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Based on ethnographic fieldwork among men who have sex with men and transgender women in Tanzania, this article explores the various types of work that may go into enrolment into PrEP programming and using pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). PrEP protects against HIV acquisition and is widely touted as an essential tool in 'ending AIDS by 2030'. While taking PrEP has often been portrayed as 'just taking a pill a day' in public health campaigns, a striking observation during fieldwork was that enrolling in PrEP programming and adhering to PrEP involved a wide range of tasks. Inspired by this fieldwork experience and the literature on sociology of work, more specifically illness work and patient work, we started to think of these tasks as work. This paper identifies the range of tasks that PrEP users in Dar es Salaam had to perform as part of their enrolment and usage of PrEP. We provide a description of these tasks, organised into three categories of work that we refer to as (a) readying work, (b) user work, and (c) social navigation work that jointly make up what we propose to call biomedical prevention work. We further suggest that this analytical framework can be applicable to other biomedical prevention methods in other contexts. • Describes what it may entail to use PrEP among key populations in Dar es Salaam • PrEP use among men who have sex with men and transgender women • We argue that PrEP users do 'work' to use PrEP as HIV prevention • Presents novel conceptual framework: Biomedical Prevention Work • Framework describes how people may take preventative care with biomedical technology [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Since Wil Gesler's earliest articulation (Gesler, 1992; Gesler, 1996) key thinkers in the field of therapeutic landscapes have sought to emphasise the embodied, contextual and wholly relational nature of the relationship that exists between people and place. However, the extant research has tended to focus on the relational healing experience as this occurs 'in the moment' and with reference to a specific location or site of healing, with less attention being paid to what happens to people when they return to their ordinary or everyday places. In this paper, we reflect on findings from visual ethnographic work (including photography and film) that explored the therapeutic landscape experiences of people with intellectual disabilities engaged in care farming interventions for health and wellbeing. The study also recruited farm staff and family members or carers to take part, and comprised 20 participants in total. Having identified a gap in our understanding, consideration is given to wider impact that engaging in these sorts of activities had on the everyday lives of the participants in this study. We argue that this study has identified two types of therapeutic journey that broadly fit the experiences of study participants. The first type of journey denotes landscape experiences that are transformative. Here the therapeutic power of the care farm landscape resides in the ability of activities conducted on care farms to influence other aspects of participants' lives in ways that promote wellbeing. By contrast, there is another type of journey where the therapeutic power of the care farm resides in its ability to ameliorate challenging or harmful life situations, thus offering people a temporary site of respite or refuge. We conclude that these findings denote an important development for this sub-field of health geography, not only because they draw attention to the transformative power of the therapeutic encounter, but also the broader socio-spatial environments in which people live and ways in which these can limit that power. Highlights • A visual ethnographic study on the role of care farms as therapeutic spaces. • Focuses on the experiences of people with intellectual disabilities. • Utilises the concept of therapeutic landscapes as a theoretical framework. • Draws critical attention to the transformative power of the therapeutic encounter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores governance and control in operating room nurses' clinical practice. Traditionally, operating room nurses have been portrayed as 'handmaidens' to the surgeons, a position which implies that nurses' bodies and the knowledge they use in practice are sites of discursive control by others. This paper unsettles this understanding by showing how operating room nurses studied ethnographically in an Australian setting are both disciplined by and actively shape practice through knowing surgeons' technical requirements for surgery, through inscribing them in discourses of time, and through having deep knowledge of the surgeons' 'soul'. We argue that as a form of governance, nurses' knowledge of surgeons is a subjugated form of knowledge, located low down on a hierarchy of knowledges. Furthermore, as a form of governance that has previously been unarticulated in the literature, it transcends the traditional lines of authority and control in the nurse-doctor relationship. The data in this paper are drawn from an ethnographic study that explored a range of nurse-nurse and nurse-doctor communication practices in operating room nursing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the context and drivers of HIV risk and vulnerability among male partners of female sex workers in Kampala, Uganda, using an "intersectional risk environment" framework. This research reports on findings from an ethnographic study (2016–2019) of men in one informal settlement in Kabalagala Parish in Kampala. This research included long-term participant observation in and around the study community. Thematic analysis was used to assess aspects of the risk environment and how it influences HIV/AIDS among male partners of female sex workers. The informal settlement context where sex work takes place is conceptualized here as a "risk environment," or a social-physical space in which risk and harm are produced (Rhodes, 2002). Risk is situated within a broader social and political structure that constrains choices and facilitates HIV risk, particularly for young, low-income men facing matrices of domination on the basis of age, gender, residence, and income. These intersectionalities guide experiences of HIV vulnerability in the risk environment, including physical, social, economic, and policy risks. This includes physical risks (population density, bar density), social risks (sex work, bar groups), economic risks (informal and low wage work), and political risks (anti-poverty laws and legislation, urban policy). These findings highlight how an intersectional risk environment is differentially experienced by young, low-income men to produce unequal HIV/AIDS outcomes. This research fills a gap in the literature on the context of HIV/AIDS among men, particularly high-risk men like male partners of female sex workers. Using this framework will improve understandings of HIV outcomes among male partners of female sex workers and will facilitate context-specific and adapted structural interventions for HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment. • Male partners of female sex workers are key in Uganda's HIV epidemic. • This paper uses an intersectional risk environment to understand HIV risk. • The risk environment includes intimate partnerships and men's bar groups. • Young men face additional risks due to unemployment and alcohol use. • Young men face higher rates of arrest due to over-policing in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper reports a discourse analysis of the language doctors used as they talked about and engaged in patient handoffs between the emergency department (ED) and various inpatient services at one highly specialized academic tertiary teaching and referral hospital in the Midwest United States. Although interest in handoff improvement has grown considerably in recent years, progress has been hampered, perhaps in part, because of a widely used but limiting conceptual model of handoff as an information transmission. The purpose of the study reported here is to analyze the way doctors make sense of handoff interactions, including uncovering the interpretive frames they use, in order to provide empirical findings to expand conceptual models of handoff. All data reported were drawn from a two-year ethnographic study (2009–2011) and include semi-structured interviews (n = 48), non-participant observations (349 h), and recorded telephone handoff conversations (n = 48). A total of eighty-six individuals participated, including resident and attending doctors from the ED, internal medicine and surgical services, as well as hospital administrators. Findings are organized around four metaphors doctors used: sales, sports and games, packaging, and teamwork. Each metaphor, in turn, reveals an underlying interpretive frame that appears to be influenced by organizational and social structures and to shape the possibilities for action that doctors perceive. The four underlying interpretive frames are: handoff as persuasion, handoff as competition, handoff as expectation matching, and handoff as collaboration. Taken together, these interpretive frames highlight the complex, socially interactive nature of handoff and provide an empirical basis for grounding and enriching the conceptual model of handoff that guides research and practice improvement efforts. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Foucault's medical gaze has only been minimally applied to palliative care through the analysis of key policy documents. This paper develops the conceptualisation of Foucault's medical gaze using empirical data gathered from a group ethnography of a hospice daycare centre. Using Foucault's medical gaze as a theoretical aporia we conceptualise the "hospice gaze". We argue the hospice gaze is the antithesis of the Foucauldian medical gaze, suggesting it operates reflexively so that professionals adapt to patients, rather than patients to professionals; that it is directed towards enabling patients and their loved ones to narrate severe illness and death in ways that develop more patient-centred narratives; and, structures the processes of care in direct resistance to the neoliberalisation of healthcare by engaging in slow practices of care with patient's bodies and minds. Finally, key to all of this is how the hospice gaze manages the spaces of care to ensure that it always and already appears slow to the patients. Therefore, the hospice gaze ensures a (re)distribution of power and knowledge that minimises the corrosive qualities of busyness and maximises the ethical potentials of slowness. We conclude by arguing that the operation of the hospice gaze should be examined in other settings where palliative care is practiced such as in-patient and home care services. • Ethnographic research develops Foucault's medical gaze in contemporary settings. • A Foucauldian inspired hospice gaze provides ethical approaches to palliative care. • The hospice gaze offers patients more agency than the medical gaze. • The hospice gaze slows care, and adapts the environment to patients. • The hospice gaze attunes staff to patients and helps expression of patient needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Although power differentials which enable the components of stigma to unfold have been identified, literature that demonstrates the gendered disparities in stigmatization is scarce. Using a gender-based framework, this paper aims first at understanding the gendered social cues which produce the stigma in mental illness enacted by the general population. Second, it highlights the influence of gender on the everyday experiences of a severe and persistent mental illness and the related stigmatization. Results are drawn from a combination of ethnographic and qualitative methods including a field ethnography of two health centres, one psychiatric hospital, and participants’ households and neighbourhoods, two group discussions with members of the general population participating in gender-specific social support groups (N = 12 women/5 men), and illness narratives of men and women with a severe and persistent mental illness (N = 22), which was conducted from May to August 2006 in a poor, urban district of Peru. It is argued that in a society like that of Peru where gender roles are segregated into specific social and economic fields, gendered expectations shape both the experience of a severe and persistent mental illness and the stigmatization of people with such a mental illness in a gender-specific way. Not only do gender inequalities create the conditions leading to a power differential which enables stigmatization to unfold, but stigma is constructed as much around gendered-defined social roles as it is enacted in distinct social spheres for men and women with a severe and persistent mental illness. The gendered experience of stigmatization must, therefore, be fully understood in order to design more effective interventions that would challenge stereotypical perceptions and discriminatory practices, and reduce their effect on the everyday life of the mentally ill in Peru. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Social prescribing, characterised by a link worker connecting patients with local groups and services, is currently being widely implemented in the UK. Taking clients' experiences of a social prescribing intervention in the North of England between November 2019 and July 2020 as its focus, this paper employs ethnographic methods to explore the complex social contexts in which social prescribing is delivered. Building on Bourdieusian approaches to class, we concentrate on four case studies to offer a theoretically-grounded analysis which attends to the relationship between everyday contexts and the classed processes by which health capital may be accrued. By following clients' experiences and trajectories through shifting positions across time - often entailing moments of tension and disjuncture - we explore how processes of classed inequality relate to engagement in the social prescribing intervention. Our results show how structural contexts, and relatedly the possession of capital, shape clients' priorities to invest in the cultural health capital offered by the intervention. Importantly, while inequalities shaped participants' capacity to engage with the intervention, all participants recognised the value of the health capital on offer. We conclude by arguing that inequalities cannot be tackled through focusing on the individual in the delivery of personalised care and therefore offer a counter narrative to socio-political assumptions that social prescribing reduces health inequalities. Crucially, we argue that such assumptions wrongly presuppose that people are homogenously disposed to engaging in their future health. • An ethnographic exploration of experiences of social prescribing. • A Bourdieusian analysis shows how class shapes engagement with a local intervention. • Personal histories and present contexts shape responses to social prescribing. • Claims about the ability of social prescribing to reduce inequality are misplaced. • Inherent individualism in the personalised care agenda has moralising consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data science and psychiatry have diverse epistemic cultures that come together in data-driven initiatives (e.g., big data, machine learning). The literature on these initiatives seems to either downplay or overemphasize epistemic differences between the fields. In this paper, we study the convergence and divergence of the epistemic cultures of data science and psychiatry. This approach is more likely to capture where and how the cultures differ and gives insights into how practitioners from both fields find ways to work together despite their differences. We introduce the notions of "epistemic virtues" to focus on epistemic differences ethnographically, and "trading zones" to concentrate on how differences are negotiated. This leads us to the following research question: how are epistemic differences negotiated by data science and psychiatry practitioners in a hospital-based data-driven initiative? Our results are based on an ethnographic study in which we observed a Dutch psychiatric hospital department developing prediction models of patient outcomes based on machine learning techniques (September 2017 – February 2018). Many epistemic virtues needed to be negotiated, such as completeness or selectivity in data inclusion. These differences were traded locally and temporarily, stimulated by shared epistemic virtues (such as a systematic approach), boundary objects and socialization processes. Trading became difficult when virtues were too diverse, differences were enlarged by storytelling and parties did not have the time or capacity to learn about the other. In the discussion, we argue that our combined theoretical framework offers a fresh way to study how cooperation between diverse practitioners goes and where it can be improved. We make a call for bringing epistemic differences into the open as this makes a grounded discussion possible about the added value of data-driven initiatives and the role they can play in healthcare. • Data science and psychiatry have diverse epistemic cultures. • Epistemic differences are navigated locally and temporarily in data-driven initiatives. • Negotiations about differences are stimulated by shared epistemic virtues. • The negotiations become complex when epistemic virtues are too diverse. • Reflection on epistemic differences is crucial for the data-driven initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]