67 results
Search Results
2. THE ASPIN PAPERS.
- Author
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Kondracke, Morton
- Subjects
- *
PRESIDENTS of the United States , *PUBLIC spending , *MILITARY strategy ,UNITED States armed forces appropriations & expenditures - Abstract
Focuses on the conflict between U.S. President George Bush administration and the Congress regarding the defense budget. Recommendation of the Bush administration to reduce the nation's military budget over five years; Proposal of Representative Les Aspin, chairman of the House Armed Services Committee regarding reduction in the military budget; Criticism of Aspin's threat-based analysis; Information on General Colin Powell's National Military Strategy report.
- Published
- 1992
3. Sovereignty Norms and the War on Terror: A Hegemon Meets International Society.
- Author
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de Nevers, Renée
- Subjects
- *
COUNTERTERRORISM , *SOVEREIGNTY , *HEGEMONY , *INTERNATIONAL agencies , *SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 - Abstract
The Bush administration’s response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 was to declare war on terrorism. The aspects of this war that have received the most attention have been the unilateral and military nature of the US response. What has been overlooked is another part of the Bush administration’s reaction: an effort to reconfigure the international norm of sovereignty as it applies to state sponsors of terrorism. The US has adopted the view that by supporting terrorists, states forfeit their sovereign right to autonomy over their territory. This has been accompanied by an effort to persuade or compel the international community to accept this view as well, as can be seen in US efforts to garner international support in the military campaigns against Afghanistan and Iraq. This raises several theoretical questions, which this paper will try to address. First, is this merely a hegemon acting to reshape the international community to suit its national interests? Realists and neoliberal institutionalists disagree about the value of international institutions; will a dominant state reject institutions that it doesn’t think serve its interests, or will it try to modify them to avoid the costs of creating replacements? Constructivists and proponents of the English School argue that the shared rules, interests, and values of the international society of states will influence the behavior of its members. US behavior over the last two years includes elements that support each of these views; it has adopted a with us or against us approach, but at the same time has worked to persuade other states to revise the norm of sovereignty. Second, can a state unilaterally reshape international norms? The US appears to be trying to change shared understandings of when states retain the sovereign right to non-intervention by other states. The US is tacitly arguing that by supporting terrorists, states forfeit their right to internal autonomy, because they have not fulfilled the responsibilities inherent in sovereignty. (This effort on the part of the US is not entirely new; during the 1990s the US government tried to shape international attitudes toward rogue states, but without arguing that these states had forfeited sovereignty.) While some studies have examined the role of individuals and international organizations in shaping international norms, the role of the state in reshaping international norms deserves further attention. This paper will contribute to this inquiry. It will examine the efforts the US has made to persuade other states to adopt a similar stance toward state sponsors of terrorism, and responses by other states and the international community in forums such as the UN and regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
4. Overlooked and Underappreciated: Understanding the Public Presidency of George Bush.
- Author
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Han, Lori Cox
- Subjects
- *
POLITICAL leadership , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *LEADERS - Abstract
Less than a decade has passed since President George Bush left office in January 1993, and his final legacy has yet to be determined. As Ronald Reagan’s successor, Bush is remembered as a president who sought to ‘stay the course? in terms of policy while distancing himself from the stagecraft and public relations strategies during the Reagan years. Unfortunately, as Bush discovered during his one-term presidency, continuity coupled with mediocre communication skills does not make for a strong public image as an effective and active leader in the White House. This paper will provide a general examination of the public presidency of George Bush, including his relationship with the press, the communication strategies employed by his advisors, the role of public opinion polling within the Bush White House, and how these issues shaped and defined his image as a leader. As it continues to evolve, the Bush legacy will be heavily influenced by the fact that Bush, a one-term president, held office following Reagan and preceding Bill Clinton, both two-term presidents who were dynamic and skilled communicators. This paper is the start of a longer-term project that will provide an in-depth analysis and understanding of Bush’s public leadership, which is essential in order to fully comprehend the significance of the Bush years during an age when the mass media has played such a crucial role in governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
5. Bush's papers.
- Subjects
- *
PRESIDENTIAL libraries , *UNIVERSITIES & colleges , *ARCHIVES - Abstract
Report that United States President George Bush has decided his presidential papers should go to a Texas university, but has not yet decided which one.
- Published
- 1989
6. FIDELITY TO DUTY VS. FOCUS ON DISCRETION IN THE 100 DAYS.
- Author
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Sullivan, Terry
- Subjects
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PRESIDENTS of the United States , *EVERYDAY life , *HEADS of state - Abstract
This paper considers whether, in their day-to-day routines, presidents control their agendas or react to the institution's burdens. It utilizes minute-by-minute logs of presidential operations during the first 100 days of eight presidents, Dwight Eisenhower through George H. W. Bush. Making four empirical comparisons, the paper concludes that the patterns to their work suggest the influence of the institution over presidents' individual choices. These results suggest two "executive" dynamics: the pull of duty, like the electoral constraint on members of Congress, overwhelms individual presidential motives and agendas, and the development of operational routines that mirror primary responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
7. A Comparison of George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush Using LTA: A Study in Their Belief in Ability to Control Events.
- Author
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Renfro, Wesley
- Subjects
- *
PERSONALITY , *INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
The first three post Cold War presidents, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush occupied the Oval Office during times of international transformation. All faced dangers and sometimes used force to achieve their objectives and this paper investigates the relationship between personality characteristics, especially conceptual complexity, and willingness to choice force instead of other policy options. The project relies on Margaret Hermannâs leadership trait analysis and at-a-distance measures. The paper compares scores of seven explanatory variables, e.g., conceptual complexity, distrust of others, etc., on leadership and world orientation for George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush against the scores for every American president since Harry Truman. The comparative analysis helps demonstrate the role of individual of individual level traits in creating and implementing foreign policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
8. Presidents at War: Executive Orders as Prerogatives During Wartime.
- Author
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Rader, Eric W.
- Subjects
- *
EXECUTIVE orders , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *EXECUTIVE power , *CONSTITUTIONS , *WAR (International law) - Abstract
Presidents from George Washington to George W. Bush have used executive orders as prerogative powers of the presidency. John Locke, many of whose theories were influential with the Framers of the Constitution, wrote in the Second Treatise that in emergency situations when the legislative branch was unable to act, the executive could suspend ordinary governing arrangements to deal with the emergency. According to Locke, the executive was only justified in doing this when he had the consent of the citizens and when he was acting in their best interests. Locke's notion of the prerogative power has been used to justify modern use of prerogative powers by presidents, particularly during wars. Among the most important prerogatives of modern presidents is the executive order, a formal tool to manage the executive branch. When presidents use executive orders as a prerogative during wartime, they are rarely challenged by the public, Congress or the courts. For a president to legitimately and constitutionally use this power, he or she must base his or her action on the commander-in-chief powers in the Constitution or a relevant federal law. This paper examines the modern use of executive orders as a prerogative power in wartime. Using case-study analysis, this paper will examine the following executive orders: Franklin D. Roosevelt's order interning Japanese Americans during World War II; Harry S. Truman's order seizing the nation's steel mills during the Korean War; George H.W. Bush's order freezing Iraqi and Kuwaiti assets during the Persian Gulf Conflict of 1990-1991; and George W. Bush's military orders allowing those defined as enemy combatants to be tried by military tribunals following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. A model of theoretical and constitutional acceptability is devised to classify these orders and determine the implications for executive power and constitutional democracy. The theory of this paper is that presidents must consider both the theoretical limits set by Locke in the Second Treatise, as well as the constitutional limits of the American political system, when using executive orders during wartime. The executive order is not an unlimited prerogative power and the analysis in this paper will seek to highlight some needed limits on presidential prerogatives. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
9. Diversionary Use of Force in Panama, 1989: Checking Reliability of Qualitative Methods Between Researchers.
- Author
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Cramer, Jane K.
- Subjects
- *
ARMED Forces , *PRESIDENTS , *MILITARY science , *QUALITATIVE research ,UNITED States Invasion of Panama, 1989 ,UNITED States military history, 20th century - Abstract
In this paper I use four qualitative propositions designed by Ryan C. Hendrickson to test for a diversionary use of force. I find the 1989 US Invasion was a diversionary use of force, but perhaps not a "typical" one if there is such a thing. These results suggest that "diversionary theory" might best be developed as a typological theory, as multiple causal pathways may lead to the same outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
10. There Ain`t a Green Bush Among `Em: An Examination of George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush as Environmental Presidents.
- Author
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Daynes, Byron W. and Sussman, Glen
- Subjects
- *
PRESIDENTS of the United States , *ENVIRONMENTAL policy - Abstract
The purpose of this study is to establish an instrument to measure the environmental accomplishments of two recent presidents, namely, George H. W. Bush (Bush41) and George W. Bush (Bush43). We have examined their accomplishments paying attention to which presidents have best used the resources of their office to achieve environmental success. To assess the records of these two presidents, we made use in our analysis of an Index of Greenness, that we previously developed, that uses indicators organized into three categories: 1) political communication; 2) presidential actions, and 3) sources of support. To further assess the achievements of these two presidents we used Bill Clinton’s environemntal accomplishments during both his first term (Clinton 1) and second term (Clinton 2) as a control to provide context for observing the two Bush presidencies. Our findings show that Bush (41) ranked third among the four presidential administrations, while Bush (43) ranked last. Clinton’s second term (Clinton 2) ranked best followed by Clinton’s first term (Clinton 1) ranking second based on these indicators. George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush represent presidents who failed to meet their self-imposed obligations--namely, an environmetnal presidency and a president who wished to show compassion in his public policy initiatives toward the environment. Environmentalism clearly fared better during the two terms of Bill Clinton. We anticipate that our efforts in this paper will give us insights concerning the contributions that other presidents have made over time in their efforts to deal with the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2003
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
11. George Herbert Walker Bush and the Dilemmas of the Successor President.
- Author
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Langston, Thomas S.
- Subjects
- *
PRESIDENTS of the United States , *POLITICAL leadership , *POLITICAL development - Abstract
George Herbert Walker Bush followed into office an unusually significant predecessor whom he had served for eight years as vice president. This circumscribed President Bush’s opportunities for initiative and leadership. He realized this, but was nonetheless unable to fashion a politically successful strategy as president. The purpose of this paper is to contextualize President George H.W. Bush’s difficulties as president. Towards this end, a new category, of "successor presidents," is established. The value of this categorization is not merely taxonomic, as its elaboration yields insight into the relationship between presidential regime sequences and the party systems that have been at the foundation of American political development, despite the disappearance in the twentieth century of critical partisan realignment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
12. The overlooked importance of economics: why the Bush Administration wanted NATO enlargement.
- Author
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Horovitz, Liviu and Götz, Elias
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL organization , *POST-Cold War Period ,FOREIGN relations of the United States ,FOREIGN relations of the United States, 1989- - Abstract
This paper shows that, during 1991–1992, the George H.W. Bush Administration settled to pursue NATO enlargement in order to ensure both stability in and influence over Europe. Both were necessary subsidiary objectives towards achieving long-term security aims and the medium-term goal of furthering American prosperity. Bush officials concluded that European instability, protectionism, and self-absorption could menace US-led economic globalization. Anchoring NATO at the centre of the post-Cold War European order was seen as the best available response. NATO enlargement would alleviate European security concerns; prevent the emergence of regional security structures that endangered the Alliance; and provide the leverage Washington needed to encourage European participation in America's global economic order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
13. The Tyszkiewicz Amulet, a Chalcedony Pendant Inscribed with an Incantation on Thorn Bush: Notes on an Early Sumerian Kultmittelbeschwörung.
- Author
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Bácskay, András and Niederreiter, Zoltán
- Subjects
- *
ART - Abstract
The chalcedony amulet MFA 98.697, which originates from the famous Tyszkiewicz Collection, has been kept in Boston's Museum of Fine Arts since 1898. The object bears a Sumerian Kultmittelbeschwörung on a thorn bush (Sum. ĝeš kiši 16 , Akk. ašāgum), a shorter version of which was published by A.R. George in 2016. The present paper provides editions of both incantations, including some new readings. In addition to the philological analysis, it explores the magical-medical application of the thorn bush, which might have had an apotropaic use. The object presented here is of great importance, since it provides the first occurrence of an incantation on a particular plant written on a pendant that was used as an amulet during magical-medical activities in ancient Mesopotamia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
14. Like Father Like Son? The Rhetoric of Human Rights and National Security in the Bush Presidencies.
- Author
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Trumbore, Peter F.
- Subjects
- *
HUMAN rights , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *BALANCE of power , *DEMOCRACY , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
In the words of human rights scholar David Forsythe, George H.W. Bushâs foreign policy incorporated âmoral impulses as long as they did not prove inconvenient to expediential concerns,â (1995:126). In short, analysts have argued that human rights was approached pragmatically during the first Bush presidency, subordinated in realist fashion to broader strategic concerns and the considerations of post-Cold War power politics. But what of the son? By contrast, the presidency of George W. Bush has seemed to feature a shifting stance on the question of balancing human rights concerns and national security interests. As a candidate and in the first months of his presidency, George W. Bush largely echoed his fatherâs realist and pragmatic approach. For example, while committed to the promotion of political openness and economic growth abroad, on the question of humanitarian interventions, the initial position of the Bush team was to shun such operations unless larger regional or strategic interests were at stake. Yet by 2006 the Bush administration had embraced an apparent liberal interventionist stance toward the promotion of human rights, declaring in National Security Strategy 2006 that â⦠the United States seeks to extend freedom across the globe by leading an international effort to end tyranny and to promote effective democracy,â (2006:2). In this paper I will compare the approach to human rights and national security policy during the two Bush presidencies, identifying and accounting for key areas of similarity and difference. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
15. Hemispheric Concerns: The Policies of George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush vis-Ã -vis the Americas.
- Author
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O'Reilly, Marc J.
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *CASE studies , *POLITICAL science - Abstract
Given that Presidents George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush have devoted much of their foreign-policy energy to matters such as the end of the Cold War, Operation Desert Storm, the War on Terror, and Operation Iraqi Freedom, one can surmise that both have mostly neglected the Americas â" i.e., Latin America and Canada. While neglect is surely a theme, each President Bush has paid some attention to hemispheric concerns. George H.W. Bush ordered an invasion of Panama in December 1989 to remove that countryâs dictator, Manuel Noriega, whom the United States sought to try as drug kingpin. That unilateral intervention contrasted with 1991âs multilateral effort to expel Iraqi soldiers from Kuwait. It also presaged his sonâs eponymous doctrine, which would grate many countries in the early 21st century. Like his father, George W. Bush has treated the Americas as a secondary U.S. interest. Although his first term promised close ties with Mexico, for example, the 9/11 attacks and their aftermath reoriented American policy to the detriment of hemispheric concerns. Still, the younger Bushâs administration did spotlight Colombia, the key country in Americaâs War on Drugs, and pursued efforts at establishing free trade in the Americas. If U.S. ties to Latin America have drawn some attention, Washingtonâs relations with Canada have barely registered in the United States, even though Ottawa publicly opposed Operation Iraqi Freedom. To explain the above case study, the first part of this paper relies upon a levels-of-analysis methodology, while the second adopts a policy analysis perspective. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
16. Understanding Prospects for Cooperation and Competition in U.S.-China Relations -- A Review of Theory and Practice.
- Author
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Garrison, Jean
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations ,CHINA-United States relations - Abstract
The article presents the conference paper titled "Understanding Prospects for Cooperation and Competition in U.S.-China Relations: A Review Theory and Practice" prepared for the "Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association" held in Honolulu, Hawaii. It examines the volatility of the U.S. foreign relation toward China. It highlights the same assumptions of U.S. presidents Bill Clinton, George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush on the nature of the Sino-American relationship.
- Published
- 2005
17. HOW GEORGE BUSH WON HIS SPURS.
- Author
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Moore, Mike
- Subjects
- *
POLITICS & war , *PERSIAN Gulf War, 1991 , *CONSTITUTIONAL law , *SEPARATION of powers - Abstract
This paper reports that the Persian Gulf War marked the first time in U.S. history that an American president systematically and openly marched the nation into a narrow offensive war that had no Cold-War overtones, such as Korea and Vietnam--while insisting at every moment that he had the legal right to do so regardless of any action that the Congress might or might not take. But a consideration of the Gulf crisis involves more than probing the substantive geopolitical and moral issues raised by the war. For the first three months of the Gulf crisis, while the U.S. shipped more than a quarter of a million men and women to the Persian Gulf, Congress played a fourth-string supporting role in determining whether the U.S. might actually go to war. Despite the congressional hearings, the Gulf buildup continued as an all-administration show. Of course, Congress did act, albeit with an unseemly lack of urgency. In common with the constitution's thematic separation of powers, the power to conduct foreign affairs had been divided between the president, the Senate and the Congress as a whole. A hallmark of a strong president is the virtual bypassing of Congress in the conduct of foreign affairs, including the making of war, overt and covert. For President Bush and his key advisers, Congress seems to have been irrelevant--except that it had to be coddled and humored because of its latent capacity to wreak political mischief. INSET: Chasing pirates.;A `toy handcuff,'..
- Published
- 1991
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
18. The Two Bushes: Rhetoric Regarding the Iraq War.
- Author
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Odachowski, Allison Clark
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *POLITICAL leadership , *PRACTICAL politics - Abstract
Analyzes the views of U.S. political leaders George Bush and George W. Bush on Iraqi wars. Comparison between the opinions of the leaders on democracy; Assessment of the State of the Union addresses of the leaders; Perspectives of the politicians on multilateralism.
- Published
- 2005
19. Meanings and Implications of China as Discontent Regional Hegemon.
- Author
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Hsiang, Antonio C.
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations , *NATIONAL security , *GOVERNMENT policy - Abstract
The shift of US strategy toward China from Clinton’s strategic partner to Bush’s strategic competitor has had negative impacts on relations between the two nations. Since George Bush took office, America’s diplomacy has transformed from multilateralism to unilateralism. US image has further transformed from benign to predatory hegemony after conducting the war against Iraq without consulting the UN Security Council. The change is significant because it increases the discontents, globally in general and Asia in particular. The article explains why China is one of the most dangerous discontents based on the Power Transition Theory. The theory is chosen because it has an established empirical record when applied to past periods of war and peace, and because the elements required for long-term forecasts can be roughly approximated (Kugler, Tammen, and Swaminathan, 2001, p.2). Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the friction between Washington and Beijing has increased because United States has become as the sole superpower on the one hand, and China has emerged as a regional power on the other. It is consistent with power transition theory: conflict occurred because of the divergent views on status quo between the global and regional hegemonies. One of power transition theory’s hypotheses is that great powers are most likely to wage the war for control of the international status quo when a power transition occurs between the dominant state and a discontent challenger. Lemke’s empirical study (2002) finds the theory is generalizable to regional interactions, and thus relative power and the status quo do not constrain behavior only among the very strongest of states. China has dissatisfied with the status quo for two reasons, as Lemke suggested. First, it had little or no say in the construction of the existing status quo and enjoyed no direct or indirect benefits from it. Second, it employs different domestic institutions for the allocation of values in its society from those used by the dominant power. Because Lemke finds strong statistical relationships between parity, dissatisfaction, and war within local hierarchies, China’s discontent becomes significant. Worse, US war on terrorism further raise the specter of unconstrained American interventionism abroad and enhanced American domination of the international system in ways that Beijing feared could have grave long-term implications for China itself (Miller, 2002). Beijing sees China’s security threatened both in terms of the precedents it sets and in terms of the expansion of the American military and political presence around China’s periphery. Given the size of China’s stake in a stable bilateral relationship the United States, Beijing was naturally not convinced by the so-called Bush Doctrine. Clear evidence showed that China’s commitment to the status quo is declining. Politically, in addition to refuse to renounce the use of force, Beijing’s irrational rejection to Taipei’s entry to WHO exemplifies China’s discontent with US supports for Taiwan. Beijing’s enthusiasm about establishment of a free trade area between China and ASEAN is a clear sign of dissatisfying with global economic status quo. Deploying more missiles along the Taiwan Strait shows Beijing discontent with Washington’s continued arms sales to Taipei. The more America insists on constructing a unipolar world, the more resistance it is likely to generate, from China and others(Harry Harding, 2003). Thus, there are at least three implications for American diplomacy. First, Washington can accommodate Beijing by sharing with China opportunities for setting international agenda. Second, do not despise China’s role on the Korean Peninsula. For Beijing, it is unacceptable if America to extend the same logic in Serbia, Afghanistan, and Iraq to justify intervening in North Korea. Third, Washington should not push Taipei too hard because Taiwan may eventually find its interest better served by switching its diplomacy from leaning only on Washington to keeping equal distance from China and the United States. Thus, for Washington, it will be a better way to stabilize the relation across the Taiwan Strait by helping establish the Confidence-Building Measures (CBM). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
20. The Self-Proclaimed.
- Author
-
Daynes, Byron W. and Sussman, Glen
- Subjects
- *
ENVIRONMENTAL policy , *ENVIRONMENTAL protection , *PRESIDENTS of the United States - Abstract
While there are studies that give us some idea as to how modern presidents have dealt with environmental policy, few have given us a systematic means of comparison. The study reported here is such an attempt - - namely, the creation of an "Index of Greenness" to give us a dispassionate way of making comparisons among presidents to assess their importance as environmental presidents. As such, we compare the the administrations of George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton’s first and second terms in office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
21. Public Leverage, Private Interests: Lobbying, Public Opinion Polls and the White House.
- Author
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Heith, Diane J.
- Subjects
- *
PUBLIC opinion polls , *PRESSURE groups , *LOBBYING , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *POLITICAL parties - Abstract
White House polling has measured and has categorized public attitudes across constituency and policy interests, since 1969. Thus, the presidential public opinion apparatus primarily serves mass public leadership strategies and not particularized interests. Presidents instead employed Political Liaisons to connect interest groups to the White House. As the reliance on polling grew in the private and political spheres, groups recognized the value of opinion data in the battle for influence. Interest groups disseminated public opinion to connect narrow interests to the wider, presidential constituency. Moreover, by forwarding poll data, interest groups bypass the political party and link wants and needs directly to presidential programs, policies, and politics. Prior to 1989, the White House tended to ignore interest group opinion data in favor of its private polling operation, thus limiting the effectiveness of interest group polling as an influence tool. In a cost cutting arrangement, the Bush White House welcomed the influx of polling information and consequently, interest groups achieved a new degree of access to White House decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
22. The Effects of Negative Beliefs on Presidential Decision Making.
- Author
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Matthews, Elizabeth
- Subjects
- *
LEADERS , *LEADERSHIP , *PUBLIC officers , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *PRESIDENTS of the United States - Abstract
This study demonstrates the effect experience has on leaders? responses to changes in the external environment. With a particular emphasis on U.S.-Soviet relations, in-depth case studies specifically address why, given changes similar in intensity although not content, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan altered policy toward the Soviet Union based on actions taken by the Kremlin, while Dwight D. Eisenhower and George Bush did not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
23. The Origins of Chinese Dissidents in American Foreign Policy.
- Author
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Botto, Kathryn
- Subjects
- *
DIPLOMATIC history , *HUMAN rights workers ,FOREIGN relations of the United States - Abstract
Although figures such as Liu Xiaobo and Chen Guangcheng are frequently invoked as human rights champions by American politicians today, this was not always the case. The use of human rights advocates abroad as political tools was reserved for Soviet dissidents prior to 1989, and thus Chinese dissidents were largely ignored. This remained the status quo until the Tiananmen Square protests, after which prominent dissident Fang Lizhi became the first Chinese dissident to receive as high profile attention from the American public and executive branch as Soviet dissidents had previously. Through analysis of Fang's memoir, diplomatic cables, and first person accounts, this paper argues that the Fang Lizhi incident at President George H.W. Bush's 1989 banquet in Beijing was the event that eventually led Bush to reluctantly support Chinese human rights champions, which made Fang the first in a long line of Chinese dissidents to be entangled in the US-China relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
24. The Mutation of the Vietnam Syndrome: Underreported Resistance during the 1991 Persian Gulf War.
- Author
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Mirra, Carl
- Subjects
- *
CONSCIENTIOUS objectors , *PERSIAN Gulf War, 1991 , *CITIZENS , *ANTI-war demonstrations , *AMERICAN military personnel , *CENSORSHIP - Abstract
This paper challenges the prevailing narrative of the 1991 Persian Gulf War as a popular war. While support for war against Iraq after its invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990, was evident, it was not universally shared by U.S. citizens. Substantial antiwar rallies occurred during the build-up to war. In addition, soldiers who refused orders grew rapidly during the short conflict. This paper documents the considerable tide of antiwar dissent, with special attention given to GI resisters. A related focus is the underreporting and mismanagement of conscientious objector claims during the war, which is inseparable from the general tendency to discourage and reduce dissent. Scholarly studies have all but ignored this GI resistance, and the very suggestion that there was a viable GI antiwar movement during the Persian Gulf War is likely to arouse doubt and suspicion. By foregrounding GI opposition, and how the military systematically attempted to expunge it, this essay helps to illustrate that the so-called popular war was met with significant resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
25. WRITING 9/11 MEMORY: AMERICAN JOURNALISTS AND SPECIAL INTEREST GROUPS AS COMPLICIT PARTNERS IN 9/11 POLITICAL APPROPRIATION.
- Author
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Leavy, Patricia
- Subjects
- *
GOVERNMENT & the press , *SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , *PUBLIC-private sector cooperation , *COLLECTIVE memory , *CONFERENCES & conventions , *POLITICAL campaigns , *RELIGIOUS thought - Abstract
This article explores the American press's construction of a 9/11 meta-narrative within the sociopolitical post-9/1 1 context in which challenging the Bush administration `s official story was viewed as unpatriotic. Specifically, the paper examines how the press reinforced the state's depoliticized good versus evil interpretation of 9/11. The paper reviews initial practices of narrating 9/11 including marking the event with historicity and failing to provide substantive political context for understanding the event. The paper also examines how these initial practices of collective memory set the tone for how the event was later appropriated into a variety of conservative political agendas far removed from the event itself With respect to the latter, the paper argues that conservative American lobbies that are affiliated with the Bush administration used the press and state-sponsored narrative in their pro-life and anti-drug campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
26. AUDIENCES, METAPHORS, AND THE PERSIAN GULF WAR.
- Author
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Bates, Benjamin R.
- Subjects
- *
PERSIAN Gulf War, 1991 , *COMMUNICATION & society , *RHETORIC , *CONNOTATION (Linguistics) - Abstract
This paper examines George Bush's Persian Gulf war addresses as a representative anecdote of Bush's campaign to build an international military coalition. The paper argues that in war rhetoric international audiences should be considered. A theorization of the international audience is offered. George Bush's public speeches are then analyzed as they use two metaphoric clusters. The SAVAGE cluster is used to justify a response to Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The CIVILIZATION cluster is used to justify an American-led military response. The metaphoric clusters are shown to be persuasive to the international audience as they are adopted and redrculated by this audience. Conclusions and implications of the interaction of these two metaphoric clusters for future war rhetoric are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
27. Rallying around the President: When and Why Do Americans Close Ranks behind Their Presidents during International Crisis and War?
- Author
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Feinstein, Yuval
- Subjects
- *
PRESIDENTS of the United States , *PUBLIC demonstrations , *PERSIAN Gulf War, 1991 , *NATIONAL security - Abstract
Many studies have reported that US presidents often become more popular at the onset of wars and other security crises. Research on this "rally-round-the-flag" phenomenon has focused on either rational calculation of success, chances of military actions, popular perceptions of security threats, or the role of opinion leaders. This paper proposes a new approach: I argue that challenges to the symbolic status of the nation vis-à-vis other nations drive rally periods. This study examines the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon from a comparative historical perspective, using a new database of war events and security crises from 1950-2006. The analysis reveals that two types of status challenges result in nationalist rally reactions: first, the public has rallied behind presidents when wars and security crises were viewed as an opportunity for the United States to reclaim its previously damaged national honor; and second, rallies have emerged when the president claimed the mantle of "leader of the free world" in an internationally authorized coalition attack on a foreign country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
28. Citizen Oversight of Presidential Performance.
- Author
-
Buchanan, Bruce
- Subjects
- *
UNITED States history , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *PERFORMANCE evaluation , *COMPARATIVE studies - Abstract
Leading scholarship on presidential appraisal identifies the results presidents get as the basis for public approval. This article tests a more fully specified model of presidential appraisal, derived from presidential history and political behavior research. It holds that three core values: effectiveness, morality and prudence, drive judgments of presidential traits and actions as well as results. Juxtaposing these values and targets yields a nine cell theory matrix. Coded findings from 855 interviews of ordinary citizens recruited during the final Bush and first Obama terms show that 81 percent of citizen criterion mentions fit the matrix, establishing its construct validity. A second prediction, that results are more often mentioned than other criteria, is also confirmed, although coding reveals that presidential actions are mentioned nearly as often. Finally, citizen emphasis of these and other criteria is shown to vary across presidencies and performance categories, highlighting a little-noted perceptiveness in citizen oversight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2014
29. UNKINDEST CUT.
- Author
-
Barnes, F.
- Subjects
- *
SOCIAL security taxes , *SOCIAL security , *TAXATION ,UNITED States politics & government, 1989-1993 - Abstract
Discusses President George Bush's indifference towards Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan's proposal for reducing the Social Security taxes. Indications that Bush was not willing to talk about Moynihan's proposal in public; Indications that Bush's nonchalance attitude towards Moynihan's scheme was deceiving; Budget director Richard Darman and White House chief of staff John Sununu's opposition against Moynihan's proposal; Heritage Foundation's issuance of a paper endorsing the Moynihan proposal.
- Published
- 1990
30. Dragging a Kicking-and-Screaming Government into the 21st Century.
- Author
-
Meeks, Brock N.
- Subjects
- *
FREEDOM of information , *WHITE House press secretaries , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *TELEMATICS , *EMAIL - Abstract
The ribbon on the 104th U.S. Congress had barely been cut and newly appointed Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich was already sounding a clarion call for a "wired" Congress. Gingrich unveiled the Thomas online system to great fanfare. He vowed all congressional products would be online, available for downloading. This, he claimed, would allow "ordinary Americans" to "bypass" the "media elite" of the Washington press corps, enabling U.S. citizens to join in a great exercise in democracy. Thomas was, Gingrich admitted, a "work in progress."The promise of Thomas has turned out to be more platitudes than product. That promise remains unfulfilled today and in some ways, Thomas is even less efficient than the day it was rolled out. Adding insult to injury, the well-hyped, supposedly info-savvy U.S. President Bill Clinton's administration, as it turns out, is sweetheart when it comes to cyberspace. The Bill Clinton Justice team raised the same arguments as George Bush's squad that e-mail can't be considered a record as can a piece of paper and if it were, it would be a presidential record and therefore not obtainable under the Freedom of Information Act anyway.
- Published
- 1996
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
31. "The most oppressive of all kingly oppressions": Repairing the Defunct Declare War Clause.
- Author
-
Hallett, Brien
- Subjects
- *
DECLARATION of war , *POLITICAL science , *PRESIDENTS , *SOVEREIGNTY - Abstract
In this article the authors comment that declaring war is not a function of the government. It focuses on powers of presidents over armed forces and views of former U.S. President George H. W. Bush on how powers of the government and presidents are separated in terms of declaring a war. It highlights powers of presidents in the U.S. constitution and sovereignty in Rome and Greece.
- Published
- 2013
32. "Exploring the Determinants that Shape Performance Perceptions of Chief of Staff Managerial Influence in the White House".
- Author
-
Villalobos, José D., Vaughn, Justin S., and Cohen, David B.
- Subjects
- *
PUBLIC administration , *PUBLIC contracts , *GOVERNMENT insurance , *JUSTICE administration - Abstract
The notion that public managers influence organizational performance is common in public administration research. However, most works have relied mainly on qualitative case studies of particular managers and organizations. By comparison, relatively few studies have empirically examined why managers are influential, and no work we know of has quantitatively examined the determinants of managerial influence in the White House. Utilizing original survey data collected from former White House officials that served in the Reagan, George H.W. Bush, and Clinton administrations, we apply empirical public management theory to explore for the first time the key determinants that shape perceptions of chief of staff managerial influence. Our large N study provides a new contribution to the literature on public management and serves as a catalyst for further research on managerial influence in political institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2012
33. Presidential Success in US Space Policy: A Comparative Analysis of George H.W. and George W. Bush.
- Author
-
Whitman, Wendy
- Subjects
- *
ASTRONAUTICS & state , *SUCCESS , *PRESIDENTS of the United States - Abstract
Since the Soviet launch of Sputnik, presidents, regardless of party, have attempted to remake US space policy for reasons ranging from national security to the technological and societal benefits that may accrue from space exploration. The penultimate question for scholars is the following: Why do presidents succeed or fail in space policy?A comparative assessment of the efforts of George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush clarifies the perils and opportunities of presidential policymaking in this policy area. Both presidents announced their space policy proposals in the wake of major Space Shuttle disasters. Yet G.H.W. Bush's was practically stillborn on its arrival to Congress while George W. Bush's proved acceptable to Congress and related constituencies. The cases of space policy making in both of these administrations, being as they are the only full fledged presidential space policy proposals in the post-space race period, serve as perfect opportunities to study vital questions of presidential-congressional relations in a policy domain that scholars have overlooked. I argue that the presidential-legislative literature has limits in its applicability to space policy issues. This research develops a quantitative model of congressional support for presidents' space budget priorities and defines the parameters of support on Capitol Hill. I conclude that ideology, bureaucracy and centralization, and election year politics all came together to form unique contexts within which both plans played out following their introduction. These conclusions suggest that perhaps rather than relying on any one indicator of presidential success, the political environment, the sum of all the parts, is a vital determinant in presidents' relative success. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
34. Peril and Promise- The Potential of U.S. Policy in the Caribbean.
- Author
-
Richards, David
- Subjects
- *
PUBLIC administration , *HEGEMONY ,CARIBBEAN-United States relations - Abstract
The United States does not seem to have a coordinated foreign policy when it comes to the Caribbean. Indeed the US seems to have all but ignored the whole of the Americas during the G W Bush administration. The Caribbean is not often thought of as a key region in the world, but for the next administration the Caribbean should be the focus of foreign policy attention. .x000d.Within the greater Caribbean are three potential threats to the region that might affect US hegemony there. One is the growing influence of China and to a lesser degree the EU. Since the Monroe Doctrine the US has viewed the Americas as its market, yet other states are making large inroads into the Caribbean market..x000d.Secondly and also related to the Monroe Doctrine, regional powers such as Venezuela and Brazil are expanding their influence. While we may not take china seriously as a threat to the US in the region, we do take Venezuela seriously. .x000d.Lastly, after 50 years, it appears that there will be some sort of change in Cuba within the next decade. The United States needs to seek a policy in the region that will ensure our hegemony and also help guide Cuba towards full participation in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
35. Vulnerability and Responsiveness in U.S. Disaster Policy: 1953-1993.
- Author
-
Daniels, R. Steven
- Subjects
- *
EMERGENCY management , *PRESIDENTS of the United States - Abstract
This article extends the research on vulnerability and responsiveness to presidential decisions from the Eisenhower Administration to the first Bush Administration. Relying on presidential disaster decision materials from the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), I examine the role of demographic, social, economic, and political vulnerability on the presidential disaster decisions by Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard M. Nixon, Gerald R. Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush. The current research concludes that the scope of the disaster, the actions of the governor, demographic vulnerability, and political vulnerability play a critical role in explaining a president's decision to grant a major disaster. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
36. Moral Punitiveness and U.S. Elite Support for the 1991 Persian Gulf War.
- Author
-
Liberman, Peter
- Subjects
- *
CAPITAL punishment , *PERSIAN Gulf War, 1991 , *NATIONALISM - Abstract
American opinion leaders who favored the death penalty, compared to those opposed, were substantially more likely to support the 1991 Gulf War, to condone the Iraqi death toll, and to favor escalating the war to topple Saddam Hussein. These relationships persist after controlling for ideology, nationalism, and instrumental beliefs about force, and thus probably result from individual differences in retributiveness and humanitarianism, moral values known to strongly influence death penalty attitudes. These results suggest a substantial moralistic streak in elite attitudes about war against evil-seeming states, or states that are effectively framed as such by political leaders. Moral punitiveness was attenuated by foreign-policy expertise only on the regime change issue, and moderately so, suggesting that it might also influence the thinking of decision makers. President George H. W. Bush evidently experienced real moral outrage during the crisis, but he refrained from escalating to exact further punishment on Saddam. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
37. THE UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE LAW OF THE SEA, THE UNITED STATES, AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.
- Author
-
Coates, Neal
- Subjects
- *
LAW of the sea , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *RATIFICATION of treaties ,UNITED Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982) - Abstract
The article explores why the U.S. executive branch moved toward joining United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) during the tenure of former U.S. Presidents George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton and explains why the U.S. has yet to ratify the treaty. It provides a historical background of the Law of the Sea Convention. It also elaborates why the administration of former U.S. President Bush declined to accede to UNCLOS. Also mentioned is the status of UNCLOS in the Senate as of 2004.
- Published
- 2005
38. Public Support for Military Operations in Iraq: A Comparative Analysis.
- Author
-
Odachowski, Allison Clark
- Subjects
- *
PUBLIC opinion , *PERSIAN Gulf War, 1991 , *SEPTEMBER 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 , *EXECUTIVE power - Abstract
The article presents a comparison of public approval of the handling of the Persian Gulf War in 1991 by U.S. President George H. W. Bush and of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003 by U.S. President George W. Bush. The researcher used survey data to show that public support of the two military operations varied. He argued that public support for presidential war powers has changed, mainly due to the shift from defensive to pre-emptive military actions arising from the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.
- Published
- 2005
39. Is Efficiency Compatible with Democracy? New Labour and New Democrat Models of Good Governance.
- Author
-
Needham, Catherine and Nou, Jennifer
- Subjects
- *
PUBLIC administration , *POLITICAL leadership - Abstract
The article examines key themes and limitations of the government reform programs under the leadership of U.S. President Bill Clinton and Prime Minister Tony Blair of Great Britain. The researchers trace the evolution of their reforms programs, recognizing the influence of the new public management agenda of the former Prime Ministers Margaret Thatcher and John Major and former U.S. Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush.
- Published
- 2005
40. NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND - GEORGE W. BUSH EDUCATIONAL AGENDA.
- Author
-
RADU, Lucian
- Subjects
- *
PUBLIC education , *SCHOOL districts , *EDUCATION policy ,NO Child Left Behind Act of 2001 - Abstract
This paper is meant to outline the ways in which the 2002 legislation, No child left Behind, which has had a major effect on public education in the United States, redirected educational thinking along new channels, thrusting the teachers, schools and school districts into a new federal educational policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2013
41. US Democracy Promotion Then and Now: An Analysis of the Clinton and Bush Administrations.
- Author
-
Rieffer, Barbara Ann
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRACY , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *PRESIDENTS of the United States - Abstract
In the last 25 years and especially after the Cold War, the international community is witnessing remarkable changes. More and more countries are turning away from their authoritarian past and moving towards liberal democracy. Since 1975, when there were approximately 30 liberal democratic societies, there has been a vast increase in the number of such democracies in the world. Now more than 120 countries arguably offer their citizens at least a liberal democratic constitution. These transitions toward liberal democracy have varied from country to country. Some countries such as the Czech Republic have been largely successful in achieving free and fair elections and in protecting a broad range of human rights. Other countries have made progress, but have a long way to go (e.g., South Africa), while some (e.g., Haiti) have not fared as well. As countries have attempted to implement liberal democracy, many Western governments, including the US, have developed democracy assistance programs as part of their larger foreign policy to promote liberal democracy. While some scholars offer a clearly optimistic account of the US role in these developments, this paper presents a more guarded assessment of US democracy promotion and its affects on countries undertaking transitions. During the Clinton administration some attempt was made to promote democracy around the world. The Bush administration has for the most part reversed this policy. Especially after September 11, 2001, President Bush has focused on the war on terrorism to the detriment of democracy promotion. Countries like Pakistan have been given both diplomatic and financial assistance because of their support in the war on terrorism. After comparing these two administrations and their policies on democracy assistance, this paper concludes by addressing the likely impact of neglecting democracy promotion in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
42. Updating Political Evaluations: Policy Attitudes, Partisanship, and Presidential Assessments.
- Author
-
Highton, Benjamin
- Subjects
- *
PARTISANSHIP , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *PUBLIC opinion polls , *VOTER attitudes , *POLITICAL parties & society ,UNITED States politics & government ,UNITED States politics & government, 1989- - Abstract
The pervasive influence of partisanship on political evaluations is well known and understood. Whether citizens rely on their policy attitudes has received less attention, especially in the context of how people update and revise their evaluations. This paper focuses on presidential assessments and uses panel data covering three presidencies to model the determinants of opinion change. The results indicate that policy preferences (like partisanship) exert a regular and substantial influence on how citizens update their presidential evaluations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2012
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
43. THE TRIUMPH OF SILENCE: PRESIDENT GEORGE H. W. BUSH'S REFUSAL TO DENOUNCE APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA.
- Author
-
HARLOW, WILLIAM FORREST
- Subjects
- *
LANGUAGE & international relations , *APARTHEID - Abstract
President George H. W. Bush was widely criticized for not publicly denouncing the apartheid regime in South Africa. His silence was attributed to a lack of understanding or caring about the issues at hand. However, President Bush was firmly aware of the situation and made an intentional strategic choice not to speak. In this paper, I argue that remaining silent was the best available strategic choice. In addition to the strategic question, I examine the role that silence plays in a democratic system where people expect their leaders to speak on critical issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
44. Warden: Prison life and death from the inside out.
- Author
-
Willett, Jim and Rozelle, Ron
- Subjects
- *
PRISON conditions , *PRISONERS - Abstract
Gary Graham, death-row inmate 696, was convicted in 1981 of the robbery and murder of a man in a Houston Safeway supermarket parking lot. He has vigorously claimed to be innocent to anyone who would listen. As the date of his execution drew near, several celebrities spoke out about his execution, including actor Danny Glover. Witnesses (invited by Graham) for the execution are named as Reverend Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, Bianca Jagger, and 'George Bush, Jr.', whom Graham identifies as a 'friend'. Thirty-nine years old, black, two inches short of six feet tall, weighing about a hundred and fifty pounds, Gary Graham is described as the angriest person ever seen with nothing but pure hatred in his eyes. To outwit the media circus, which would have accompanied the move from the prison to the place of execution, the move was made 24 hours previously. The procedures in place to deal with the prisoner before his execution by lethal injection are described. The first-named author, who a week previous to the execution was given the most prestigious award in the prison system - Warden of the Year - describes his feelings and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
45. Return to the Moon: A sustainable strategy
- Author
-
Sarkissian, John M.
- Subjects
- *
SPACE exploration , *LUNAR exploration , *ASTRONAUTICS & state - Abstract
Abstract: On 14 January 2004 President George Bush announced his vision for space exploration, to include a human return to the Moon. He argued that, with a moderate increase in NASA''s annual expenditure, such a return was possible. This paper is an exploration of how the President''s space initiative can be realised on an international co-operative basis along similar lines to those already existing with the international space station (ISS). By abandoning the concept of a lunar landing as the major goal of a lunar programme, the initiative is made feasible. The three-stage plan here presented meshes with the currently evolving plans for the US space initiative to provide a realistic, affordable and sustainable strategy for manned lunar exploration. It represents a significant opportunity for the USA to unite and lead the world on this grand, civilisation defining adventure. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]
- Published
- 2006
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
46. Manifest Destiny Adapted for 1990s' War Discourse: Mission and Destiny Intertwined.
- Author
-
Coles, Roberta L.
- Subjects
- *
DISCOURSE , *POLITICAL messianism , *WAR , *CIVIL religion , *POLITICAL science , *WAR (International law) , *PRESIDENTS of the United States - Abstract
Civil religious themes have long been integral to public discourse in Ameba. Specifically the themes of mission and destiny, best known in the form of Manifest Destiny, still carry the country through periods of foreign conflict. This paper analyzes the discourses of President George Bush during the Persian Gulf War and President Bill Clinton during the Kosovo conflict. I identify the themes of mission by example and mission by intervention and argue that these forms of mission are intertwined. The use of these themes by presidents of different political ponies indicates that while they remain useful, they are adapting for a changing political and economic world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
47. Transatlantic Travails: America and Reunited Europe During the Presidencies of George H.W. and George W. Bush.
- Author
-
O'Reilly, Marc J. and Renfro, Wesley B.
- Subjects
- *
INTERNATIONAL relations - Abstract
This paper examines America?s foreign policy vis-à-vis Europe during the presidencies of George H.W. and George W. Bush. Both father and son occupied the Oval Office as Washington?s relations with its most stalwart ideological, economic, and military allies accommodated new and largely uncertain geopolitical realities. George H.W. Bush brought a wealth of experience to his management of the transatlantic partnership as he navigated an uncharted post-Soviet morass. A veteran of the Cold War, though not necessarily a Cold Warrior, H.W. Bush struggled to redefine U.S.-European relations in the absence of an overarching Communist threat. This paper argues that H.W. Bush, influenced by his own personal history and leadership style, crafted a mostly clever response to vexing issues such as German reunification, Eastern European democratization, and the future of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. A decade after H.W. Bush reaffirmed the importance of the transatlantic partnership, his son, George W. Bush, alienated many European allies, whose policies diverged from the White House?s on matters such as Iraq?s alleged WMD program, the Kyoto Protocol, the International Criminal Court, and the saliency and utility of the United Nations. With a different personal history and leadership style than his father, W. Bush revamped U.S. policy toward Europe as the transatlantic partnership struggled to reconcile American primacy, European integration, and international terrorism. While both Bushes claimed to value the transatlantic alliance, this paper uses theories of cognition and leadership to explain the variance in their policies toward Washington?s European allies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
48. The Performance of the White House Chiefs of Staff in the Reagan Through Clinton Administrations.
- Author
-
Cohen, David B. and Walcott, Charles E.
- Subjects
- *
ORGANIZATIONAL behavior ,FEDERAL employees (U.S.) ,UNITED States politics & government - Abstract
Utilizing a mix of both qualitative and quantitative methodologies, we delve into the inner workings of the Reagan, G.H.W. Bush, and Clinton administrations by examining the performance of the White House chiefs of staff. The paper begins with a brief overview of the position of chief of staff. The paper then utilizes a unique mail survey of elites who served during the Reagan, G.H.W. Bush, and Clinton years to analyze the performance of the White House chiefs of staff during that period. We conclude that a hierarchical White House and a strong chief of staff seem to be essential to the organizational success of the presidency, but that they do not guarantee it. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
49. Forgive & Forget?
- Author
-
Kutler, Stanley I.
- Subjects
- *
PARDON , *FORGIVENESS , *EXECUTIVE power , *AUTHORITY , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *EX-presidents - Abstract
U.S. President George Bush has embarrassed the pardoning power; and thereby he may have done very well for himself. Bush's pardon of six officials involved in the Iran/contra scandal refreshed images of Gerald Ford's pardon of Richard Nixon after Watergate in 1974. Bush shamelessly invoked the authority of other precedents. For that enterprise, Casper Weinberger's papers provide crucial evidence. Although the pardon is irrevocable, Bill Clinton could help prevent further mischief by former Presidents by nullifying Reagan's Executive Order 12667, which grants former Presidents the right to impose executive privilege over their papers.
- Published
- 1993
50. PRINCE OF POVERTY.
- Author
-
Barnes, Fred
- Subjects
- *
POVERTY , *UNITED States legislators , *PRESIDENTS of the United States , *WELFARE economics ,UNITED States economic policy, 1981-1993 - Abstract
Focuses on attitude of Senator Jack Kemp regarding anti-poverty issue and criticism against the budget negotiations in the United States. Warning issued by Kemp against any tax increase; Opinion that Kemp has little influence on economic policy despite of being secretary of housing and urban development; Response of U.S. President George Bush regarding views of Kemp; Policy making ability of Kemp; Commitment to a conservative war on poverty; Implementation of the anti-poverty agenda; Strategy of Kemp for raising the anti-poverty issue through an option paper on poverty sent by the Domestic Policy Council to Bush.
- Published
- 1990
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