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This paper undertakes a reading of the UK government’s recent white paper, Secure Borders, Safe Havens. The aim is to investigate the politics of in/security by comparing it not with the geopolitics of the Cold War but with the politics and discourse of social security. The paper concludes by proposing a concept of ‘domopolitics’ to make sense of the identities and practices present in British immigration debates, but also in the US experience of ‘homeland’ security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some in the literature on the Democratic Peace, particularly John Owen, have suggested that the underlying mechanisms of the democratic peace function both with other democracies and with non-democracies. Unfortunately, the mechanisms of the democratic peace remain ambiguous. Constructivist work on the democratic peace, and security in general, has made significant headway in exploring the mechanisms that drive the phenomenon, but significant gaps remain. In particular, while constructivist scholars have shed considerable light on the construction of security within the mind of leaders, little work has been done on how democratic leaders convey those constructions to the public. The paper seeks to address this lacuna. Using the Copenhagen School's securitization framework, this paper focuses on the role of identity in how democratic political leaders construct security threats. The paper also seeks to link the construction of threat in the mind of policy maker with the construction of threat in the public. To do so, a case study is made of the buildup to British involvement in Iraq. The conclusions are significant. The paper finds that at the personal level, Tony Blair relied on identity as a critical marker indicating potential threat. In turn, Blair used the language of identity in his efforts to securitize Iraq to the public. While there are some indications that he was successful, there are also indications that the democratic identity of Britons also served to block support of unilateral action. For the public, the role of identity is complex, and while the public democratic identity is clearly powerful, it operates in nuanced ways. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the way in which the UK has formulated its policy on enforced disappearance between 1976 and 1980. This period encompasses the Dirty Wars in Chile and Argentina, the prelude to the UK conflict with Argentina over the Falkland Islands and the formation of the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearance, the first thematic mechanism of its kind. This was a period of contrast for UK foreign policy; in terms of responses to so called 'dirty war' at the UN and mission level. The primary material for this paper is derived from interviews with foreign policy thinkers and influencers during this period and recently released archival material. This paper seeks to shed light on the formulation process behind these policies. It will look at the way in which external actors influence foreign policy, question the role of organizational priorities in affecting the policy product and examine the dialectical relationship between human rights and national interest. In exploring this relationship, the paper seeks to bridge foreign policy analysis and human rights. More broadly the paper seeks to explicate the linkages between disappearance and other extra-judicial activities, shedding light on the under explored phenomena of Dirty War. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the UK bases in Cyprus this paper explores narratives of colonialism and security and the questions of ‘soft’ vs ‘hard’ colonialism; the sovereign base as a civilising site and a safe haven; and how local elites may collude and perpetuate such stories. It looks at how legal and political discourses have been employed in the postcolonial era to legitimate UK sovereignty and military presence in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the means by which the British Army has collected, disseminated, and used intelligence in its counter-insurgency campaigns. As a small army wishing to generate maximum effect, the British Army has always looked to intelligence as a sig ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British foreign and domestic security policy towards Islamist extremism since 2001 has been shaped a kind of "secular ambivalence" within the policy process. This ideological phenomena is a by-product of domestic forces, in particular the evolution of British Christo-secularism since the 1960s. This is not confined to the United Kingdom, but is the response of a Christo-secular state to "religious violence" in the late modern period. This paper will lay out the defining characteristics of secular ambivalence as an unofficial ideological position. It will then explore the British encounter with the Mehdi Army in Iraq between 2003 and 2004 as an illustrative example of secular ambivalence in action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the themes of terrorism andcounterterrorism as they are manifest in the popular culture of the United States and United Kingdom, by focusing on two televisual representations of the dialectics of terrorism and counterterrorism. In each of the works I have chosen, the dilemmas posed by counterterrorist mobilization of the security apparatus are either implicitly or explicitly confronted in fictional spaces. I compare similarities and differences in the representation of agents (individuals)and agencies (organizations) involved in terrorism and counterterrorism, and how this impacts democratic polities, by examining two different cultural products. 24 (US Fox Network), and Spooks (UK BBC), are television series based on fictionalized narratives that try to simulate the activities ofcounterterrorist operations either in: a wholly fictional Counter Terrorist Unit (CTU); and fictionalized MI-5 agents, respectively. In both of these works, the dangers to civil liberties, privacy, and human rights posed by both terrorist attacks, and overt and covert internalsecurity operations, lie at the core of their narrative structure. Each of these works deals with issues of intra-organizational competition and factionalization within intelligence and law enforcement agencies, and the elite networks which direct these agencies. Additionally, 24 and MI5/Spooks take a somewhat ambiguous stance vis-a -vis dissident and/orsecurity agent tactics that at times verge on the level of terrorist, or at the very least, criminal behavior. Both of these works have received much critical attention and debate about their significance for interpreting the cultural aftereffects of the "war on terror", the role of intelligence and military services, and violence and suspicion and paranoia in the political culture of early 21st centuryUnited States and United Kingdom. These programs and films were in development, or being broadcast, during a time period which spanned the before and after of September 11th, 2001, and the attacks of July 2005 in London, providing an opportunity to detect cultural shifts or the durability of certain themes. Scripts and airdates were altered in certain instances, raising questions of censorship and the possible conflation of the real and the fictional. By examining these works, andhow the represent the motivations and activities of agents and agencies, I seek to answer the following questions: are these works subversive, merely the commodification of anxiety, or do they in certain cases contribute to the legitimacy of internal security and intelligence agencies? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Kingdom has controversially been a stalwart ally of the United States particularly with regard to the global war on terror. This has proven to be extremely controversial at home and abroad and raised important questions about the United Kingdom's foreign and defence policy and the role of its armed forces in support of the national interest. This paper will examine the interaction of government the military and the people and its impact on civil-military relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration policies serve a number of functions for states. Governments may use policies as instruments of foreign policy, economic growth, population growth, and/or national security. In this post-September 11, 2001 global environment, integration policies have become more assimilationist and immigration restrictions toward nationals from Muslim countries of origin have increased in the name of national security. While this trend is common among many Western states, Britain's immigration stance toward Muslim migrants remains unchanged. What explains the radical reforms in the Netherlands, Germany, and France while British immigration policy remained unchanged? This study examines change in immigration policies in Netherlands, Germany, France, and the absence of this change in the UK, towards migrants from predominantly Muslim countries of origin. Based on a comparative case study analysis using process tracing, findings indicate that Dutch immigration/integration policy choices influence government policy changes in other West European countries. Governments experiencing similar sociopolitical 'problems' and observe overlapping societal responses to them, optimize in creating policy alternatives by using short-cuts and adopting policies implemented in comparable states and situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Insights from Disruptive Innovation theory (DI) are often used in the formulation, implementation, and evaluation of national security policy. DI explains why successful companies are sometimes defeated by new competitors with relatively unsophisticated products. Although DI is highly influential in the business literature, its applicability to military doctrine has not been persuasively shown. A more abstract and general version of DI is proposed here which improves its foundations, adapts it to militaries, and suggests a framework for the reliable identification of disruptive innovations. This new theory is tested by examining the Royal Navy before and during World War I and evaluating how well it explains the Royal Navy's success at developing ASW to protect the battlefleet from submarine attacks and its near-failure at implementing convoy tactics to protect merchant shipping. This generalized version of DI successfully explains several key features of the case. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the implications of the Defense Transformation experience of Great Britain as well as its potential consequences for the region and its allies. It cites that the Strategic Defence Review (SDR) undertaken in 1998 characterized the first major change in approach to defense and security policy and it has been widely perceived as a template for reform by several states. The biggest challenge for experience is to have understanding of what to transform to.

The article considers the impact of the post-9/11 security climate and related events on perceptions of the intelligence services in British political culture. It notes that the rise of intelligence in the modern Britain was a response to the threat of war. It mentions the passage of the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act three months after the 9/11 terrorist attack. Also cited is historian Max Hastings' illustration of the manner in which the public exposure of failings over Iraq revived the memories of past intelligence failures.

The hallmark of German foreign policy under Bismarck was an intricate system of continental alliances, whose principle objective was the preservation of peace and maintenance of the status quo. Bismarck understood the futility of territorial expansion as a means to enhance German security, for Germany could never defend a colonial empire because it could never redirect resource from its army to build a navy. In 1890 Bismarck was dismissed as chancellor, and German foreign policy underwent a radical reorientation toward Weltpolitik, which was an aggressive challenge to Britain’s world power status. By 1900 preparations for the German fleet were well underway and German foreign policy was squarely focused on challenging British naval hegemony.Germany’s decision to pursue a navy has long puzzled theorists of international relations. From a security perspective, the decision makes little to no sense. First, British intentions during the period were fairly transparent and there was little reason to suspect Britain of harboring revisionist intentions toward Germany. Second, it was clear from the beginning of German naval planning that if Germany became engaged in an arms race with Britain, Germany would surely lose. The German economy never possessed the strength to sustain a naval program capable of challenging British naval hegemony while maintaining its continental commitments. By simple virtue of its geography as a European continental power, Germany was certain to lose in a naval arms race with Britain. Moreover, Germany’s security situation on the continent was much more pressing and Germany could meet its security needs more efficiently by directing resources towards continental defense. If, then, from a security perspective Germany’s decision to pursue Weltpolitik makes little sense, how can we explain German naval ambition before the First World War?In this paper I argue that Germany’s bid for naval hegemony was a symptom of a larger social process constitutive of international politics: the struggle for recognition. Recognition refers to a social act in which another actor is constituted as a subject with legitimate social standing; the struggle for recognition refers to the process through which states attempt to become this subject of a certain kind. In pursing a powerful navy, Germany sought to establish its identity as a world power. From its inception, the German navy had one clear aim: a powerful fleet in the North Sea would alter the power relationship with Britain and create a display of military force that Britain simply could not ignore. The fleet would force Britain to accept Germany’s world power status; a German fleet stationed in the North Sea would be both a political lever and a deterrent. Using discourse analysis, I show how a naval discourse emerged within Germany that conflated the survival of the German nation with Germany’s power projection capabilities, and made German naval expansion both imperative and inevitable, in spite of its dire security consequences. The paper concludes that the power maximizing practices of states should be seen as an important component of identity construction and an understudied dimension of security practice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In International Relations, security is often seen as exceptional and composed of military-based power. In contrast, narrative forms such as science fiction and fantasy are seen outside the realm of mainstream International Relations, especially security studies. By comparing themese of security and insecurity in three popular science fiction series, this paper argues the way security is described is common in both International Relations and science fiction and one can (and does) inform the other. At the same time by comparing three series from Asia, Britain and the United States, this paper will provide illustrations of how science fiction can be used to teach students in diverse settings as it incorporates common themes of security in its representations of the world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the 11 September attacks on British Defence and Security Policy and how the Government has responded to the challenges posed by this threat. The aim is to examine the extent to which the UK has developed an effective strategy to counter the threat posed by the 'new terrorism' and explore alternative strategies that might be employed. As such, the paper will analyse the nature of the threat, whether we understand the nature of the phenomenon and its causes. iIt will then examine The means employed by the state to defend the people and interests of the UK and how these means have been combined in terms of developing an effective strategy. Finally it will also attempt to identify areas of tension between the UK and US approach to GWOT and assess the role of the UK's actions within the broader context of the US grand strategy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines what I term the ?second face of security.? Specifically, a state?s unilateral choice of arms, allies, or appeasement can strengthen the political power of some societal and economic actors in foreign states while others will be weakened politically and economically. The domestic winners will then apply pressure on the government to support their preferred grand strategy. In contrast, the more traditional ?first face of security? entails direct attempts to create security by influencing other governments to change their foreign policy. This is accomplished through military or economic statecraft such as the threat or use of military force, economic sanctions, foreign aid, or tariffs. In this paper I examine the intent of Britain?s appeasement policy towards Germany and Japan in the late 1930s. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decrying the erosion of freedom in the name of security, the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group reports that since the events of September 11th the surveillance and policing of people have been intensified by the use of new mechanisms: "sneak and peak" in the US, "stop and search" in the UK, "preventative detention" in Canada and "indefinite detention without trial" worldwide. Within the frame of the "war on terror," the relationship between civil liberties and security is being transformed. This paper argues, however, that these developments do not merely signal an erosion of civil rights in the name of national and international security, but a reconstitution of the meaning of liberty and freedom. By examining representations of liberty within contemporary security practices in the US, the UK and Canada, this paper will illuminate the conditions under which current security measures have been rationalized and deemed necessary for the continuation of liberal democracy itself. As security is posited as both entwined with the protection of territorialized nation-states while also imperative for the protection of liberty, this paper considers how new practices of security have come to serve as mechanisms for the liberal governance of populations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 1936 Britain began to rearm in response to Germany’s re-militarization. This paper proposes to examine Britain’s response from the first and second faces of security. The first face of security is a top-down approach - government A tries to convince government B to alter its foreign policy. The second face of security is a bottom-up approach - government A seeks to alter the societal balance of power in state B. The domestic societal winners in state B will then lobby leaders in state B to change their foreign policy. I argue that from the first face of security the intent of a massive rearmament program was to elicit better German behavior (and to prepare for war in case it failed). However, from the second face of security a massive rearmament program might backfire and elicit worse behavior. The danger is that it would rally moderate and hard-line German elites behind a more aggressive foreign policy. I intend to explore whether Britain rejected a massive rearmament program between 1936 and 1938 for fear of undermining German moderates who London believed were restraining Nazi foreign policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RESEARCH QUESTION: How has Tony Blair?s characteristic mode of decision making and beliefs about international politics shaped British foreign policy over his time in office? METHOD: Measurement of Blair?s beliefs and leadership style is made using automated content analysis of the entirety of his verbal output on foreign policy topics in the House of Commons since 1997. This allows for the separate measurement of Blair?s decision making traits and policy beliefs over time and topic area, as well as the comparison of Blair?s scores with those of the other post-1945 British prime ministers and of political leaders worldwide.RESULTS: I demonstrate that Blair?s leadership style consists of a representation of the world in Manichean terms with a consequent lack of comfort with information and advice discrepant with a black and white worldview, and a preference for making decisions in small, informal policy making groups, circumventing regularized institutional bodies such as the cabinet and foreign office. This decision making style magnifies the impact of Blair?s beliefs about the nature of international politics, in particular the desirability of a muscular liberal internationalist stance, on British foreign policy outcomes. The fundamental argument of the paper is that an individual level explanation, focused upon the prime minister, is central to any convincing account of the major episodes in British foreign policy since 1997. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, security threats were defined coming from outside the state and, often, from areas which could be described as ?the South?. For Britain, threats were not only from its colonies in Asia and Africa but also from closer to home, from Ireland. In this paper, I shall anlayse historical and current documents to describe how Ireland, which is now seen as the North and part of the West (and is a long-term member of the European Union) was once positioned as a threat to Britain and the Irish peoples were constituted as threatening to British security. By looking at security discursively and describing the identity making aspects of security policies, I shall show how threats are constructed in and through language and discourses. Also, by describing this shifting positioning of Ireland from being a threat to an ally of Britain, I shall critique notions of North/South and East/West. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Preventive security strategies in response to serious transnational threats have impacted on the scope and object of intelligence power. Equating national security issues with international security issues has added an international dimension to the national preserve of intelligence. States exercise intelligence power at the international level to facilitate and legitimise prevention, build coalitions and influence policy. Intelligence co-operation has increased, but practical limitations and differentials in statesÂ’ intelligence power render multilateralism in this area problematic. This paper develops the concept of intelligence power considering the post-9/11 strategic imperatives of prevention and co-operation, with a special focus on the UK. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notions of “protection”, “homeland defense” and the “vulnerability of critical infrastructures” largely predate September 11, both in US military doctrine and in Europe, at least in France and the United Kingdom. The communication will discuss how pro ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I have several arguments to make that attack the idea of decline. One argument is based on relative threat (ie, the threats in the period -- at least until about 1934-5 -- were far less than before 1914 and thus required less British strength); one is bas ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British government has seen itself as the ally of the United States in the war on terror; and the UK has suffered its own terrorist attacks from the global insurgency. But much parliamentary debate, speeches by Labour party activists, and commentary in the media has been hostile to many of the key elements of the war on terror: the war in Iraq, holding prisoners in Guantanamo Bay, 'extraordinary rendition'. Indeed, although the Blair government has been unwaveringly loyal to the policies of the Bush administration, over the past few years there has been a rising tide of anti-Americanism. How has this shaped Britain's security policy debate? What alternative strategies in the war on terror are being devised in the UK? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Kingdom is undergoing an Intelligence Transformation with the formation of the new "Serious Organised Crime Agency" (SOCA). The single organised crime agency brings together the responsibilities which currently fall to the National Criminal Intelligence Service, the National Crime Squad, Home Office responsibilities for organised immigration crime and the investigation and intelligence responsibilities of HM Customs and Excise. It is centrally funded and is in addition to the SIS (MI6) and the Security Services (MI5) akin to the FBI. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]