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This book aims to build the ideal model of China's grand strategy framework, which is based on three key variables: national power, strategic concept and international institution. Taking the rise of China as an opportunity, this book adopts the assessment of national strategic resources as the beginning, focuses on the evaluation of strategic capability, the choice of strategic orientation, the establishment of strategic objectives, the planning of strategic content and the implementation of strategic means. Further, following this main line, this book establishes a China's grand strategy framework based on active participation and integration-transformation-shaping process. This book emphasizes that to achieve the goals of China's grand strategy; China should uphold this strategic attitude: It should not be seduced by praise and should not be made aggressive by criticism. It should learn to be glorious but remain humble, maintain a wealthy, influential but modest position by restraint. This book can be regarded as the essence of the author's 20 years long-term focus and research on the China's grand strategy. The author's postdoctoral tutor Professor Hu Angang's comment of this book can hit the nail on the head:'This book is a pioneering theoretical study of China's great strategic research and makes a significant contribution to this research field. The basic arguments of this book have been submitted through various approaches to decision-making references or published in academic papers, and have received numerous positive responses and resonance. In my opinion, the basic ideas and important findings of this book will provide imperative reference to long-term strategy decision-making process. In addition, the fundamental theory and analysis method of the book will have an important influence in both domestic and international academic field.'

Updating the papers from the 2011 Asan Conference to cover the end of 2011, this book reflects the state of analysis on the eve of the important 2012-13 transition to China's fifth-generation leaders.

This book examines the theoretical, historical, and practical dimensions of how a city operates internationally. It explores the various approaches of the contentious term ‘city diplomacy', its impact and follows examples throughout history, the origins of city diplomacy and its evolution through traditional town-twinning, city networks and smart cities. Cities have become important actors on the world stage, they have developed diplomatic apparatus, and play an important role in securing sustainable futures across a range of key global issues, including climate change, inclusive economic growth, poverty eradication, housing, infrastructure, basic services, productive employment, food security and public health. Practitioners along with scholars and students of political science, spatial planning, economic geography, international relations, and local government will find this an insightful, invaluable view of the subject.

This book examines the complex process of German foreign policy adaptation to a shifting global landscape, especially to the rise of new powers. Addressing a scholarly audience, the book sheds light on the evolution of Germany's post-reunification international role beyond the Euro-Atlantic structure. Grounded within the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, the book analyzes the inner workings of Germany's global policy formation. It scrutinizes the state's relations with rising and emerging powers, including China, Brazil, India, South Africa, Mexico, Vietnam, Indonesia, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, exploring the details of Berlin's approach. The book presents the motives, goals, instruments, and future prospects of Germany's foreign policy regarding these states. It further explores the dynamics of Germany's civilian and economic power, while addressing the growing call for increased responsibility within the European Union as well as in global politics. Readers will gain insight into the foundations, tools, and effectiveness of Germany's foreign policy, providing a quintessential case study of how a European state navigates the challenges of a rapidly changing global landscape. This makes the book a must-read for researchers specializing in German studies as well as for scholars of international relations and foreign policy.

This volume's focus on establishing a direct exchange between History and International Relations is unique in the contemporary literature on international institutions. While there have been attempts in both disciplines to engage with the other and to integrate their respective insights, a direct, focused exchange on core issues of international institutional development has rarely taken place. The volume takes this lacuna as a starting point. The structure of the volume is strictly symmetrical. In each of the four main sections, one historian and one IR scholar elaborate their views on one of four main aspects of conference diplomacy: inclusion/exclusion, effectiveness, legitimacy, and international order. This approach allows the authors to tackle the more general role of institutions in international order in a long-term historical perspective. The diagnosed crisis of contemporary, liberal order appears in a different light when viewed before the background of continuity and change in the past 200 years. This book has the potential to become essential reading for scholars and practitioners alike.

This book is about the trajectory of Indo-Afghanistan relations and its setting in the multilateral global order especially the interplay of the super-powers and the regional powers along with the emerging humanitarian crisis along with India's concern and insecurity dilemma that emerged due to Taliban 2.0 in a multilateral setting. It is an attempt to evolve an understanding encompassing all the major dimensions of bilateral relations with special references to Asia. The content of the book encompasses the historical cultural and geo-political setting of the country in discussion as well as the role of the established and emerging superpowers and their possible implications. It will help readers understand the Afghanistan conundrum and the role of India and international players in the present state of affairs

This book investigates India-ASEAN partnership and their overlapping perspective on the Indo-Pacific region and big powers'contestation and competition in this region providing specific nuances and newer insights. It is policy-oriented and examines the confluence of ASEAN's Outlook for Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and India's Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI). It brings out various contemporary geopolitical drivers that highlight the hidden complementarities and gaps in India-ASEAN multi-sectoral connectivity and its future. The book provides a balanced assessment of evolving trends, undergirded by theoretical debates and empirical analyses with diverse sub-regional and country perspectives of the intersection between the potential for regional convergence, domestic capacity issues, and security interests. It is thus of immense use for thinktanks and media commentators, policy makers, and researchers of Indo-Pacific & Asian affairs, international relations, and China-US relations, interested in evolving contours of Indo-Pacific geopolitics.

Das Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen erscheint mittlerweile in der dritten, vollständig überarbeiteten und erweiterten Auflage. Das Handbuch vermittelt einen umfassenden Überblick über den state of the art der politikwissenschaftlichen Teildisziplin Internationale Beziehungen in deutscher Sprache. Es präsentiert theoretische und methodische Grundlagen der Forschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen und stellt die wesentlichen Akteure und Problemfelder der internationalen Politik vor. Das Nachschlagewerk richtet sich sowohl an Wissenschaftler•innen als auch an Studierende und die interessierte Öffentlichkeit.

This book delves into the intricate interplay between climate change and the dynamic shifts in global power structures, focusing on the expanded BRICS. Offering a distinctive vantage point by encapsulating the evolving dynamics of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, the book through this unique perspective, sheds light on the nuanced relationship between environmental challenges and the geopolitical landscape. It has an interdisciplinary approach, seamlessly weaving insights from political science, economics, development studies, and the natural sciences. This holistic integration of diverse disciplines enhances the reader's understanding, presenting a comprehensive analysis of the multifaceted issues at the nexus of climate change and global politics. It not only maps out the current climate crisis confronting humanity in the twenty-first century, but also extends a helping hand to policymakers. The inclusion of pragmatic policy recommendations adds a pragmatic dimension, providing valuable insights that policymakers may find instrumental in addressing the challenges posed by climate change.

This book will explore the reorientation of the foreign policy direction of the Caribbean from traditional partners in the western hemisphere towards partners in the Asia-Pacific region. In particular, it will examine the Caribbean's interest in increasing its engagement with China and Japan and will also investigate the opportunities and challenges for Caribbean states to deepen relations with these two countries. Opportunities include economic assistance, investments, diversification of trading partners and infrastructural development. However, with these benefits are disadvantages which relate to certain conditionalities attached to economic assistance, a widening trade deficit and on amore domestic level, challenges to regional integration which can hinder the extent and direction of these relationships. The book will also examine the main motivations behind China and Japan's interest in the Caribbean region, premised on the argument that they are based on economic development, political security and global status. Case studies will be presented examining inter alia,the “One China Policy” in the region. As China continues to rise to power, Japan has been increasing its activities in a bid to stay relevant regionally and internationally. In examining the Caribbean's engagement with China and Japan, a principally qualitative approach is employed by using case studies which entails the in-depth exploration of events, activities, and processes. Case studies of two Caribbean countries, Jamaica and Grenada and their engagement with China and Japan will be presented.

This book analyses how technologies have been used by both the military junta and resistance movement in Myanmar's digital coup to control information and the transfer of funds and to pursue accountability. They have been used to pressure and mobilise external actors and the book critically assesses international responses ranging from the United Nations, ASEAN, individual countries, activist groups, donors and international businesses. Contact with the military has been criticised as recognising and legitimising the regime and individual firms have come under pressure to exit. The authors argue that the National Unity Government overestimates the significance of foreign recognition and activists overestimate the influence of international responses on military behaviour. They suggest external actors change from judging and excoriating the responses of the international community and focus on how foreign governments,businesses or organisations can support and strengthen Myanmar society. If change in Myanmar is to come it will be those that have remained, not those that have left, that will bring it about.

The textbook is a rarity as it explores the functions of diplomacy from a practical perspective on diplomatic activity. This in-depth study redefines diplomacy, distinguishing it from conventional definitions. While the historical context of diplomacy is briefly discussed, the spotlight then turns to six diplomatic classics: Niccolo Machiavelli, Hugo Grotius, Ernest Satow, Harold Nicolson, Henry Kissinger, and Geoff R. Berridge. Thus, their brief biographies and core diplomatic tenets are revealed. Many aspects of the theories of international relations are covered, including liberalism, realism, neoliberal institutionalism, and constructivism. Diplomatic protocol is analysed as an instrument, guiding the position of political and diplomatic representatives according to the ranking system. Practical examples abound, with illustrations of protocol rules from the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, Australia, France, Germany, China, and Kosovo. The pivotal role of language in diplomacy is discovered as a communication tool, alongside an examination of its specific significance. It also delves into public diplomacy, exploring its evolution over the three two decades, heavily influenced by media developments. The book also focuses on the establishment of sociology of diplomacy as a new independent discipline. It sheds light on the necessary scientific research procedures, both theoretical and empirical, grounded in descriptive methodologies, understanding, and sociological explanations of the diplomatic phenomena. A crucial part of the book examines the connection between diplomacy and ethics and asserts that while states naturally pursue their interests, adherence to ethical principles must remain steadfast. Finally, gain insights into the traits and characteristics of a modern diplomat as the book draws to a close.

This book explores the pitfalls and bottlenecks of viewing the Arctic from a mere scientific prism and offers recommendations to approach it from a strategic construct and climate change by strengthening bilateral and multilateral cooperation with the Arctic states and the Arctic intergovernmental organisations. It discusses the inception and development of the soft law cooperative governance structure prevailing in the Arctic and explores engagement by the various stakeholders including the eight sovereign states, thirteen sovereign states as observers, various intergovernmental and inter-parliamentarian outfits, NGOs, and others desirous of an active participation in the Arctic. It brings out the geo-economic and geostrategic levers which have propelled the Arctic as a key region for emerging great power rivalry. It posits the efforts of Arctic states and the Observers holistically to draw parallels with the Indian efforts requiring greater focus and effort. It critically examines the Arctic Policy released by the government on 17 Mar 2022 that missed the opportunity to elucidate India's geo-economic, geostrategic, economic, and geopolitical aspirations in the hugely vital region and debates if India's economic and geopolitical position as well as historical links to the Arctic region fits the requirements of an external observer state and must continue to build on its strengths for mutual betterment.

El mundo se ha vuelto un lugar desconcertante. Una tercera guerra mundial no resulta inimaginable, revive la amenaza nuclear, emergen líderes carismáticos que arrasan las instituciones y el futuro parece encontrarse cada vez más en el pasado. Este libro viene en auxilio de todos aquellos que no se resignan a un diagnóstico con sabor a distopía y necesitan coordenadas para entender –sin dogmas ni polarizaciones fáciles– el nuevo escenario global. Juan Gabriel Tokatlian –el máximo experto en política internacional de la Argentina, analista respetado y generoso divulgador de sus conocimientos– invita aquí a mirar de una manera renovada este mundo beligerante y extraño: por qué la oposición Norte-Sur debería reemplazarse por la de'dos Nortes', qué lugar le cabe a América Latina como región aún relevante, cuál es la importancia de la religión en la geopolítica actual. Abunda también en los temas más complejos del presente: qué significa la invasión rusa a Ucrania, cómo entender el (¿irresoluble?) conflicto en Medio Oriente, qué consecuencias tienen las maniobras del narcotráfico como actor político sin control, cómo hacer avanzar nuestro reclamo de soberanía sobre las Malvinas. Y discute, sobre todo, qué política exterior debería desplegar en este escenario un país como la Argentina, para alejarse de los movimientos pendulares y las declaraciones altisonantes con consecuencias peligrosas, y así lograr un pragmatismo sensato. En una serie de conversaciones con la periodista y editora Hinde Pomeraniec –que fluyen hasta transmitir al lector la sensación de haber estado ahí–, Tokatlian despliega un relato atrapante, que va dando forma a un mundo lleno de alarmas pero comprensible, y que propone salidas posibles contra la catástrofe.

This book explores how the United Nations (UN) attempts to stabilise and justify an ambivalent meaning of protection and its socio-political roles in the Protection of Civilians agenda. Negotiating between different notions of translation, the research takes the Community Liaison Assistants (CLAs) as an analytical prism to complexify the efforts to construct representations of protection. Created alongside the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), the CLAs are local staff tasked with improving the mission's engagement with the local population, given their supposed linguistic-cultural skills. The CLAs are also part of the stabilisation turn in UN doctrine, adhering to counterinsurgency tactics and instrumentalising language and culture to obtain intelligence and support of the local population. Following a poststructuralist and postcolonial approach inspired mainly by the works of Jacques Derrida and Homi Bhabha, this book proposes deconstructing the representations applied to the CLAs by analysing the discourses presented in the UN reports and doctrinal documents.

This edited volume examines the practices and applications of digital diplomacy in the OSCE Region. As a security organization, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) prioritizes its member states'cyber security and cyberspace activities. The book examines two key areas where digital diplomacy challenges traditional diplomatic practices of the OSCE member States: institutional adaptation and policy innovation in the OSCE Region. It (1) investigates how capable and motivated foreign ministries are at the institutional level to shift to digital diplomacy, and (2) explores how digital diplomacy affects the fundamental diplomatic tasks of representation, communication, and relationship management at the policy level. Technological advances in IT and the Internet's widespread introduction in the wake of the 2000s provided new territories to conquer for states to pursue their interests. Moreover, technological developments and media attention enhanced information flow and communication through new platforms like online encyclopedias (i.e., Wikipedia), video-sharing sites (i.e., YouTube), and social media platforms (i.e., Facebook, Instagram, Twitter). Because of these transformations, public opinion became influential in diplomacy, and a greater need to include foreign publics as part of foreign policy goals emerged.Introducing case studies from several OSCE countries, presented by an international group of authors, this book provides a timely response to current affairs and policy debates by providing pluralistic perspectives from different countries and disciplines, such as international relations, political science, international law, and political economy). It will appeal to students, researchers, and scholars of the aforementioned disciplines, as well as policy-makers and practitioners interested in a better understanding of digital democracy and digital diplomacy in the OSCE region.

The Arctic has been characterized by international cooperation but has recently emerged as a possible arena for great power rivalry. A key question affecting development among most dimensions is the relationship between the largest Arctic state, Russia, and China with global ambitions also including the Arctic. This edited volume provides an in-depth analysis of the many aspects of Sino-Russian relations in the Arctic. From the geopolitical implications, including consequences of the war in Ukraine, to infrastructure cooperation to environmental aspects, analyses are provided by top experts in their respective fields. The edited volume aspires to give a realistic picture of the Sino-Russian relationship, shared as well as conflicting interests, what is actually happening on the ground, what are driving forces and obstacles for cooperation, and importantly, how can the bilateral relationship in the Arctic possibly impact international relations.

In this second edition of North Korea's New Diplomacy, author Virginie Grzelczyk shows how North Korea has managed to weather an uncertain political future and catastrophic economic system since the end of the Cold War. Emerging as a state that has successfully developed and tested missiles and nuclear weapons, North Korea has consolidated the Kim family dynasty through the appointment of Kim Jong Un as Pyongyang's latest strongman. The author provides an up-to-date, empirically rich account of new diplomatic recognitions, military partnerships, knowledge trade, coping mechanisms to offset international sanctions, import and export partners, foreign investment practices and engagement within the Global South. With new and updated text throughout, the book gives a detailed picture of a state that constantly becoming a more complex and relevant actor in the 21st century diplomatic world.

Public diplomacy has become one of the central instruments of foreign policy and national security; this crucial Research Agenda provides a new outline for its investigation. Aiding the comprehension of the broad boundaries of the field, it proposes a clear starting point for contemporary research into important areas of public diplomacy. This enlightening Research Agenda is divided into three parts which thoroughly explore the actors, disciplines and instruments involved in the process of public diplomacy. Rich in innovative analysis, chapters offer insights from many of the most prominent scholars and practitioners in the field to cover existing research, gaps, and future directions. A Research Agenda for Public Diplomacy will be invaluable for researchers and students interested in political science, international and public relations, communication, and digital media. It will also be beneficial for practitioners and officials working in areas relevant to foreign policy and national security employed by both governmental and non-governmental organizations.

This textbook presents a detailed insight into the structures and processes of preparing students for Model United Nations (MUN) conferences and for attending Model United Nations conferences, subsequently. It serves as a handbook and practical guide for the implementation of MUN into courses and classes in educational institutions. Written by a Faculty Advisor, and offering additional insights from an experienced award-winning MUN delegate, the book provides a particularly exceptional insightful, and well-rounded approach. The author explains how a MUN course can be taught, presents exercises to prepare students for the conference, and discusses how the MUN delegation and trip to the conference can be organized. This comprehensive guide offers insights into a broad range of topics, including debates with peers, diplomacy to solve international crises, and learning about the system of the United Nations (UN) organization through simulation. Further, it covers the development of soft skills and communication at the conferences and building international friendships, while it additionally allows learning more about the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the process. With tips, tricks, and bonus material this book will serve as an anchor throughout the students'first MUN experience, as well as provide valuable help for more advanced participants. The book, therefore, is a must-read for both academic staff teaching MUN, as well as students attending MUN courses and planning to attend MUN conferences.

This book offers a novel and comprehensive reappraisal of current relations between Italy and Australia. For the first time, it expands the scope of analysis by encompassing and critically reviewing research avenues that have been understudied so far. In order to pursue this objective, it provides innovative analyses on bilateral history, reciprocal migration, socio-cultural ties, international relations and trade, comparative politics, and scientific cooperation.By adopting a multidisciplinary approach, this book makes a significant contribution to multiple disciplinary literatures, benefitting social science scholars, policymakers, and professionals working in a number of fields. Mindful of the wide scope and multidisciplinary nature of this innovative research, the editors oversee a careful balance of different theories, methodologies, sources, and data, in accordance with the conventions of each discipline employed in this volume. As a result, this book encourages a broader and more nuanced understanding of Italian-Australian relations in the 21st century.

British Foreign Policy in former Yugoslavia 1989-1999: Brotherhood and Unity Lost, gives a broad analysis of Britain's foreign policy during the wars of Yugoslav secessions from 1992 to 1999. Normative approaches to Britain's foreign policy during this period ‘have tended to place it'in to two halves. The notion, there was a new morality in Britain's foreign policy appeared after New Labour‘s election landslide on 1 May 1997. Robin Cook declared shortly after the victory there would be an ‘ethical dimension'to Labour‘s foreign policy, and this appeared to chart new territory. As a result, this would be a departure from what former US Assistant Secretary of State, James Rubin, believed was the hyper-realism of the traditional British kind under British Prime Minister, John Major. The book includes interviews with key actors, provides new archive material and re-examines claims by the ‘New Orthodoxy'which became prevalent after 1999.

The book establishes a linkage between perceptions and foreign policy by exploring, how China's behavior towards Japan is driven by mental shortcuts. The study is focused on the aspect of historical memories and how it factors in China's Japan Policy. It explores the linkage between perceptions born from the past, their interpretations in the present and thereby, the shaping of policy behavior of China towards Japan. The author delves beyond the realist and liberal interpretations of international politics, which assume that states'interests and material capabilities are a ‘given'in the international system- thus, offering a conceptual understanding of Sino-Japanese relations in the twenty-first century.

This book focuses on China's foreign strategy and policy toward Central and Eastern Europe via the “China-CEEC” Cooperation Mechanism. It discusses the formation and evolution of the mechanism, concentrating on China's leading role in this process, and covering a range of issues related to the mechanism's organizational development. This discussion includes the broad context of China's foreign policy, a coherent framework analysis of institution and cooperation issues, the internal aspects of the heterogeneity, external aspects of its asymmetry interactions, and finally, its emphases on cooperation in the two primary dimensions of great powers engagement and localization.After the end of the Cold War and the sudden and shocking collapse of the Soviet Union, the geopolitics of Central and Eastern Europe begins to undergo dramatic changes. Since then, an increase in public discussion in China about the transformation from the planned economy to market economy became very visible. Moreover, this part of the world perceives as the gate to Europe through almost forget Silk Road. Both factors have played a crucial role in shaping China's interest in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. Following the points mentioned above, China's interests in Central and Eastern Europe are due to several factors, including its frontier stability, national security, economic expansion, and search for new sources of energy and new markets for made in China products. Recognition of the importance of the region culminates in the recent Chinese grand strategy of “Belt and Road,” which highlights Central and Eastern Europe as the essential link in China's plan New Silk Road strategy. In this regard, the “China-CEEC” Cooperation Mechanism has a crucial role in China's “Go West” strategy.

In this handbook, a group of 40 scholars and practitioners from some 30 countries takes a critical look at the contemporary practice of diplomacy. Many assume diplomacy evolves naturally, and that state- and non-state actors are powerless to make significant changes. But Diplomacy's methods, its key institutions and conventions were agreed more than six decades ago. None take account of the opportunities and vulnerabilities presented by the Internet. Diplomacy is now a neglected global issue.The COVID pandemic and the invasion of Ukraine have highlighted some of the problems of diplomatic dysfunction. Beyond identifying current problems diplomacy is facing, the book also seeks to identify some practical options for reform and innovation. How might a process of reform be agreed and implemented? What role might the United Nations, regional organizations and Big Tech play? How can new norms of diplomatic behavior and methods be established in a multipolar, digital world where diplomacy is seen as less and less effective?

This book provides practice-oriented insights into the agency of two previously underestimated actors in Southeast Asian regionalism: the ASEAN Secretariat and ASEAN's dialogue partners. In doing so, it offers an inside view of the policy-making processes in the ASEAN Political-Security and the ASEAN Economic Community, analyzing the interplay and agency by both actors in agenda setting, formulation, decision making, implementation, and monitoring. Drawing on a trove of novel data, including never-before analyzed sources and numerous interviews with ASEAN insiders, the book showcases a number of concrete cases of policy making, including competition and counterterrorism policies. The chapters focusing on the ASEAN Secretariat address aspects related to institutional autonomy, capacity, and reforms within the bureaucracy. In the chapters on ASEAN‘s dialogue partners, the book provides insights into the bilateral management of institutional support programs, as wellas the impacts of support on ASEAN‘s policy-making processes.

This book focuses on EU-MERCOSUR relations from a diplomatic and trade perspective against the background of the political agreement between the two in 2019. The authors take into consideration that EU-MERCOSUR cooperation developed during recent decades has tried, on the one hand, to build a strategic partnership to respond to the main challenges of international agendas and, on the other, to incorporate in Latin American countries the European new vision of transatlantic regionalism. Starting from a historical perspective of the development of interregionalism between the EU and MERCOSUR, the book goes on to study the geopolitical impacts of Brexit, stagnation of the EU-USA relationship, the COVID-19 pandemic, and of new geopolitical players in EU-LAC interregionalism. It discusses the legal institutional framework of the EU-MERCOSUR relations and provides a comparative view of features of MERCOSUR countries vis-à-vis the European Union. The book also analyses and provides a comprehensive overview of various aspects of interregional trade in the context of the 2019 agreement. Highly topical and authored by experts in this field, this book is of interest to a wide readership in the social sciences and economics: from political sociology to international relations, diplomacy studies and international trade.

In light of the growing number of African summits and a new awareness of international interdependence during the COVID-19 pandemic, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state of Africa's international relations (IR). Leading IR scholars from Africa and around the world examine international cooperation with African countries in areas such as health care, education, and peacekeeping and explore how Africa's role in the system of international relations has changed during the COVID-19 pandemic.The book is divided into four parts, the first of which explores analyzes the various actors that constitute African agency in the post-pandemic world, while the second focuses on the summits of the major powers regarding cooperation with Africa. The third part covers public health cooperation and regional initiatives in Africa, including issues such as vaccine diplomacy, while the fourth and final part discusses conflicts & political process despite COVID Pandemics.

This handbook integrates a range of conceptual and empirical approaches to diplomacy in the context of ongoing technological and societal change. Technological and societal disruptions affect modern diplomacy, altering its character and reforming its way. In light of such changes, this book offers both historical foundations and contemporary perspectives in the field. By doing so, it demonstrates how contemporary change impacts the work of diplomats representing sovereign states. Global diplomatic services will forever be affected by the digitalization of engagement between states during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. In this rapidly changing culture, with burgeoning geopolitical and geostrategic realignment among global powers, the tools of diplomacy have changed. The state's foreign policy astuteness and responses to these changes could have long-term impacts. All this culminates in opportunities for improving the management of diplomaticservices and efficiency of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) of various states. This book provides useful insights into how modern diplomacy works, especially the integration of informalities into formal diplomatic practices in complex peace and security environments, within such a framework of change.

This book systematically constructs theories of clean energy diplomacy in the context of the changing international strategic landscape of energy and climate. It aims to explain the scientific connotations and innovative significance of clean energy diplomacy.The book focuses on analyzing how the development of renewable energy, including wind, solar, and biomass, plays out in the evolution of the international power system. It also touches upon energy efficiency and complementary energy technologies. This book integrates the studies of traditional energy and environmental diplomacy and defines its connotations and extensions from the perspective of major country diplomatic strategy. Based on the latest developments of international clean energy diplomacy, the author also discusses China's strategic option of clean energy diplomacy in the broad context of the profound changes in global energy and climate governance.As a new diplomatic model to enhance national competitive advantages, clean energy diplomacy has attracted the attention of many countries. This book will therefore be of great interest to students and scholars of sustainable energy and environmental management, environmental politics and policy, and those interested in the low-carbon economy in general.

This book informs students about the practice of modern diplomacy while simultaneously inviting them to critically reflect on it. The work introduces the world of diplomacy from a practitioner's point of view. Rather than listening to what diplomats say they do, the book looks at what they actually do. Diplomacy is thus approached through the lenses of its manifold practices: from political analysis to policy-shaping, from conflict prevention over conflict-management to conflict-resolution. However, the book not only aims at informing or instructing but also, and primarily, wants its readers to critically reflect on diplomacy. It reviews received ideas by posing questions such as: what does ‘preventive diplomacy'really mean?; what is the place of ‘transparency'in diplomatic practice?; why is the relationship between ‘law and diplomacy'ambiguous?; how come that our leaders have such a difficult time in credibly defending ‘human rights'?; and why is conducting an ‘ethical foreign policy'a mission impossible? To tackle these and other questions, the book uses the tools of contemporary academic disciplines, such as behavioural economics, game theory, social psychology, argumentation theory, and practical logic, among others. This interdisciplinary approach brings fresh perspective to a field of study that has long remained self-contained.This book will be of great interest to students of diplomacy, foreign policy, and International Relations, as well as those seeking a career in diplomacy and existing diplomatic practitioners and international analysts.

This is an open access book. Relations between Brazil and Japan progressed dynamically in the 1960s and 1970s, centering on the substantial complementarity between Japan's needing primary goods to sustain high economic growth and Brazil's seeking non-hegemonic investment to invigorate its resource potential. Now that this complementarity has lost significance, the two countries are restructuring their relations to protect shared values of democracy, freedom, the rule of law, and the need for maintaining good relations with both China and the United States. Analyzed here is the development of this renewed bilateral relationship in multiple directions: productivity, global environment and health, migration, and triangular cooperation in third countries'development. Facing the prospect of a declining population, Japan may become more open to international migration, but the experience with Japanese-descent Brazilian workers since the amendment of the migration control law in 1990 presents many lessons and challenges for the symbiosis of multicultural groups. Brazil, for its part, needs to address social inequality. To this end, it is fundamental to improve the quality of work.This book argues that Brazil and Japan can benefit from cooperation in managing those country-specific issues. It also discusses ways that Brazil and Japan can profit from coordinating action on global problems such as greenhouse gas reduction, mitigation of tropical diseases, healthy community building, and high-quality infrastructure for poverty reduction.

The book emanates from the geopolitical and geo-economic churning and transformations set in motion by the unprecedented economic rise of China resulting in its expanding political influence across the region and the world. In both the economic and the security realms, the United States and China alike are increasingly seen contesting in shaping the Indo-Pacific regional order to their own advantage. This book unfolds the contours and dimensions of China's responses to various multilateral initiatives of the US and its friends and allies like Japan, Australia, and India and, to some extent, even ASEAN. While China's medium-term strategy envisages a non-hostile external environment in order to focus on domestic priorities; reducing dependence of littoral nations of the Indo-Pacific region on America while increasing their engagement and dependence on China. China's expanding reach and influence overseas has resulted in US-led initiatives being China-focused inviting a response from China where adverse reactions have become increasingly palpable.

In light of recent global trends and crises, including the hasty withdrawal of Western troops from Afghanistan and the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, this book sheds new light on global power shifts in multiple areas of international relations between industrialized countries and emerging powers. This book argues that “the global age” is rapidly supplanting “the modern age”, and that modernity is paving the way for globality. The events that are taking place in the 21st century can no longer be effectively described, understood or explained by the concept of modernity which originated more than 500 years ago. Further, this book challenges the academic and societal tendency to view international power-related phenomena on the basis of a dichotomy between hard and soft power. It assumes that another power source, independent of hard and soft power, does exist. Invisible, structure-manipulating, and effectively leveraged, it is precisely this “third power” that drives and shapes power phenomena in the “global age” more intensively than either hard or soft power. This book seeks to verify its core hypotheses by applying them to a set of selected global phenomena, particularly from the domains of geopolitics (Belt & Road Initiative, Iran conflict, war in Afghanistan, and competition for a new world order) and technology (Global Navigation Satellite Systems, 5G infrastructure, race for international standards, and ICT rivalry). Rather than systematically examining each of these issues, it focuses on extracting theoretical meanings from these cases to demonstrate the logic of globality and structural power, partly from global-horizontal perspectives, partly through a structural-vertical lens.

Written by a leading scholar of public diplomacy, Boundary Spanners of Humanity introduces a pan-human vision of communication that can revolutionize how we collaborate to solve global problems. Never before has humanity enjoyed better technological capabilities for interconnection than today. Ironically, rather than benefiting from the global pool of human resources and intellectual wealth to solve shared problems, nations are experiencing public discord and global divisions. Boundary Spanners of Humanity tackles the challenge of how to enhance global collaboration by introducing three pan-human logics of human communication and public diplomacy that can transform how we view diversity in an interconnected world. R.S. Zaharna begins by asking why the very tools needed for global collaboration-communication and public diplomacy-are undermining our efforts to work together. Her research reveals how contemporary communication is based on a nineteenth-century mindset of separateness that divided people into mutually exclusive cultural and national categories. That mindset reinforces human divisions and erodes global collaboration. In a radical break from conventional models, Zaharna introduces a vision of humanity-centered public diplomacy featuring three complementary logics of communication. Zaharna's innovative approach stems from decade-long, interdisciplinary research that spans from ancient cosmologies to emerging neurobiology. She draws on a rich array of global examples from ancient and indigenous precolonial diplomacies to spontaneous online communication during the Covid-19 pandemic to provide insights into overlooked aspects of emotion, empathy, spirituality, and synchrony in how nations and people communicate in the global arena. Ambitiously conceived, this book will bring a new, global understanding of how to conduct public diplomacy for the world's boundary spanners-those who would find commonality among our many divisions-and collaborate on humanity's shared global problems.

This Open Access book explains ASEAN's strategic role in managing great power politics in East Asia. Constructing a theory of institutional strategy, this book argues that the regional security institutions in Southeast Asia, ASEAN and ASEAN-led institutions have devised their own institutional strategies vis-à-vis the South China Sea and navigated the great-power politics since the 1990s. ASEAN proliferated new security institutions in the 1990s and 2000s that assumed a different functionality, a different geopolitical scope, and thus a different institutional strategy. In so doing, ASEAN formed a “strategic institutional web” that nurtured a quasi-division of labor among the institutions to maintain relative stability in the South China Sea. Unlike the conventional analysis on ASEAN, this study disaggregates “ASEAN” as a collective regional actor into specific individual institutions—ASEAN Foreign Ministers'Meeting, ASEAN Summit, ASEAN-China dialogues, ASEAN Regional Forum, East Asia Summit, and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting-Plus—and explains how each of these institutions has devised and/or shifted its institutional strategy to curb great powers'ambition in dominating the South China Sea while navigating great power competition. The book sheds light on the strategic potential and limitations of ASEAN and ASEAN-led security institutions, offers implications for the future role of ASEAN in the Indo-Pacific region, and provides an alternative understanding of the strategic utilities of regional security institutions.

This book is the first study of multilateral LGBT human rights diplomacy viewed from the perspective of its practitioners: diplomats, LGBT activists, human rights experts and multilateral specialists. It demonstrates how diplomats and advocates work to promote LGBT rights on the world stage, often using Western constructs of sexual and gender identity. In turn, these efforts have triggered conflict and polarization: opposing states often deploy cultural, religious and moral discourses to minimize LGBT rights as a “legitimate” human right. The author, a seasoned Canadian foreign service officer, human rights negotiator and former community activist and researcher, uses insider perspectives to critically assess both bilateral and multilateral diplomatic engagement on LGBT human rights issues. Janoff's research involved participation in UN meetings in Geneva and New York and 29 interviews with diplomats, human rights advocates and experts, and representatives from the UN and other inter-governmental organizations. Although LGBT issues have been mainstreamed into many areas of bilateral and multilateral human rights policy, his research found a considerable gap: a coordinated diplomatic and civil society approach is needed to more effectively address ongoing human rights violations against LGBT people around the world.

This book is about the importance of nuclear disarmament and the work pursued by Alva Myrdal, a pioneering social activist, diplomat, cabinet minister, and disarmament negotiator. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1982 together with Alfonso García Robles'for their work for disarmament and nuclear and weapon-free zones'. Prominent academics, politicians and practitioners have contributed reflections on Myrdal's achievements and their impact on the world today. Furthermore, a sample of Myrdal's own writings on nuclear disarmament are included, as well as significant speeches and a bibliography of her publications on nuclear matters. Alva Myrdal was born in Uppsala, Sweden, in 1902, graduated from college in Stockholm in 1924, and continued higher education at Uppsala University in the 1930s. She was a prolific author and reformer, specializing in social affairs, women's roles and nuclear disarmament. She was Sweden's Ambassador to India in the 1950s, for Nuclear Disarmament in the 1960s and 1970s, and a member of the Cabinet 1967-1973. Her most well-known works are'The Game of Disarmament'(1976),'Nation and Family'(1941), and'Women's Two Roles'(1956, with Viola Klein). Her book'The Game of Disarmament'(1976) is a key work in disarmament. The Alva Myrdal Centre for Nuclear Disarmament was set up at Uppsala University in 2021 to contribute new ideas and concrete measures towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. Both editors are associated with the Centre, Professor Peter Wallensteen as a member of the board and leader of one of its working groups, and Dr. Armend Bekaj as a researcher. - This book is relevant for students of international relations and policy-makers on issues of peace and conflict. - It provides background documentation on the difficulties in achieving disarmament. - It illustrates the significant role women can play to infuse new ideas into a men's world. - It displays the importance of persistence, rationality, ingenuity and knowledge in furthering nuclear disarmament. - It shows that Alva Myrdal's efforts can be an inspiration for new generations.

This book investigates the determinants of leadership in East Asia, emphasizing the significance of followership in the success and failure of leadership projects proposed by China, Japan, and the United States. While doing so, it answers a central question in the field of international relations: Why do potential leader countries succeed in obtaining potential followers in some instances, but fail to do so in other instances? Employing an inclusive leadership and societal approach, the book investigates how the leading countries motivate followership in East Asian economic and security dynamics. It analyzes how Chinese, Japanese and American leadership obtained acceptance from potential followers, focusing on the significance of domestic politics of potential follower countries in shaping their governmental preferences and generating followership. The book features empirical evidence in six case studies, covering topics such as the successful Chinese endeavor of South Korea joining the Chinese initiative for the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), the failed US attempt to prevent South Korea from doing so, the US's success to convince Japan to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the failed Japanese strive for winning South Korea's support for Japan's bid for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council (UNSC), the Chinese failure at obtaining the Philippines'backing of the Chinese aspirations in the South China Sea (SCS) during the Aquino Presidency, and, finally, the Chinese success one the same effort during the Duterte presidency.The book will appeal to students, scholars, and researchers of international relations interested in a better understanding of leadership determinants in East Asia, Global Power Shift, foreign policy, as well as East Asian economic and security dynamics.

The concept of soft power has caught the attention of policymakers, scholars, and political pundits for the last thirty years. Soft power studies most often focus on measures of public opinion toward a power-wielder and draw conclusions about a state's level of soft power from that opinion. This research examines soft power influence by focusing on the elite discourse and the foreign policy decisions of states that are the target of soft power influence. Beginning with Joseph Nye's conception that soft power is an attractive force that influences state policy decisions and its level of support for another state's policies, Confronting the Myth of Soft Power in U.S. Foreign Policy examines whether U.S. soft power was part of key policymakers'decision calculus. Soft power is tested against two plausible alternate explanations—balancing and state identity. Data from the discourse of key foreign policymakers in France and Germany indicate that U.S. soft power does not account for those states'policy decisions to support U.S.-led policy interventions in Kosovo in 1999, or against ISIS in 2014. The results of this research are suggestive regarding the potential of soft power influence and its implications on scholarship and U.S. foreign policymaking.

Migration and the impact that immigrants have on Canada is and always has been central to a robust understanding of Canadian identity. However, despite claims that “the world needs more Canada,” Canadians, their governments, and scholars pay much less attention to the estimated 3 million Canadian expatriates who live elsewhere. The Construction of Canadian Identity from Abroad features Canadian scholars who live and work outside Canada (or have recently returned to Canada) and who write and think deeply about identity construction. What happens when that Canadian is a scholar whose teaching, research and scholarship, professional development, and/or community engagement focuses directly on Canada? How does being abroad affect how we interpret Canada? In short, in what ways does “externality” affect how Canadian expat scholars intellectually approach, construct, and identify with Canada? This engaging volume is ideal for university students, scholars, government officials, and the general public.

This book puts forward a new angle of understanding the society of states in the milieu of the contemporary world. The absence of a regulatory mechanism, i.e., anarchy, has been the fundamental issue of international relations. This book explains how the normative imperatives, information and communication technology (ICT) and nuclear deterrence generated ambiance have poised the states in a society where they are bound to follow certain normative imperatives that dilute the color and meaning of anarchy and obliges the states to act in a certain way. It develops a theoretical proposition with regard to state power defined in terms of the capability of determining the outcomes. The proposition first elaborates how international institutions foster normative imperatives; then, in line with this ontology, it narrows down the focus solely on the power of the states in the contemporary world. It explains how the power that can determine the outcome today is holistic in nature, comprisingboth materialistic and normative factors. In the next step, it tailors the proposition in a way so as to employ it for a specific empirical work. The book does not end just positing the theoretical proposition; the proposition is testified through some case studies with regard to climate negotiations under the UNFCCC. The empirical part not only serves to examine the plausibility of the theoretical proposition, but it also presents the logic of the major actors and the politics with respect to some of the major issues of climate change, i.e., mitigation, funding policy and mechanism and adaptation. The scholars in this arena, climate activists and climate-conscious people in general would find this book worth reading as it kindles a different angle to understand the issues in the context of the contemporary world and as it elaborates the logic, framing process, and mechanism of reaching outcomes through complex negotiation process. No other work has so far analyzed the issuescovering the entire period of 21 apex UNFCCC negotiations that led to the Paris Agreement. Apart from university libraries, this book, thus, has the prospect to be sold in the markets targeting the academicians, climate change experts, bureaucrats, negotiators and the common readers.

This book explores Mexico's foreign policy using the ‘principled pragmatism'approach. It describes and explains main external actions from the country's independence in the nineteenth century to Andrés Manuel López Obrador's administration. The principal argument is that Mexico has resorted to principled pragmatism due to geographic, historical, economic, security, and political reasons. In other words, the nation uses this instrument to deal with the United States, defend national interests, appease domestic groups, and promote economic growth.The key characteristics of Mexico's principled pragmatism in foreign policy are that the nation projects a double-edged diplomacy to cope with external and domestic challenges at the same time. This policy is mainly for domestic consumption, and it is also linked to the type of actors that are involved in the decision-making process and to the kind of topics included in the agenda. This principled pragmatism is related to the nature of theintention: principism is deliberate and pragmatism is forced; and this policy is used to increase Mexico's international bargaining power.

This fully revised and expanded sixth edition of Diplomacy, written by an internationally respected researcher and teacher of the subject, is richly illustrated with examples from the worlds of health and commerce as well as high politics. The instances included are mostly contemporary, but considerable historical background to the diplomatic methods themselves is always provided. Among other features, new to this edition is a list of topics for seminar discussion or essays, as well as annotated further reading at the end of each chapter. Following a chapter on the foreign ministry, Part I of this book deals with the art of negotiation (prenegotiations, around-the-table negotiations, diplomatic momentum, packaging agreements, and following up); Part II covers conventional modes of diplomacy (embassies, telecommunications, consulates, secret intelligence by ‘legals', conferences, summits, and public diplomacy); and Part III examines diplomacy in hostile circumstances (embassy substitutes such as representative offices and interests sections, special missions, and mediation). Students and educators of diplomacy will find much of value in the latest edition of this highly regarded and much-cited textbook.

This Handbook represents an unprecedented exploration of the positive peace platform. It permits a comprehensive appreciation of the breadth of positive peace that engages with nonviolence, environmental sustainability, social justice and positive relationships scholarship.The work serves as a one-stop shop for scholar/practitioners interested in locating their inquiry and outputs in the field of positive peace and provides readers from a multitude of disciplines and academic departments with a comprehensive overview of the multiplicity of positive peace research in one location. In doing so, the Handbook of Positive Peace securely demarcates and recognizes the positive peace platform in social scientific and humanities academic disciplines.

The New York Times bestsellerHenry Kissinger, consummate diplomat and statesman, examines the strategies of six great twentieth-century figures and brings to life a unifying theory of leadership and diplomacy“An extraordinary book, one that braids together two through lines in the long and distinguished career of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger...In Leadership he presents a fascinating set of historical case studies and political biographies that blend the dance and the dancer, seamlessly.” - James Stavridis, The Wall Street Journal“Leaders,” writes Henry Kissinger in this compelling book, “think and act at the intersection of two axes: the first, between the past and the future; the second, between the abiding values and aspirations of those they lead. They must balance what they know, which is necessarily drawn from the past, with what they intuit about the future, which is inherently conjectural and uncertain. It is this intuitive grasp of direction that enables leaders to set objectives and lay down a strategy.” In Leadership, Kissinger analyses the lives of six extraordinary leaders through the distinctive strategies of statecraft, which he believes they embodied. After the Second World War, Konrad Adenauer brought defeated and morally bankrupt Germany back into the community of nations by what Kissinger calls “the strategy of humility.” Charles de Gaulle set France beside the victorious Allies and renewed its historic grandeur by “the strategy of will.” During the Cold War, Richard Nixon gave geostrategic advantage to the United States by “the strategy of equilibrium.” After twenty-five years of conflict, Anwar Sadat brought a vision of peace to the Middle East by a “strategy of transcendence.” Against the odds, Lee Kuan Yew created a powerhouse city-state, Singapore, by “the strategy of excellence.” And, though Britain was known as “the sick man of Europe” when Margaret Thatcher came to power, she renewed her country's morale and international position by “the strategy of conviction.” To each of these studies, Kissinger brings historical perception, public experience and—because he knew each of the subjects and participated in many of the events he describes—personal knowledge. Leadership is enriched by insights and judgements that only Kissinger could make and concludes with his reflections on world order and the indispensability of leadership today.

This book explores both the history and current diplomatic and foreign policy challenges in Turkish-French relations. By critically analyzing Turkish and French government and archival documents, as well as other primary sources, it reviews the evolution of Turkish-French relations and offers a better understanding of various diplomatic issues, foreign policy decisions, and geopolitical questions. Furthermore, it sheds new light on the significance of domestic political demands for foreign policy decisions and the importance of mutual perceptions in shaping the two countries'relations.The book is divided into three parts, the first of which studies the history of Turkish-French relations, including the Ottoman Empire's trade relations with France, France's relations with the modern Republic of Turkey, and relations during the Cold War and its aftermath. The second part analyzes various dimensions, including diplomatic challenges, the two countries'foreign policy concepts, geopolitical aspects, economic and trade relations, and their cultural relationship. In turn, the third part presents case studies on more specific issues related to Franco-Turkish relations, including Turkey's EU accession process, the Armenian and Kurdish issues, and French and Turkish perspectives on the MENA region.

This book analyses international relations between the USA, China, and Russia and provides an overview of how the US-China-Russia triangle has evolved over time. Based on a forensic examination of primary documentation from US archives, the author illustrates how the US strategic perspectives on Chinese–Russian relations have developed since the late-19th century. The author demonstrates how US relations with the Russian and Chinese empires began expanding into greater sophistication and complexity in the 19th century, reflecting changing US concerns, priorities, and preferences vis-à-vis Sino-Russian dynamics which themselves, too, were evolving in parallel and, in some instances, in an interactive fashion. The book analyses US perceptions of Sino-Russian interactions in ways which, from the US perspective, affected US interests, either positively or negatively.

This book explores the possibility and feasibility of building a new model of major-country relations between China and the United States, which is of great significance to the sound interaction between the two countries and the preservation of peace and stability of the world. In early June 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping and US President Barack Obama reached a consensus on building a new model of major-country relations at the historical Sunny lands meeting in California. In the years that followed, the two leaders were committed to that goal despite the different interpretations in its substance. How is the new model of major-country relations conceptualized and developed? What renders it possible? Is the major-country conflict inevitable? These are the basic issues addressed in this book. Now, China-US relations are at a critical juncture. The international community is watching the world's two largest economies and is quite concerned about the future of one of the world's mostcomplicated bilateral relationships. This timely publication of Professor Tao Wenzhao provides us with a realistic approach to managing this vital relationship in a candid and balanced way.

China and Russia have grown progressively closer over the last two decades, yielding a China-Russia “axis” uniquely capable of challenging the United States and of revising key aspects of the international order. Although the scholarly literature has offered detailed descriptions and various ad hoc explanations of this trend, the Sino-Russian bilateral relationship has been the subject of very little scrutiny using rigorous theory, which has precluded the formation of logically coherent and empirically supported explanations for increasing China-Russia cooperation. Moreover, the cooperative post-Cold War trend in the bilateral relationship is puzzling for each of the major paradigms of international relations theory: realism, constructivism and liberalism. This volume brings together leading IR scholars from various theoretical perspectives, as well as theoretically-informed experts in Chinese and Russian foreign policy. The chapters develop and apply nuanced theoretical arguments to derive testable hypotheses for the cooperative trend in China-Russia relations. In contrast to existing scholarship, the book offers generalizable insights that both improve our understanding of a crucially important contemporary case, while also advancing IR theory in substantial ways.