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The paper is based on Central and Eastern Countries' experience in implementing public diplomacy as a tool of their foreign policy. The main hypothesis says that public diplomacy makes a suitable tool for positioning a country internationally while using the means of soft power (J. Nye). This was the case of twelve countries, mainly from the Central and Eastern Europe, which joined the European Union after 2004. The paper is based mainly on the cases of Poland, Czech Republic, Baltic States and Hungary. They represent the region characterized by no visibility in European politics. The Polish case will be displayed with more details as the government of the country adopted public diplomacy in order to strive for middle power position within the European Union. The paper sheds light on national specifics of public diplomacy of the EU new members and at the same moment at the contribution of the countries to the understanding of the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that, in drawing predominantly upon Marxist approaches, existing critical accounts of European integration suffer from the problem of economic determinism. Whilst such accounts have enriched our understanding of European integration through their considerations of capitalism, therefore, they have nevertheless been unable to provide a feasible explanation for the relationship between the two processes. The paper argues for a turn to the work of Deleuze and Guattari, which provides insights into how we might consider the relationship between capitalism and political institutions, whilst avoiding the depiction of one as determining of the other. In doing so, it argues that European integration can be understood to have overseen the re-centring of what Deleuze and Guattari refer to as the 'capitalist axiomatic', in the attempt by Europe's political elite to enable, represent, and repress the connections of desire that constitute the contemporary European social assemblage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the EU's use of strategic diplomacy as a means of positioning itself in the world arena and of managing relationships with major powers within the arena. The first part of the paper develops an argument about the place of strategic diplomacy in EU external policy, identifying key elements and proposing a framework for analysis. The second part looks at the record of EU diplomacy towards China since the mid-1990s, evaluating key phases in the evolution of the EU-China 'strategic partnership', and assesses the negotiations for an EU-China Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. The conclusions revisit and reassess the arguments, and ask whether it is possible to identify 'value added' through the pursuit of EU strategic diplomacy in this case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the framework of the DYNAMUS project about the interaction between the European Union and global institutions, this paper develops a specific conceptual framework that tries to establish more precise links between the EU's 'single voice' and its ability to exert influence in global institutions. Traditionally, a key assumption of both practitioners and academics of European integration is that a stronger 'single voice' leads to more ability to exert influence on the international stage. This paper argues, however, that in certain circumstances this is not necessarily the case. More specifically, the paper identifies several processes where a stronger 'single voice' leads to less ability to exert influence. The paper ends with a preliminary case study on the EU's involvement in the Oslo Process regarding cluster munitions in order to illustrate some of the issues raised in the conceptual framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines transnational advocacy in the European Union, EU governance, and the emergent normative order that fosters (or supports) nontraditional forms of contentious collective action to understand how such a deinstitutionalized space impacts decision making and contributes to the construction of a discernable European polity. By looking at discrete constituencies this essay hopes to illustrate how governance, as a notion and empirical reality, changes the parameters of contention in fundamental and observable ways. This paper will argue: 1) when adhered to, a governance paradigm challenges traditional/formal modes of political contestation and has potential to undermine/disrupt representative democracy; 2) insofar as „outside? actors are able to exert power, a cleavage is forming between local activists/residents and global and/or regional actors and nongovernmental organizations; 3) in an „open? multi-layered polity, especially one that promotes governance, political mobilization is uncertain and unpredictable. Ultimately this paper wants to contribute to literature on multilevel governance, contentious collective action, and decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negotiating regional trade agreements with other regional organizations constitutes an essential part of the EU's promotion of its idea of regional integration. It forms a diffusion process whose "sender" - the EU - has so far gained by far more attention than the respective "receiving ends". Due to a highly asymmetric relationship with the EU, African regional organizations seem to have little choice but to comply and "download" in such diffusion processes. Yet, in case of the latest negotiations of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA), the EU's idea of regional integration has been met with strong resistance and the negotiation process largely failed. Such cases of resistance have hardly been studied, and the paper argues that as a first step, research needs to look "inside" the receiving ends. Rejecting an "all in one boat logic", it suggests an actor network approach to unravel national, regional and interregional interactions taking place within changing regional configurations. The paper presents the findings of a three-year research project of a case study on the EPA negotiations between the EU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the least decade, international organizations (IOs) have become an integral part of global and regional counterterrorism cooperation. At the same time, there are still important functional and political impediments to a more advanced role of IOs in this sensitive environment. The paper sheds light on IOs' specific role as formal bureaucratic organizations in counterterrorism cooperation and investigates how and when they exercise agency under tight political and functional constraints based on comparative empirical evidence for EU and UN post-9/11 counterterrorism efforts. It distinguishes three mechanisms of IO agency: IOs as channels and entrepreneurs, IOs as coordinators and managers, and IOs as think-tanks and authorities. While states continue to be in the driving seat of the fight against terrorism, the paper argues that shifts towards more comprehensive counterterrorism cooperation have created new opportunities for IO agency based on outreach and expertise in a less politicized atmosphere. At the same time, the encroachment into particularly political areas has also opened up new avenues for contestation. The analysis suggests that the emerging role of IOs in this context is best explained by mechanisms pointing to IOs as coordinators/managers and as think-tanks/authorities. The practical challenge will be to reconcile IOs' bureaucratic outreach and expertise with political direction and accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the threat represented by the 20-year old post-Soviet frozen conflicts to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Moldova, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. This threat is twofold. On the one hand, the three republics have to face a sub-national challenge. The breakaway enclaves of Transnistria, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Nagorno-Karabakh have developed de facto states pursuing coherent state-building projects. This has hampered seriously the development of the three former Soviet republics. However, there is also an imperial dimension. Moscow has been a decisive actor that provided the secessionists with military, political, moral, economic, and financial support. Using the case study of Transnistria, this paper explores the consequence of major recent changes undergone by all relevant actors. Moldova democratized. The Transnistrian regime is experiencing a serious legitimacy crisis. The European Union has become increasingly involved in the region. And Russia perceives Brussels' actions targeting Moldova as an overt intrusion in its own sphere of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores whether, how and to what extent the foreign policy choices of EU member states are affected by their progressive integration into the supranational organization. Policy-makers and analysts alike have deplored the proclivity of EU member states to prioritise the pursuit of 'special' bilateral relations with powerful non- EU states such as Russia, the US and China, at the expense of a joint pursuit of relations at the European level. To date, scholars have focused predominantly on exploring the development of common foreign policies towards powerful non-EU states, in terms of both process and substance, while scant attention has been paid to the question of how, why and to what extent national governments pursue their foreign relations with these states at the European or the bilateral level. In particular, we know little about what motivates national governments' choice against cooperation although the fact that member governments frequently opt for a bilateral engagement with important non-EU states is well documented. This paper seeks to explain national foreign policy choices by using the example of member states' relations with the Russian Federation. It explores their choices on energy supply policy and trade disputes during the 2000s. The findings indicate that whereas much emphasis is placed on the need for governments to make 'appropriate' foreign policy choices in the official rhetoric, in practice national governments tend to place great emphasis on the utility of their choice, and not on whether it is 'appropriate'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to show how a combination of different theoretical models can explain the development of the European financial program for supporting cooperation across the Dutch-German border. Cross-border cooperation in the European Union represents a new system of multi-level and interdependent decision-making. Even though the analytical model of Multi-Level Governance (MLG) does justice to the relevance of the different levels of governance involved - subnational, national and supranational - it lacks a clear understanding of how the interaction between the actors at different levels occurs. Here, the Principal-Agent model (PA) can provide more insight. In this approach, the relationship between two actors - the principal and the agent to which authority is delegated - is characterized by oversight mechanisms by means of which the principal seeks to control the agent. In this paper, I will incorporate both approaches by focusing on the shifts of authority in German-Dutch cross-border cooperation, which created several agents by not only delegating authority from national principals to the European Commission, but also from the European Commission to the subnational Dutch-German cross-border organizations. In addition, and contrary to what is expected on the basis of the assumptions of the MLG approach, national actors were actually able in part to regain decision-making authority on cross-border cooperation rather than losing it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the EU is generally a proponent of strong regulatory norms concerning environmental protection at the multilateral level and is often regarded as a "green global leader", such a perception deserves a deeper assessment. Based on an empirical analysis of the contentions between the EU and Brazil at the World Trade Organization (WTO) over the issue of retreaded tyres, this paper argues two main points. First, it states that the EU falls short in demonstrating political coherence relating to environmental preferences, especially when trade variables are at stake. Here, the problem of normative visions regarding a "European green power" is raised. Second, being the first developing country in the history of the WTO to employ public health and environmental arguments to justify a trade ban, Brazil has demonstrated its capabilities to efficiently emulate developed country strategies in the context of international trade disputes. In this context, the selected case study should help to explain why great emerging countries have progressively become great defenders of a liberal economic order symbolized by the WTO. The paper concludes by showing how an example of European policy incoherence has, paradoxically, given more consistency to Brazilian environmental and sanitary domestic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's accession to the European Union has been the subject of much debate and controversy across regions. However, diverse governmental and non-governmental actors, interviewed by us in May 2010, emphasized the distinction between the EU accession process from actual membership and the profound impact that this process has already had on the country. This paper draws on interviews and meetings conducted with political officials and civil society actors at the national and local level and members to explore how the EU process affects democratization efforts in Turkey, particularly in the Kurdish region. The paper applies the two-level game to explore how domestic debates regarding identity issues, women's empowerment, the role of religion in politics and local development are all framed as essential to democratization in an effort to appeal to wider domestic and international audiences. While many different political and civil society actors coopt the term "democracy" in presenting their own demands, they are quick and forceful to downplay the democratic credentials of political opponents. We work to parse out the different stakeholders, their unique and shared perspectives on democracy, their individual investment in the EU process and commitment to actual accession. We focus on the following question: what is the impact of the EU accession process on democratization in Turkey? We present our argument using evidence from interviews conducted at the national and local level in Turkey, newspaper accounts, EU reports, and additional secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses and explains the level of integration of climate policy objectives ("climate policy integration") into EU energy policy. It argues that the integration of these two policy sectors cannot be assumed, even following the adoption of the climate and energy package of policy measures in 2009. To outline this argument, we, firstly, present an overview of the conceptualisation of climate policy integration at the EU level. Secondly, we outline an analytical framework to measure climate policy integration, and a conceptual framework drawn from theories of European integration. Thirdly, we examine in detail two sub-sectors of EU energy policy. From an internal energy perspective, we explore climate policy integration into the EU's renewable energy sector. From an external policy perspective, we examine policy developments in the promotion of gas pipelines in southern Europe to secure future supply of natural gas from the Caspian Sea region. The paper then provides some general conclusions on the conditions for the advancement of climate policy integration in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper develops a two-dimensional typology of political reasons for governments to pledge referendums on European integration when they are not obliged to do so: the first dimension is about the political level at which the strategic use of referendum pledges is targeted and it distinguishes between domestic and European reasons; the second dimension attends to the strategic mode of governments when pledging EU referendums which can either be about avoiding political losses (the defensive mode) or about realising political gains (the offensive mode). In combination, the typology yields four ideal types of reasons for governments to commit to EU referendums: the depoliticising, plebiscitary, red-line and internationalist EU referendum pledges. In the empirical analysis, the paper applies this typology to classify 28 cases of discretionary government commitments to EU referendums and it presents the findings of an expert survey that has been conducted for this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition laws, which aim to prevent firms' anticompetitive behavior in the marketplace, existed only in a handful of industrialized countries until the 1980s. In the last three decades, many countries around the world adopted competition policies and established independent competition authorities. How do we explain the rapid spread of such policies around the world in a relatively circumscribed time period? Scholarship on international diffusion suggests four mechanisms through which policies may spread internationally: coercion by dominant actors, competition among countries to attract investors, learning, and emulation. This paper develops a theoretical framework to account for the spread of competition laws around the world by drawing on the diffusion literature. Empirically, it illustrates the first of these mechanisms, coercion, by focusing on the EU's efforts to transfer its competition policies to its neighbors. What are the motivations for the EU to export its policies? What are the strategies it uses, and what are the factors that lead to success or failure of policy transfer? The paper explores these questions in the empirical case of attempted policy transfer in the EU's neighborhood, and thus seeks to contribute to our understanding of the mechanism of coercion in explaining policy diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of the Cold War, the European Union recognized "the transition to a new European order as a positive opportunity to develop its external role" (Pace 2003, 164). With the establishment of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) as part of the Maastricht Treaty, a renewed Mediterranean Policy was introduced in December 1990. Nevertheless, the EU still had not adopted long-term policies to address the increasing disparities between the two sides of the Mediterranean (Pace 2003, 164) until 1995 with its official start through the Barcelona Declaration/EuroMed Partnership (EMP), now succeeded by the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM). From the EU perspective, this paper seeks to show how both hard and soft power approaches are utilized in its foreign policy approach to MENA, with the CSDP as part of the CSFP (and a number of member state initiatives) the EU in tandem with NATO (and especially its Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative) as hard power (Manners 2002, 237), and the UfM focusing on soft power. This paper addresses the security implications of soft power, with the optimal mix between security and soft power constantly being adjusted (Heisbourg 2001, 6/7), as different national and international parameters are securitized more or less. These dynamics are based on the political realities of the day globally and intra-regionally, as well as due to progress in the process of harmonization among UfM members, operationalized by security sectors and levels (Buzan, Waever and de Wilde 1998 within the "three basket structured" (political, economic, and social-cultural of the EMP as well as the UfM). Heisbourg (2001, 7) points out that capability is not merely a function of military hardware, but equally a "function of strategic vision" (Ibid.) - and the UfM is evaluated in the proposed paper for its role in contributing to the Euro-Mediterranean regional capabilities for stability and prosperity per its ENP mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the dawn of the 21st century it is widely recognised that transnational terrorism can pose a major challenge to the security of nation-state. To manage this challenge, multi-agency collective efforts, beyond those at the domestic level, are needed. Though since 2001 there has been an invigoration of national security efforts, any multinational security efforts will be successful only if there is a shared understanding of the domestic and multilateral institutional architectures, both existing and needed, to combat terrorism and respond to man-made or natural catastrophic events The academic communities on both sides of the Atlantic have taken notice of the need for academic research and instruction in a Homeland Security (HS) based curriculum, but have responded differently to how this might best be achieved. US universities have largely developed entire HS academic programmes, but this has not been replicated in the European Union. Building upon a paper delivered at the 2010 ISA annual convention, this paper will examine the data that has been generated for a research project funded by the EU/US Atlantis Programme. This project analyses HS education provision in the US and EU, and will compare curricular coverage of comparative and international issues in homeland security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is no single global mobility regime, over the past 20 years, the European Union (EU) has been developing an institution framework within which mobility issues can be addressed. And, policymaking targeting third country nationals (TCNs) has been introduced into the joint policy domain of the EU. This paper tracks the ascent of policies that relate to TCNs in the EU policy discourse, identifies the key actors in pushing for the mainstreaming of this portfolio, and reviews and assesses selected policy output to date. Using policy tracing as a method, the paper chronicles the efforts to situate TCN policies within a broader global human rights regime by employing the discourse of (human) rights (of minorities) relative to European Union citizens. The Long Term Residents, Family Reunification, and Returns Directives are used as case studies, as the paper chronicles efforts at the global, regional, national, and subnational levels and applies a framework of political opportunity structures which inform the policy process. The paper seeks to explain why the negotiation of TCN policies generally demonstrates a minimalist pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper combines research on the EU timescape with an historical institutionalist toolkit to explore the temporal dimension of the Europeanization of governance in the European Union member states. It draws specifically on empirical research conducted on the impact of the EU on German and British governance. Applying the dual dynamics of path dependent incremental development and radical change (punctuated evolution or critical junctures), the paper seeks to shed light on the under-researched temporal dimension of Europeanization. In particular it examines the issues at play in synchronizing the EU and member state timescapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the flexible institutional arrangement characterising the European Union Humanitarian Aid Policy (EUHAP). It is the only EU foreign policy presenting an institutional arrangement providing with the simultaneous coexistence of three different intervention alternatives: unilateralism, cooperation, and delegation. This paper then questions the reasons of such a peculiarity. Referring to the principal-agent theory, this paper argues that states choose for or against delegation, and, in a second moment, to what extent delegating on the base of a calculus costs/benefits. Delegation is of benefit to overcome three transaction costs - information asymmetries, preferences divergence and commitment credibility - but entails a cost in terms of autonomy reduction. This paper then hypothesises that flexible delegation is the best solution to capitalise delegation benefits and minimise its costs. The hypothesis is illustrated through three different examples of EUHAP implementation. The aim is, first, to show how flexible delegation is concretely applied to the EUHAP context, and, second, to discuss its utility to enhance delegation benefits and reduce delegation costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War Nordic cooperation blossomed and Nordic identity was strong but defence was left outside of the Nordic framework. After the end of the Cold War, Nordic cooperation waned and it was largely replaced by cooperation within the EU framework. During the past couple of years, however, the Nordic defence cooperation has been boosted by a number of initiatives and common projects. The paper tries to analyse this recent rise of Nordic defence cooperation. Theoretically the article revolves around the question of how material and identity factors explain security cooperation in today's Europe. During the Cold War it was easy to explain that identity was important in low politics cooperation between the Nordic countries but geostrategic factors and national interests based upon them determined (the lack of) defence cooperation. Even today, Nordic defence cooperation is justified more by costefficiency and geographical proximity than by common identity. The argument of the paper is that Nordic identity nevertheless plays an important role in motivating defence cooperation. It is not driven by pure cost-efficiency or strategic calculation. The role of identity needs however to be understood not as a kind of independent force but as part of the political process. Nordic identity explains the rise of Nordic defence cooperation in three ways: it facilitates informal cooperation between defence officials at various levels, it is easy to sell it politically to domestic audiences and it is not seen as contradicting European or NATO cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different ways of conceptualizing and assessing the European Union's (EU) actorness have been at the centre of discussions on EU foreign policy. This paper, instead of offering a new conception of EU's actorness, aims to offer a new way of analyzing its effectiveness as a foreign policy actor by focusing on enlargement policy, which is considered to be a part of EU's foreign policy. It will be argued that the EU is a foreign policy actor/subject but the effectiveness of its policies depends mainly on the stability of the discourse it employs in the international arena. In line with this, the paper offers a three dimensional framework for analyzing and assessing the effectiveness of EU enlargement policy. The effectiveness of the policy is assessed on the basis of how the EU defines itself as an actor and formulates a specific policy path in line with this, how it performs this policy, and how it is received by potential member states and candidate countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses effective multilateralism in the light of the cooperation of the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in crisis management and in the United Nations Security Council Reform. In the first part of the paper, I will focus on effective multilateralism and in which terms the EU puts into practice the recognition of the UN as the core of the multilateral order. In the second part, I will focus on crisis management and the United Nations Security Council Reform as tools for effective multilateralism. In the third part I will draw some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores in which ways and by which mechanisms the EU and broader European conditions effects national policy development and discusses the conditions under which such factors will effect national policy development the most. The paper combines Europeanization and Entrepreneurship theory and presents new conceptualizations on how the EU and the European environment affect national policy-making. First, it is argued that institutional and structural features, as highlighted by the Europeanization literature, may create severe constraints on national policy-making - but that this is seldom the case. Entrepreneurship is a common mechanism through which EU policy and other European features shape national policy-making. I distinguish between three kinds of entrepreneurship: Model-Making, Fashion Queen and Shrewd Lawyer. Model-makers bring European impulses into national policy development, often transforming the model along the way. Fashion Queens argue that national policies must be improved so that their country can lead the way for the rest of Europe; and Shrewd Lawyers negotiate and reshape formal EU steering signals. The theory propositions are based on a comparative qualitative case study of three national climate policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the interaction between the EU institutional environment and the strategies adopted by non-state actors involved in the promotion of international norms. I argue that the attributes of each norm type determine the set of tools available to NGOs. These organizations look for most viable avenues for norm promotion and we can expect them to compete for support of governments on the one hand and societies on the other, while considering the constraints specific to each norm and to the institutional context in the EU. The paper builds on a typology of norms, which predicts that the cell occupied by norms acceptable to both governments and societies (a situation that should not be taken for granted) will encounter the least resistance. Not all norms are such, however - the category represents an "ideal" norm to be defended if increasing the likelihood of its success is the goal. Should a norm miss the necessary attributes, it pays for the actors involved in its proliferation to make sure it acquires them and to seek a corresponding re-framing of the issue. To empirically test these propositions, the paper turns to the case of Europe-wide efforts to integrate the Roma minority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates whether European integration, and notably intensified patterns of political cooperation, have led member states of the European Community (EC) - and later the European Union (EU) -- to increasingly 'speak with one voice' in global politics. In order to explore this issue, the paper analyzes member state voting behaviour within the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1952 and 2005, using three different methods to assess the extent of 'cohesion' for EU states as compared to the full UNGA membership. Calculations assessing cohesiveness are first carried out for all UNGA resolutions and subsequently, for resolutions falling within given themes, such as human rights, Middle East policy and security. Our analysis reveals that, in spite of successive rounds of EU enlargement - and the resulting increase in political opinions - EC (and EU) cohesion levels were higher than those measured for the full UNGA membership, with EC cohesion levels notably strengthening from the mid-1980s onwards, when European political cooperation became increasingly effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The choice of a governance regime has ceased being an exclusively domestic process. Though debates continue about its effectiveness and morality, democracy promotion has become a channel of virtual global governance, shifting and modifying the domestic authority of the democratizing country. However, the conditions and the extent of similar shifts are yet to be understood. This paper analyzes the conditions and the potential impact of the policies of the main democracy promoters, the EU and the USA, on the democratization processes of Armenia and Georgia. Special attention is paid to elections and civil society building projects as a way of influencing the choice of the authority and the choosers. This paper adapts the international socialization framework by introducing new variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposed paper studies the internal structures of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in the EU's external relations and assesses the extent to which they contribute to the input and output legitimacy of external policy-making. CSOs have gained importance in recent years and have been praised for various democratizing functions. In the EU institutional demands for civil society participation differ depending on the policy field. The European Commission has expressed its preference for consulting with organizations representative of large constituencies in the Member States. As opposed to that, the Council is interested in CSOs' expertise for better policy-making. The paper examines to what extent the different institutional demands in the intergovernmental European Foreign and Security Policy (ESDP) and the supranational External Trade Policy (ETP) are reflected in the types and internal structures of CSOs active in these policy fields. The paper presents evidence for 16 CSOs in ESDP and ETP. The results confirm the assumption that very different types of CSOs are active in ESDP and ETP, with organizations in ETP featuring a more representative structure. However, CSOs in ESDP draw on other legitimizing sources, such as expertise and beneficiary consultations, thereby not contributing to the input but the output legitimacy of external policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents the early stages of a new project that explores Sino-EU cooperation and competition on the African continent. Existing literature which explores China's growing influence in Africa has been characterised by an exclusive focus on China's policies vis-à-vis Africa, and has been frequently undergirded by a growing anxiety that Western influence is in danger of being undermined. This paper seeks to problematise these assumptions by exploring whether the EU and China, who both aspire to attain a 'responsible' identity in the international community, may cooperate in their respective development and security policies towards the African continent. The main focus of the paper is on how the EU has attempted to influence Chinese development aid policies towards Africa. In this paper, I argue that China's quest for recognition as a 'responsible great power' has made it susceptible to Western pressure to alter its 'irresponsible' aid policies. I explore the degree to which the EU has acted as a 'socialiser' in getting Beijing to accept and internalise international norms that govern developmental aid, as well as the limitations to the EU's influence. The paper also makes a contribution to its field by generating implications for understanding the moral authority the EU possesses in the Asia-Pacific region (usually seen as a sphere of American influence and strategic interest) and the 'target audience' for China's quest for recognition as a 'responsible great power'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's (EU) involvement in high-profile and controversial competition disputes has raised questions about the Union's decision-making in the regulation of international business activity. Why does the EU decide to pursue such cases that hold the potential to destabilise bilateral and multilateral trading relations? This paper investigates the role of international and domestic factors that influence the EU's competition decisions as applied to foreign corporations. To explain the EU's decisions in external competition policy, the paper considers the causal influence of economic internationalization as well as the domestic pressures exerted by firms and politicians during the merger review process. Empirically, the paper analyses two merger disputes between the EU and the United States of America (US)�the 1997 Boeing-McDonnell Douglas merger and the 2001 GE-Honeywell merger�that provide useful insights and lessons for practitioners and academics alike. The paper finds that, despite its destabilising potential, the EU decides to pursue a vigorous external competition policy primarily as the result of international economic pressures and domestic political dynamics. While the preferences and strategies of individual firms play only a limited role in the EU's decision-making in external competition policy, they seem to play a more significant role in US politicians' decisions to intervene in transatlantic merger review cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU-Russian energy relations lead to an interesting case which reflects the difficulty of harmonizing national priorities with supra-national regulations. This paper indicates national and trans-national issues which are effective in the EU-Russian energy relations and points to idiosyncratic characteristics, and certain discrepancies, which cannot be fully conceived through the main stream theories. It therefore challenges a simple, yet a common, statement that the EU's position is based on a policy of market liberalization stemming from neo-functionalism, while Russia pursues an opposing strategy of increased state control based on a realist understanding of international relations. The paper compares European and Russian literature on energy relations. It then focuses on legal and policy based characteristics of Europe's supply and Russia's demand security. The paper finally underlines how this case deviates from the existing literature, and therefore necessitates a further elaboration from an inter-disciplinary theoretical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International actors have increasingly recognized, and acted upon, the idea that security and development go hand in hand to foster democratization and human security in postconflict settings. One such practice of merging security and development issues, security sector reform (SSR), in which the goal is to reform national security institutions in order to make them more accountable, democratic and responsive to citizens' needs, has been championed since the 1990s by a variety of actors as a key element of the democratization and peace/statebuilding toolbox. Yet, despite both conceptual and practical developments, there is no emerging consensus on the how SSR impacts postconflict peacebuilding and democratization across a variety of countries and sectors and what shapes the determinants of postconflict SSR activities. This paper seeks to provide for such an explanation of the variation in impacts and consequences of SSR. It does so by addressing the issue of SSR in a comparative perspective, with the European Union (EU) as the central part of the analysis. The main research question is : Why, how, when and where is the EU able (or not) to bring about institutional change through its whole security sector reform machinery?. The main argument of this paper is that the ways in which security sector reform activities impact democratization and peacebuilding processes depends on a set of background knowledge, routines and frames that inform how actors think from when designing and implementing SSR projects. The theoretical argument is thus linked and builds on two different research fields: it follows the recent development of the practice turn in international relations by looking, using organizational theory concepts of routines and frames, at what makes certain practices possible and it operationalize, using the logic of practice, the grand and abstract notion of liberal peace developed within critical peacebuilding research circles. In short, this paper provides a theoreticallyinformed framework to understand the impacts of SSR on democratization and peacebuilding in postconflict settings. To do so, it provides a detailed and comprehensive empirical study of one key actor, the European Union, across three countries (DRC, Bosnia and Albania) and focusing on the civilian side, of SSR - rule of law, police and justice sectors , where the EU is most active. The empirical part takes as its point of departure the general idea that the main objective of SSR is to bring needed, sustainable institutional change into local security institutions. Institutional change in the security sector reform refers to changes that affect the structure (the form of the security sector, organizational and administrative) and the function (the content of the activities undertaken by the security sector). In the end, this paper contributes to the advancement of knowledge by adding a theoretical lens on peacebuilding that builds on the practice turn in international relations and organization theory, by providing detailed case studies of institutional change within police and justice reforms in different contexts and by highlighting mechanisms of success and failure of peacebuilding that could be useful to policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When surveying the literature involved in cosmopolitan thought it is often common to see reference to the idea that the European Union symbolizes a prelude toward more regional and global forms of cosmopolitan political order. As many cosmopolitans argue, the European Union, and the legal and political institutions that have evolved from its founding in 1951, constitute something like a post-national order and that the EU example acts as a normative and practical source for future cosmopolitan innovations. Furthermore, it is also common to see reference to the political works of Immanuel Kant within these discussions and for many cosmopolitans to allude to theoretical, historical and practical links between Kant's idea for a federation of independent states and the formulation of the European Union. In particular, many cosmopolitan thinkers allude to an underlying Kantian rationalization behind the normative structure of the EU and often suggest that many of Kant's theoretical and political prescriptions take applied form within the context of the EU. However, I believe that this relationship between Kant and the EU remains a rather underdeveloped assumption that is problematic. This is because there has been little examination of Kant's prescription for a cosmopolitan federation of states and its applied consanguinity with the current structure of the EU. In this regard, although many cosmopolitans suggest a link between Kantian federation and the EU, it has not been teased out fully in terms of Kant's cosmopolitanism and there is compelling evidence to suggest that this relationship is not as robust as it is generally assumed. It is in response to this deficit that this paper will critically explore the link between Kant's vision for a cosmopolitan federation and relate it to the EU as it is currently constituted. By doing so, it will argue that a link between Kant's theory and EU practice can only be reasonably claimed to exist at the level of Kant's international right and that the EU remains rather impoverished in regards to Kant's more radical concept of cosmopolitan right. In this regard, the paper will argue that there are only very limited signs of cosmopolitan order within the current structure of the EU. Although the main purpose of this paper will be to challenge current assumptions about 'Kant's Europe,' it will nevertheless also serve a heuristic purpose. This is because, by highlighting the contrariety between theory and practice, it is possible to locate key normative discrepancies that would need to be resolved before a more Kantian inspired cosmopolitan federation could be realized. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the argument that security integration is occurring in the European Union (EU) as a result of the influence of certain knowledge-based networks or epistemic communities. Two case studies are analyzed: the EU Military Committee (EUMC) and the Civilian Crisis Management Committee (Civcom). Both groups are comprised of Brussels-based experts who have been crucial in shaping the military and civilian side of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), the EU's cornerstone policy mechanism for crisis response in third countries. They do so by virtue of their internal cohesiveness, shared norms, and persuasiveness, but the strength of their influence varies. This paper seeks to expose the inner-workings, processes, and discourses that occur on a day-to-day basis within these epistemic communities to shed light on how governance really works in Brussels. One conclusion is that military integration has the potential to reach fruition more quickly than its civilian counterpart. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of political participation beyond elections is a recurrent subject in contemporary political life. Normative theory suggests that NGO activism offers significant possibilities to reduce the major democratic deficits in associating citizens to global decision-making processes. The assumption of this paper is that the emergence of this participatory norm has a significant influence on the strategies, the power and the organisational structures of non-state actors associated in the policy making processes in the name of the participatory democracy. The main hypothesis is that NGOs or non profit organisations adapt their internal structures and external strategies increasingly to resemble those of for-profit organisations. At the same time as reforming their internal structures in order to become professionalized actors of political representation, they engage in external network and partnership strategies with other NGOs and establish partnerships with for profit organisations, international organisations and domestic governmental services. The paper develops a typology of NGO professionalization processes and presents very preliminary empirical results based on the analysis of humanitarian aid organisations in the European Union. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will examine the many levels of EU external action against terrorism. Focusing primarily on the criminal justice/law enforcement aspects of counter-terrorism, the paper will examine EU external action in the field at three levels: the role of the EU in the globalisation of coutner-terrorism law and policy; policy convergence resulting from bilateral co-operation in the field (in particular EU-US cooperation); and EU external action by new EU bodies and agencies entrusted with xcounter-terrorism. The paper will highlight the limited accountability characterising these three levels of EU action, as well as the challenges it poses to proclaimed EU values (such as the protection of fundamental rights and the rule of law). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since ten years, developments in security and defence inside the European Union with ESDP have constituted a new field where many actors are in relations with each other on a daily basis. We are referring to the notion of field developed by Pierre Bourdieu and adapted by Frédéric Mérand to describe ESDP in relational terms. In this paper we are going beyond study of State actors and talking in terms of practitioners and experts who are linked by expertise from the latter to the former. This paper will present, in the first instance, the composition of this field, decision-makers from Member States and European institutions, and, actors in margin of power from think tanks, NGOs, private enterprises and consultant agencies. Then, we will analyse the way in which this field operates, by emphasizing the socialization process, cooperation and competition between actors around the main issue of the game, mobilization of expertise. Finally, we will evaluate the impacts of these new practices and relations between practitioners and expertise holders in security and defence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over fifteen years have passed since the outbreak of interethnic violence in the Balkans; yet consolidation efforts remain fragile and slow. Drawing on two in-depth case studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo, this paper analyzes the dichotomous relationship between international interventionism and society on the ground, exploring the question of why these countries face persisting difficulties in their democratization trajectory. The paper argues that while international actors, such as the European Union promote state-building, empirical analysis of particular consolidation efforts—including the establishment of the rule of law in BiH to cope with war crimes prosecutions against alleged perpetrators of mass atrocities and the Kosovo statehood dilemma—highlight that, contrary to conventional wisdom, external democratization initiatives hamper transition processes and further weaken state structures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Member States until today have been reluctant to extend the Single Market sphere to healthcare services trade, despite indications that market forces are at play. Forming part of a wider project on the construction of markets in Europe, this paper explores whether market integration is taking in healthcare services from a narrow trade perspective. Applying an analysis based on measuring trade through the four modes of service supply, the paper finds that an internal market is gradually being formed within different layers of healthcare services provision, and to a higher degree than political developments at EU level, would lead to expect ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict management and conflict resolution have become priorities for the European Union in its relations with the neighbourhood. The outbreak of armed conflict in Georgia, in August 2008, underlined the urgency to address the protracted conflicts in the South Caucasus, in order to safeguard achievements in the political and economic spheres. This paper proposal looks at EU engagement with civil society organisations (CSOs) in peacebuilding and conflict transformation, in the conflict over Nagorno Karabakh. Building on extensive field research conducted in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Nagorno Karabakh and Brussels in March and April 2009, the paper looks into the EU's main instruments and policy priorities for dealing with this conflict, with a focus on civil society as interlocutors and agents on the ground. It then assesses the types of CSOs being privileged, the effectiveness of their activities in impacting the conflict dynamics and the overall approach of the EU in engaging CSOs as conflict transformation agents, in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will outline the role that the European Union has played in the International Telecommunication Union, since the European Commission became a Sector Member in 1996. In order to carry this out, the paper will in the first instance, briefly exami ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper treats democracy as a problematic yet under-theorised feature of the relations between states, as shown by the US and EU understood as "states unions". In such systems, the retention of the units' sovereign status is fundamental to their anti-hierarchical design yet subject to ongoing contestation, leading to ambiguity over the nature and extent of units' sovereign status. Given this context, the paper analyses how democratization - the process of appealing directly or indirectly to the people to settle political conflict - brings to the fore the question of the hierarchical relationship between the system and the units in the US and EU. In the antebellum US, the original settlement for preventing hierarchy broke down as both the Union and the units sought to justify their positions in an appeal to the people to settle political conflict. Similar appeals by EU member states and European institutions during treaty re-negotiations have likewise led to a clash over the proper locus of popular sovereignty. Hence the US and EU experiences serve to expose the potentially adverse consequences of democratizing relations between states. Consequently, the paper suggests that whereas democracy within states is associated with the improvement of relations between such states, the extension of democratic practices beyond the state poses profound difficulties for political organization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that domestic political factors are important in determining the outcomes of the WTO dispute settlement process by determining what factors make retaliatory threats credible and potentially harmful. In particular, this paper provides evidence that the 2002 US Steel tariffs were rescinded after a WTO ruling against the US not because of the economic power of the EU or legal factors alone, but also because of domestic political factors that were provoked from the smart retaliatory threat produced by the EU. The implications of this paper are that in order for retaliatory threats to have their full intended impact, they must be able to produce political consequences for the defendant government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the EU's capacity to play a pioneering role in international environmental policy. The objective is to explore the circumstances under which political entities possess the capacity to act as a policy pioneer. It proposes a conceptual framework for policy pioneership and applies these considerations to the EU.One could distinguish three major ways in which the EU influences international environmental policy: international negotiations, the use of coercion and conditionality, and voluntary diffusion of ambitious EU environmental rules. The voluntary diffusion of policy from one political entity to another can be an influential alternative and supplementation to the more traditional mode of global policy-making by nation states through international agreements and coercive measures. Policy diffusion is triggered by globalisation and the increasing interaction between various jurisdictions and other stakeholders. Through policy diffusion, not only nation states but also political entities such as the European Union can play an influential role at the global level. The first section of this paper discusses policy diffusion. The second part outlines the different factors and conditions that determine a political entity's capacity to pioneer policy. In section three, these conceptual considerations are applied to the EU. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emerging 'triangle' in commercial relations between the EU, China and the United States, using the concepts of 'complex interdependence' and 'bi-multilateralism' as organising and evaluative devices. The paper argues that in the 'triangle' there are important areas of unevenness and variation reflecting differences of power, institutional factors and norms, but that nonetheless there can be discerned important elements of 'complex interdependence' as defined by Keohane and Nye. This can be observed in the bilateral relationships between the three parties; at the same time, however, the EU-China-US relationship is central to power, institutions and norms in the changing multilateral commercial system, centred on the World Trade Organisation. This means that many of the commercial policy negotiations between the three parties are essentially 'bi-multilateral': on the one hand, the management of bilateral relations creates externalities for the multilateral system, and on the other hand the evolution of the multilateral system creates new forces shaping the management of bilateral relationships. The paper explores two cases, China's entry into the WTO and the management of trade disputes over textiles, to illuminate the ways in which 'bi-multilateral' elements enter into the EU-China-US 'triangle'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the competing discourses being promoted to frame the debate over social policy in the EU and the impact that this debate is having on the implementation of the flexicurity policy model. First, this paper examines how ideational power is used by competing social forces to construct and support a hegemonic order. By examining how the discourse of competitiveness has been constructed to foster discourse of fear, this paper details how this framework has engendered a policy environment that maintains the member-states must restructure their economies to remain competitive and attractive to transnational business. In addition, the paper traces the four interrelated policy discourses used to frame the debate over the harmonization of social policy within the EU and how this broader context has shaped the implementation of flexicurity. Finally, the paper analyses how the 'common pathways' approach to flexicurity acts to reinforce neo-liberal hegemony in the EU by embedding it within 'depoliticalising' discourse of pragmatic problem-solving. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines critical infrastructure protection as a form of risk regulation in a comparative perspective. While faced with many of the same challenges, Europeans and Americans approach risk and risk management very differently in a number of policy areas. The differences in how Europeans and Americans perceive and manage various kinds of dangers have philosophical as well as socio-political roots. The development of risk regulation with regard to critical infrastructure is shaped by the institutional context and, in the case of the EU and the US, the dynamics of federalism and globalization. In the face of growing public expectations and a diminishing real capacity to foresee and counteract risks, European and American policy-makers try to meet the challenge of protecting critical infrastructures in our society. Taking a historical-institutional approach to risk regulation, the differing ways in which the US and EU view and have approached this challenge forms the core of this paper's discussion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the revision process of the EU emissions trading system (ETS). The ETS has so far operated on the basis of a main directive adopted in 2003 and a 'linking directive' adopted in 2004. In January 2008 the European Commission put forward a formal proposal for a revision of the system and hence new rules for trading in the 2013-20 period. The proposal was debated in the EU decision-making bodies in the course of 2008 and the final revised directive was adopted in December 2008. With the outcome of the process and the significant changes adopted as the dependent variable, the paper discusses three main explanations. First, applying 'intergovernmentalist' lenses, the key determinants for EU policy are found at the level of member states. The member states are the ultimate and main decision-makers, through decisions in the Council. Second, applying the lenses of multi-level governance theory, key determinants for EU policy are (increasingly) found in the positions and actions of the European Commission and the European Parliament. The Commission is the formal agenda-setter in the EU, but has also formal and informal influence in the decision-making phase. The Parliament has become a formal co-decider in the EU. Third, looking through global lenses, key determinants for EU policy may be found in global factors and institutions. Not least, EU policy-making is often embedded in global regimes/institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper claims that the European Union (EU) has had a very peculiar relationship with the globalized post-Cold War economic order. On the one hand, the EU was instrumental in bringing about this order. It aggressively promoted (both internally and externally) the principles and policies upon which this economic order has been based. On the other hand, this proactive engagement was translated within the EU into a highly polarized and antagonistic public discourse that led to a serious identity crisis. In this way, it is argued that economic globalization emerged in the EU as a debate on the nature and future of Europe. After 2005, this polarized and antagonistic discourse started to change. The rise of flexicurity, as a new way of thinking about Europe's place and orientation in the global political economy, has been instrumental in this shift. The paper examines and evaluates these developments and their implications for the European project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the benefits of bridging the debate between rationalism and constructivism to European foreign policy analysis. It is suggested that European Foreign Policy is driven by two interdependent forces, which are defined as security and normative considerations. Security policy is, in this paper, regarded as predominantly driven by intergovernmental and rationalist processes whilst norms are the focus of a communitarian and constructivist approach to European Foreign Policy. The predominance of these two processes is however constantly in a flux, depending on the foreign policy issue at hand and the behaviour of the actors involved. Many regard rationalist and constructivism approaches to foreign policy analysis as opposites. This paper seeks to argue otherwise.The EU is here seen as both an arena and an actor. Foreign policy makers are perceived to be acting along a continuum, moving from the logic of consequentialism to the logics of arguing and appropriateness, as they are been socialised into the foreign policy processes. It is however argued that this movement can in some cases be reversed in which actors move back to favouring a rationalist logic of consequentialism depending on the foreign policy interest at play. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]