to weaponize space to maintain its supremacy and counter these rivals. The evolving international structure and world order are steering warfare into new dimensions, with space militarization posing nontraditional security threats like spying, surveillance, space debris, and satellite destruction. Technology has advanced to the point where states have developed sophisticated spy satellites and anti-satellite weapons capable of targeting other satellites from space or the ground. Despite international legal efforts and multilateral cooperation, major powers continue to expand their space arsenals, creating national security concerns. The study argues that international institutions have failed to curb the space arms race due to their ineffectiveness. Thus, there is a need for a shift in focus to find common ground and resolve this space security conflict. The paper provides a theoretical overview of the role of international institutions and state behavior in the international system. Using qualitative research techniques, the study conducts in-depth exploration through secondary data gathered from various articles, journals, reports, vlogs, videos, and magazines. Descriptive and explanatory research approaches are employed to achieve the research objectives.

Rather than seeking to recuperate the ideal of a digital public sphere or lament its demise with the rise of social media platforms, in this paper I seek to identify the dangers of precisely this insistence to imagine the Internet as a public sphere. It is this curious insistence and persistence that, I claim, may feed into precisely those post-truth media dynamics such critical accounts worry about and rally against. The success of viral conspiracy narratives like Pizzagate and QAnon, as well as other forms of mis- and disinformation, hinges not (only) on the absence or distortion of a healthy democratic public sphere, as is typically assumed, but (also) on its persistence as an imaginary in an environment that obeys an altogether different set of logics, namely that of ‘communicative capitalism’ and ‘information warfare.’ Whereas the former has drawn most critical attention in connection to current post-truth dynamics (e.g., the effects of targeted advertising and the role of algorithms in creating polarizing echo chambers and filter bubbles), I will instead focus on the latter. The unique problem and ‘cunning’ of what I refer to as ‘post-truth conspiracism’ is that it draws on idea(l)s of digital publicness to establish its own epistemic legitimacy, as well as derive its unique powers of persuasion, while also mobilizing the full tactical arsenal of information warfare in a global attention economy. The resulting weaponization of digital public sphere imaginaries complicates attempts to recuperate the idea(l) of a digital public sphere as a solution to a ‘polluted’ information environment.

Aid Policies In The First Year Of The War In Ukraine Constitute A Unique And Unprecedented Historical Case Destined To Leave An “Echo” In The International System Far Beyond Those Of The Individual Ukrainian Case And The Aid Sector Alone. Using A Realist Theoretical Approach In Which International Aid Public Policies (Iapps) Are A Central Variable In The History Of International Relations, This Article Starts With The Eight Peculiarities Of Ukrainian Aid That Emerged From A Recent Comparison With The Start Of The Bosnian War In 1992. That Is Proposed To Contextualise Their Political, Conceptual, And Historical Implications Within The Evolution Of Inter-State Aid. The Interaction Of These Peculiarities Has Established A New Model Of Interventionist Aid As Opposed To The Neutralist Model That Had Characterised Western Aid In The Past: The Provision Of Humanitarian-Emergency Or Development Cooperation Initiatives. The New Type Of Aid Analysed Herein Is Wide-Ranging (Military, Financial, Political, Etc.), Takes An Active Part In The Crisis To Condition Its Course And Outcome, And Defines Primarily Political And Not Humanitarian Objectives. Thus, It Functions According To The Tactical Requirements Of The Scenario. New Unregulated Practices Of Weaponisation Of Aid And Aidisation Of Weapons Make Interventionist Aid An Anarchic Yet Central Element Of Warfare. The Prospect Of Its Eventual Consolidation Among The Foundational Elements Of A New World Order Prompts Speculation About Future National Scenarios Of Post-Democracy Aid And International Scenarios Of World War Aid.

This article delves into the intricate interplay between language and society, shedding light on the risks associated with weaponizing language. While inspired by Harbhajan Singh's recent piece on the weaponization of race and religion, this discussion expands the scope to include language as an equally potent force. Language, despite being a remarkable blessing, can also become a curse when wielded recklessly or with partisan intent. The Enduring Impact of Words The author highlights the enduring impact of words on individuals, arguing that linguistic wounds often leave deep emotional scars (Singh, 2023). Unlike physical wounds, which tend to heal with time, the hurt inflicted by words lingers in memory, adding to a repository of negative experiences. The author recalls a time when certain derogatory terms, such as "bastard," were legally prohibited due to their implications about a person's legitimacy. Evolution of Societal Norms Over the years, societal norms have evolved, and pre-marital pregnancies, once stigmatized, are now more widely accepted as a prelude to marriage (Singh, 2023). This shift in perspective reflects the changing dynamics of human relationships, both in sexual conduct and other aspects of life. The Role of Language in Conflicts The article emphasizes that the trio of race, religion, and language requires meticulous handling and responsible discourse (Singh, 2023). Language, in particular, plays a significant role in conflicts, as its usage often labels and categorizes, necessitating careful monitoring. The term "weaponization," as used by Harbhajan Singh, serves as a critical reference, extending beyond race and religion. History is replete with examples of word-related disputes that have ignited quarrels, and even wars, due to the provocative use or misinterpretation of language. Challenges in Pluralistic Societies In pluralistic societies, where diverse values and beliefs coexist, these challenges are magnified. Disputes stemming from linguistic controversies are often protracted legal battles, leaving all parties dissatisfied. Politicians, in particular, face substantial risks when language is employed carelessly or with excessive seriousness, as this can trigger emotional reactions and strained relationships. Responsibility in Language Usage In conclusion, the article underscores the need for a sensitive and responsible approach to the use of language (Singh, 2023). It encourages thoughtful communication and the avoidance of casual or offensive language. In times of uncertainty, the author recommends turning to dictionaries as a guide for clear and respectful expression. The overarching message is clear: language is a powerful tool, and its impact, whether constructive or destructive, should not be underestimated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the militarization of space has been occurring since the 1950s, it was not considered a domain of fighting nor was it being fully weaponized until recently. Yet, there is a glaring absence of research on space weaponization or space environmental harms by criminologists. Here, using a retrospective approach we juxtapose the environmental harms from wars, military weapon development, maintenance and readiness on Earth and known harms that have occurred due to space expansionism and the space arms race. We then use a prospective approach to critically examine anticipated environmental harms of space weaponization. Our goal is to contribute to research in green criminology and to begin a critical dialogue on planetary geopolitics, space weaponization and the space arms race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article explores the issue of the formation of international legal principles on the prevention of the placement of weapons in outer space (1959-1979). The historical prerequisites and main provisions of key international treaties related to this issue are analyzed. The gradual formation of key agreements in the context of political confrontation and mistrust between the leading space powers, which is considered in the research, was an important step in limiting and containing the arms race in outer space. The article also discusses the limitations and gaps of the main agreements of international space law and related agreements, which only partially regulate the military use of space and do not address new types of weapons and technologies that can be deployed or used in outer space for military purposes. The article suggests that one of the ways to strengthen the international legal framework for outer space demilitarization is the development of new international agreements that would prohibit the proliferation and use of such weapons and technologies in space, and that would protect outer space from aggressive military activities. Moreover, the article justifies the importance of the international legal regulation of the military use of outer space as a tool for preventing an arms race in outer space. It can include such issues as regulation of new types of weapons and their deployment that are not prohibited by main international agreements of international space law and ensuring the peaceful use of outer space. The article also presents an explanation concerning a concept of «weaponization of space», which is part of the military use of space. In this vein, it evokes the necessity of further strengthening of the international legal regulation of the discussed topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the imperativeness of addressing space threats and safeguarding global space security, elucidating actionable measures to mitigate risks and safeguard the interests of humanity. The paper explores the evolving landscape of space threats, including the increase in space activities, the accumulation of space debris, challenges in space traffic management, and the preservation of dark skies. It highlights the need for enhanced space law to serve as an effective legal instrument and examines the interpretation of “peaceful” in the context of space activities. The role of space security and its interplay with global security is also discussed, emphasizing the protection of assets, activities, and interests in space.

The article examines the issue of the space race in terms of the views of Soviet scientists and American scientists. The article cites normative legal acts, internal orders, and decrees of the Soviet era in the aspect of space activity for the period 1960 – 1964, which highlight the real state and attitude of the Soviet government toward the development of space activity. Certain contradictions regarding the demilitarisation of space in national and global aspects are analyzed. The irrelevance of the interaction between the development of space weapons and deterrence under the conditions of an increase in the number of space actors is highlighted. A transition from competition to cooperation in the aspect of longterm space stability is proposed

It is undeniable that forced migration and displacement is a “weapon of war.” To understand the ever-escalating refugee crisis in the world today and how it might be addressed, it is necessary to examine its “root cause(s).” Organized political violence in the form of either war or protracted armed conflict or oppressive dictatorial authoritarianism or totalitarianism are the prime drivers of forced migration and displacement in the world today. The most recent statistics on the world's forcibly displaced demonstrates their direct correlation to war and protracted armed conflict. The vast bulk of the world's forcibly displaced come from war torn countries. What is too often ignored in the academic literature on refugees and forced migration is that civilian non-combatants are often used as “weapons of war.” Mary Kaldor's “new wars” thesis is premised on the notion that wars and protracted armed conflicts defy solution because it is in the interest of the opposing combatants to continue the fighting, consequently, wars are characterized as “endless.” This has obvious implications for the continuous increase in the number of forced migrants in the world today. And, further, the “new wars” thesis postulates that civilian non-combatants are deliberately targeted during protracted armed conflicts or wars. Kelly Greenhill has presented evidence that “coercive engineered migration” is utilized to a State's advantage over another State. The weaponization of civilian non-combatants is a trigger for mass forced migration. Three recent cases dealing with genocide are offered as illustrations: Bosnia; Rwanda; and the Syria Civil War, with the Sieges at Homs and Aleppo. The article concludes with the consideration of the “endless cycle of war” that includes forced migration, smuggling, human trafficking, and other international crimes such as dealing in drugs and arms. All these elements are inter-connected and feed off each other and to be able to break this “endless cycle of war,” there must be a concerted and simultaneous effort to address all these things together. Only by doing so can we ever hope to achieve a “sustainable peace” and thereby end the use and abuse of forced migration and displacement as a “weapon of war.”

The Ukraine war is a proxy conflict whereby the US hopes to destroy Russia as a challenge to its hegemony. Although the kinetic war has, so far, been confined to Ukraine, Europe is also a key instrument in the American arsenal. However, Europe is also an objective of the war because it forms the western end of Eurasia. This great landmass, principally comprising China, Russia, and Europe, not merely challenges US political and military power, but is a counterbalance to the US-dominated maritime global economy. This essay traces these geostrategic concerns from Mackinder to the present day, within the evolving geopolitical context. Europe is both a weapon of war and a victim, with de-industrialization, immiseration and social turmoil looming. This presents US strategy with problems since the mix of advantages and disadvantages is uncertain and the ramifications unpredictable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Writing on weaponized volunteering in these perilous times, one risks the perils Auden described of 'lecturing on navigation as the ship goes down'. Aging and unarmed, this scholar proceeds to respond to the invitation of providing concluding remarks to the monograph issue. I address four aspects of weaponized volunteering, as introduced in the five articles presented in this issue: (1) the significance of the content of this phenomenon; (2) the scope and quality of initial presentations; (3) the refinement of criteria for the subject; and (4) the range of responses that are likely to greet initial efforts to develop this field. Researchers in this field, if they are to succeed, will need to be exceptionally introspective, reflective, and self-critical. It will not be difficult for their critics to attack them as apologists for one or another side in the conflicts they study, or even as advocates for violence or terrorism. Studies in this field will themselves require study, relating, for example, the depiction of groups targeted for study to the intellectual backgrounds and political orientations of the researchers themselves. And the field itself will expand in both time and space: the long history of weaponized volunteering will be discovered and explored as it unfolds in the many corners of the earth; alternative futures and their implications for social peace and justice will require charting. In short, this may become a lively and important field, one which opens a wide range of new issues and concerns to the researcher aiming to understand the broadened nature of voluntary and purposive social action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the imperativeness of addressing space threats and safeguarding global space security, elucidating actionable measures to mitigate risks and safeguard the interests of humanity. The paper explores the evolving landscape of space threats, including the increase in space activities, the accumulation of space debris, challenges in space traffic management, and the preservation of dark skies. It highlights the need for enhanced space law to serve as an effective legal instrument and examines the interpretation of "peaceful" in the context of space activities. The role of space security and its interplay with global security is also discussed, emphasizing the protection of assets, activities, and interests in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Technological progress has brought about the emergence of machines that have the capacity to take human lives without human control. These represent an unprecedented threat to humankind. This paper starts from the example of chemical weapons, now banned worldwide by the Geneva protocol, to illustrate how technological development initially aimed at the benefit of humankind has, ultimately, produced what is now called the “Weaponization of Artificial Intelligence (AI)”. Autonomous Weapon Systems (AWS) fail the so-called discrimination principle, yet, the wider public is largely unaware of this problem. Given that ongoing scientific research on AWS, performed in the military sector, is generally not made available to the public domain, many of the viewpoints on this subject, expressed across different media, invoke common sense rather than scientific evidence. Yet, the implications of a potential weaponization of our work as scientists, especially in the field of AI, are reaching further than some may think. The potential consequences of a deployment of AWS for citizen stakeholders are incommensurable, and it is time to raise awareness in the public domain of the kind of potential threats identified, and to encourage legal policies ensuring that these threats will not materialize.

Space is becoming the next frontier for human conflict and competition. The United States, the People's Republic of China (PRC), and the Russian Federation (RF) have all invested deeply in a modern space race to gain or maintain strategic superiority, with plans for lunar bases, celestial resource exploitation, and the colonization of Mars. With technological advancements and a weak regulatory framework governing space operations, the development of spacebased and counterspace military assets, advanced space weaponry, space transportation and space resource exploitation operations are an inherent part of mankind's future. This article assumes the inevitability of space exploration--including celestial body resource exploitation, weapon research and developments, and the human colonization of Mars--to show the importance of American leadership of human expansion into space. Power in space will be drawn from technological developments, including new types of weaponry and energy production. The author explores the technologies available in today's space race environment, including potential future energy resources available in space, weapon systems designed for space and counterspace warfare, the legal implications of each, and some potential consequences of different nations gaining the upper hand in the heavens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the process of the transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century. During the Cold War, outer space was a place of understanding and peaceful competition between superpowers. Militarization has existed since the beginning of the Space Age, excluding the weaponization of space until the beginning of the 21st century. The absence of an international regime to prevent the weaponization of space and technological advances opens up new opportunities for states in their quest to increase power. The theoretical paradigm is a realistic perspective of international institutions as a reflection of the most powerful state’s minimum consensus on a mechanism for reducing their costs. Successfully tested anti-satellite weapons open new questions about the defense of vulnerable space installations from enemy attacks. The authorʼs prognostic thesis refers to the new race in space weapons and the matter of time when lasers, plasma weapons, kinetic bombardment, and other types of space weapons will see the light of day. The strategic balance will remain untouched until the invention of a superior space weapon able to neutralize the existing offensive capacities of the states and erase the second strike capability appears. The author concludes that international institutions cannot limit the ambitions of states in conquering space because they do not want to give up that potential, but that a limited space war is unlikely.

The article examines the issue of the space race in terms of the views of Soviet scientists and American scientists. The article cites normative legal acts, internal orders, and decrees of the Soviet era in the aspect of space activity for the period 1960 - 1964, which highlight the real state and attitude of the Soviet government toward the development of space activity. Certain contradictions regarding the demilitarisation of space in national and global aspects are analyzed. The irrelevance of the interaction between the development of space weapons and deterrence under the conditions of an increase in the number of space actors is highlighted. A transition from competition to cooperation in the aspect of longterm space stability is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marginalizing and depriving Pakistani women in sociopolitical structure pose decadence in society. Whereas, leveraging them significantly accelerates innovations and transformation in micro- and macro-structures of state. Modernity demands women's liberty and empowerment of women. Pakistani women need deviation from conservative notions and political perceptions limiting their acts in society. Tunnel-channel views and stereotypes construct hindrances for women in society and politics. This paper examines Kamila Shamsie's Home Fire, scrutinizing women's eccentricity and resistance against stereotypical generalizations and religious restrictions during the last crucial decades of 2010s, and 2020s, in Pakistan. Contending that women are progressive during the above-mentioned decades; have reacted against the socio-politically imposed stereotypes through male-chauvinistic dominance and oppressive patriarchal structures. The paper attempts how Home Fire highlights women's digression, and depicting the role of modern Pakistani women whose actions contradict with the typical representation of them. The paper further explores how Shamsie's female characters lead their promiscuous associations, confronting the weaponization of religious groups, gender and racial stereotypes. Thereby, epitomizing the revolutionary characters of modern Pakistani women breaking with all precedents of marginalization and deprivation in the novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2016 United Nations’ Resolution 2325 “Non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction” manifests one of the greatest challenges for humankind in relation to preventing a global catastrophe, where it reaffirms that the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, as well as their means of delivery, constitutes a threat to international peace and security. However, regarding the continuous technological developments of terrestrial-based WMD aimed at orbiting space objects in near-Earth orbit, it is crucial to analyze whether, and if so, how 2325 prevents their proliferation and utilization. Another relevant argument addresses the terminological factuality that, while treaty and customary law do provide some guidance on the legality of weaponization, the concept of a “space weapon” is still not clearly defined. Moreover, even though the Outer Space Treaty prohibits the placement of nuclear weapons and WMD in near-Earth orbit, installing them on the Moon or any other celestial body, or to otherwise station them in outer space, it simultaneously excludes terrestrial-based anti-satellite weapons, thus creating a legal loophole. National representatives of superpowers, particularly of space-faring nations, are aware of the existing issue and often express their concerns toward comprehensive ASAT development and utilization. Nevertheless, the potential weaponization of outer space will not be actively recognized and accepted as an official occurrence within the international community until our current space systems are eventually utilized in order to destroy or damage another State’s space object.

The article deals with the theoretical and practical assumptions, based on available facts and research related to COVID-19, in order to discern the origin of the coronavirus and its consequences on national and international security. The main finding is that the world is faced with an extremely dangerous biowarfare weapon, i.e. that the virus has been engineered in lab conditions. The acknowledgment of this fact may be of utmost importance for seeking solutions and adequate responses. The analysis shows that great world powers invest enormous amounts of money into further developments of biological weapons, and academia plays a significant role in the endeavor. In addition to human costs, what is at stake here are human rights, democracy and the security of mankind.

This paper investigates the forms of representation of Syrian refugees in Zaman newspaper, a Turkish daily that was associated with the Gülen movement, between 2011–2015. The argument focuses on human interest stories in search for alternative forms of representation from the victimization and collectivization that are emphasized in the literature. Based on open coding of 209 news articles that were identified through frame analysis, the analysis shows that the coverage included contradictory strategies of victimization and humanization. The contradictory strategies are understood as a form of inclusive othering that encompass the initial desire to attribute human qualities to the refugees and subsequent attempt to victimize them. As the newspaper was party to a larger political conflict within Turkey, we understand the contradictory strategies and especially the specific shift in representation as part of the process of politicization. The analysis concludes that politicization limits attempts to humanize refugees.

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay outlines a version of 2040, wherein advanced globalization, privatization, climate change and nationalism lead to a global and permanent condition of insecurity. Greater entanglement has not been seized as an opportunity to make a better world but has rather led to heightened and pervasive vulnerability. States as well as private companies with private armed forces are in constant, often violent, competition with each other. Key features of this future are the weaponization of all aspects of interdependence as well as, technological developments, unchecked in their military applications and the resulting democratization of violence. By outlining a variety of morbid symptoms, we highlight the impact of the crisis on the international liberal order, states and societies. Tracking back the origins of such 'crisis', the authors argue that forsaking the fundamental principle of universality and taking regionalization of international governance to another step may serve as a solution for the approaching 720-degree security dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Healthcare has often been 'weaponized' during armed conflicts, with parties to the conflict interfering with or violently attacking health facilities and personnel for their own strategic ends. In this exploratory study of the civil war in Nepal (1996–2006), by contrast, we look at a case in which both sides (with some exceptions) came to see it as in their interests to avoid targeting health facilities or deliberately disrupting healthcare delivery. Drawing on key informant interviews and documentary analysis, we identify four factors that appear to have contributed to the two sides making this choice: i) their interest in the continued functioning of the health systems (specifically, the need of the Maoists to access government-run facilities for treatment of their cadres, and the fact that Maoist healthcare provision ensured that at least some service delivery continued in areas under their control; ii) the fact that healthcare did not become an important 'ideological battleground' in the conflict; iii) the roles played by humanitarian and development organizations in shaping the behaviour of both the warring sides; and iv) the part played by health professionals in navigating the pressures on them and quickly mobilizing to resist more sustained attempts at interference with healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the theoretical and practical assumptions, based on available facts and research related to COVID-19, in order to discern the origin of the coronavirus and its consequences on national and international security. The main finding is that the world is faced with an extremely dangerous biowarfare weapon, i.e. that the virus has been engineered in lab conditions. The acknowledgement of this fact may be of utmost importance for seeking solutions and adequate responses. The analysis shows that great world powers invest enormous amounts of money into further developments of biological weapons, and the academia plays significant role in the endeavor. In addition to human costs, what is at stake here are human rights, democracy and the security of mankind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]