TOWARD AN OCCUPATIONAL SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY.

Social psychology has reached the stage where it can exploit some of the concepts of the other disciplines in the social sciences. Some such concepts are social stratification, ideologies, and ways of life. Techniques have been developed to the point where it is no longer necessary to speculate and introspect concerning the social psychology of stratified segments of the society. This paper suggests that a point of departure for developing a social psychology of stratification in our society may well be occupation. We have suggested some techniques, questions, and procedures which may be utilized to develop a social psychology of occupations. The results obtained from the case study of Greenbelt, Maryland, may in no way be interpreted as conclusive or as representative of the U. S. A. However, some differences have suggested themselves which may be corroborated or disproved with further research. Our data suggest some tentative conclusions. 1. The prestige hierarchy of occupations may not be conceived as unilateral in any sense. The evidence points to the fact that manual and white- collar groups view the hierarchy with different perspectives. Manual workers may regard their occupations as honorific as white-collar occupations. Both groups tend to believe that their occupations are in the middle of the occupational scale. 2. In occupational aspirations for themselves and for their children, both groups rank the professions highest. They conceive of upward mobility to be largely in the direction of the professions. Although aspirations for "independent occupations" are strong, more prestige is still given to the professions. Business groups might well disagree here. 3. Education is considered by both groups as necessary for occupational mobility. This appears to be more abstract knowledge on the part of the MW., but more concrete on the part of the WCW. The latter have not resigned themselves to status immobility neither for themselves or for their children. They intend that they and their children shall get more education flow. 4. This white-collar faith in education reflects itself in the aspired use of leisure time. WCW prefer to use time for self-improvement by study, education, travel, reading, etc. MW would more likely use their time for rest, recreation, sporting, and associated activities. 5. MW believe more in unionization and group action for economic self betterment than do the WCW. This fact does not reduce their self- esteem, as it does for some WCW. 6. MW believe that WCW should be willing to join them in economic bargaining. Although WCW tend to disagree slightly,, they hesitate to disagree on the basis of their status superiority. Individualistic rationalizations come to the fore. 7. These perspectives reveal themselves somewhat in attitudes toward productive property and profits. In deciding how profits of a corporation should be distributed, MW want employees (themselves) to share more in the profits accruing to. the stockholders. They are confused and inconsistent about the method of distributing profits to other groups. On the other hand, WCW are more diffused and ambivalent in their attitudes, trying to "be fair all the way around." They try not to forget the consumer. 8. Clear-cut principles of political self-identification are almost absent. This may follow from the undeveloped state of American politics. Should clear-cut political divisions develop further in this country, we may see occupational differences in political orientations. Our data suggests that MW are cautious to identify themselves politically; they are even ignorant of political outlooks at times. WCW, although they may he somewhat more conservative, are more aware and conversant concerning political positions and principles. 9. A large number of research studies must be made on a regional basis before we can predict occupational attitudes and behavior in specific situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]