Search

Ceuta and Melilla are considered exemplary models of the border spectacle. The fences of these cities typify the notion of 'Fortress Europe' and impel the emotional engagement of the inhabitants with migration control policies. This article focuses on the experiences of local activists who have resisted migration containment policies. Through a close examination of the emotional geographies of activism in border areas, and the effect of migration policies on the everyday, this article aims to uncover the civic emotions underlying the lived realities of activists. Furthermore, by addressing the methodological challenges of investigating social emotions, this study integrates visual elicitation methods into ethnographic research. The evocative power of cinema allows films to act as visual stimuli that convey the intimate narratives of activists, which encompass compassion, outrage, or fatigue in the context of pro-migrant mobilization. By drawing on the mundane experiences of borders, this article delves into the intersection of emotions, activism, and borders to elucidate experiences against migration control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article details research into an archival fonds at the Art Gallery of Ontario (ago) chronicling protests that took place at the institution in the 1970s. The archive, assembled by the institution's registrar, was either lost or stolen in the late 1970s and then re-collected. The re-assembled archive captures two major actions in 1972 and 1974 that coalesced around artist-activist fear of the cultural imperialism of the United States and anger at the ago's unwillingness to support local artists. The narrative of cultural nationalism that underlies the two actions is challenged by four decontextualized photographs of an anti-racist picket at the gallery in 1974, found in the same archive but for which no further information was discovered. The article introduces the term "settling activism" to describe a phenomenon wherein radical actions that appear to challenge the status quo might ultimately contribute to its continuance. Using the four photographs to unsettle both the original protests and the author's own positionality as a beneficiary of past activism, the article illuminates the complex interplay between activism, institutional response, and historical memory and suggests that anti-racist action and intervention have a much longer history in the world of Canadian museums than has been remembered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precarious economic conditions, low pay, layoffs, and dwindling job security motivated journalists to organize in record numbers in the 2010s and 2020s. Cohen and De Peuter's 2020 research on newsworkers' motives and organizing strategies in digital newsrooms finds that economic, political, and cultural factors play a role. Pay equity, a more diverse and inclusive newsroom, and a voice in editorial and strategic decision-making are often cited as arguments for union membership. This monograph asks how newsworkers assess the effect of unionization and guild membership on their work, working conditions, and culture. Interviews with 45 journalists in 16 U.S. newsrooms with unions, both established and recently organized, suggest that several goals, such as pay equity, diversity, and inclusion, have not been achieved. Nevertheless, the act of organizing and the managerial work accomplished by union leadership in the newsroom is creating both institutional change and opportunity. A parallel organizational culture is emerging that mitigates poor leadership and human resource management and serves as training ground for a new class of journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this text, pianist Daniel Áñez outlines his activities as a programmer and project manager. He focuses on his artistic mission to promote contemporary Latin American music. He also describes his contrasting perceptions of the paradigms and motivations of musicians in Bogotá and Montreal. On a more personal note, this article discusses his experiences and "status changes" in relation to his transition from student to international student, and then to self-employed musician. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes up the idea of collective organizing as a way to create learning and teaching spaces as liberatory. It engages the radical abolitionist work of Ruth Wilson Gilmore that insists we organize collectively as scholars and teachers in the university, to imagine that which engenders freedom. This paper also engages the writings of Black Studies Scholar Rinaldo Walcott and Indigenous Scholar Sandy Grande to reveal how the university with its compensatory individualism and politics of recognition work to maintain anti-blackness and white settler colonial practices. It ends with some examples of refusal and abolitionist practices aimed at creating and imagining spaces of learning and living. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are several banners with messages created by the University of Toronto (UofT) placed alongside the major roads of its three campuses. In 2022, these messages included "Moving Toward Equity," "Putting a Feminist Lens on Economic Recovery," and "Obstacles are Motivations to Push Forward." I remember seeing these banners and asking myself, "What happens when the university becomes the obstacle?" In this article, the author wants readers to think seriously about the university as an obstacle and what that means when thinking about another university now. One of these banners, Obstacles are Motivations to Push Forward, represents the university as a teleological space for forward movement. Like all other banners it is accompanied by the slogan Defy Gravity, part of the university's fundraising campaign, that cites "the climate crisis," "economic and social inequalities," "systemic racism," "injustices against Indigenous peoples," and the COVID-19 pandemic, as reasons to "rise and move forward together." But what does it mean to move forward when the structures you are pushing against are built on neoliberal logics, corporatized institutional structures, and settler-colonial violence? If the university is a problem space that we inhabit, how can we ask a different set of questions with which to imagine another university? If the colonial-capitalist roots of the Canadian university foreclose other futures, is change even possible? Can the university be a locus for change if it is simultaneously an obstacle to change? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jennifer Nadeau describes what it was like growing up as Mary-Jo Nadeau's sister, and seeing glimmers of her activism from a very young age: MJ's empathy, kindness, generosity, fearlessness, fierceness.....and love. Mary-Jo's activism revolved around anti-racist feminism, Palestinian solidarity and unionism, within and outside of the university context. MJ was a force to be reckoned with, challenging and antagonizing existing racist, colonialist, dehumanizing and oppressive systems. MJ lived her life with the intention to envision and create a better world than our current one, and to act collectively within her activist community(ies) to make that vision a reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a short introduction to this journal section on the work and life of Mary-Jo Nadeau. In this introduction, I ask what is our responsibility to the absent-presence of this remembrance and representation of Mary-Jo while we grapple with our grief and melancholic attachments. Ultimately, it is Mary-Jo's exemplary integration of scholarship and activism that inspires the writings in this section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By turns intimate, scholarly, and political, this reflection of a working-class historian (by birth as well as choice) and feminist scholar of women, gender, and migration highlights the life experiences, intellectual awakenings, and contemporary historical developments that have informed her evolving scholarship. While acknowledging individual achievement, the emphasis is on how collaboration with a life partner/historian, colleagues, students, and activists, as well as "collective solidarities," have significantly shaped and enriched her career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the après‐mai 1968 through the end of the 1970s, successive groups of French radicals legitimized revolutionary violence and developed a militant protest culture that challenged the state's monopoly on violence. Most scholars have presented political violence in 1970s France as bound to the trajectories of organized Maoist and Trotskyist groups and as the product of revolutionary ideology that was overcome by experience. This article traces how a cohort of radicals continued to articulate discourses of self‐defense, counterviolence, and violence as revolution of the self well into the 1970s. Activists did so because their experiences of conflict confirmed the salience of violent struggle. The article contributes to the historical study of violent phenomena by tracing an approach that integrates the analysis of understandings of violence and experiences of conflictual politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cet article fait appel à la sociologie interactionniste pour explorer les biographies et les carrières morales de deux anciennes zhiqing devenues, aux alentours de 2007, deux figures maternelles célèbres dans une blogosphère tongzhi dynamique. Leur rencontre avec de jeunes tongzhi a été à l'origine d'un mouvement de mobilisation de parents d'enfants à la sexualité considérée comme non conforme en Chine. En ancrant le militantisme tongzhi dans l'histoire de la Chine contemporaine et en reconstruisant deux processus parallèles du devenir militant, cet article cherche à mieux comprendre comment l'agentivité politique a vu le jour dans un contexte autoritaire tout en appelant à étudier les pratiques militantes comme des activités historicisées en quête de sens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the premise that family care work is more than an individual struggle – it is a public issue requiring collective engagement towards structural change. But how do carers themselves become engaged in forms of activism designed to achieve such change? In this paper, we present findings from an exploration into how five activist-inclined carers of older adults (all daughters) interpret the meaning of care work. We examine whether and how their narratives manifest an understanding of care as a public issue and responsibility. Cases were theoretically sampled from a larger qualitative dataset; each woman participated in 2–3 interviews over a 2-year period. Findings illuminate the complexities of identity, emotion and broader discourses as these intersect in the daughters' narratives. Echoing the invisibility of carer needs and of the gendered nature of family care work, participants' activist inclinations tended to foreground the needs of older adults; to the extent that they supported structural changes to help families, this was to assist carers in their primary responsibility for parent care. Moreover, none of the women framed their efforts as part of a feminist struggle. Discussion addresses implications for the empowerment and engagement of carers within broader advocacy movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arguing that the concept of littérature-monde conceals unequal relations between literary cultures, this article examines the socio-economic contexts of literary translation from and into Breton from the fifteenth to the twenty-first century. The value of translation across the corpus of 1025 texts lies primarily in creating intercultural relationships and promoting cultural diversity. Translation into Breton represents a vital defence of a language with dwindling speaker numbers: in the late 1970s it increases dramatically, with littérature de jeunesse spearheading a change in state policy allowing regional languages to be taught in schools. Yet translation can also reinforce an existing power imbalance, highlighting the central role played by French in the linguistic and literary construction of Breton society. Poetry, songs and contes translated from Breton often perpetuate stereotypes of a bardic, oral culture, while nationalist writers reject self-translation into French as capitulation before the dominant culture. Since the 1980s, many have chosen to bypass French by translating into languages such as Welsh, Scottish, Irish or Catalan, creating a network of minority literatures. Since the market for Breton translation is so small, however, such texts serve as valuable identity markers, a symbolic, affective force articulating a quest for socio-political legitimacy via literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hegemonic until a short time ago, the idea of a resolution of the environmental crisis by a "small steps" policy and "eco-responsible" behaviors now seems insufficient for many environmentalists. Some of them attest to an ideological and strategic hardening which operates on the background of a critique of the socioeconomic order. Assuming a double movement with, on the one hand, the radicalization of environmentalists and, on the other, the greening of radical activists, this article lays the theoretical and methodological foundations of a research in progress on what one can consider, in the field of social movements, as a "radical environmentalist pole". In so doing, it provides programmatic tracks for the study of commitments which, by taking the Green New Deal seriously, challenge the established order and open up alternative political horizons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the trajectory of the Latin American Women's Group in Paris. Formed in 1972, this group published the bilingual (Portuguese and Spanish) newsletter Nosotras between 1974 and 1976. Based on the texts published in this newsletter and interviews, I have tried to understand how these women theorized their own oppression, how they developed the idea of “we, the women” and of a “Latin American specificity”. Based on the problems they were facing as Latin American women in Europe and the fact that it was impossible to separate their multiple “affiliations”, they sought to thematize the various forms of domination they experienced and to develop strategies of struggle and alliances to confront this reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we theoretically conceptualise the renegotiation of participatory action and activism through the formation of intellectual space that is self-reflective and upheld by what we metaphorically describe as mirrors between parallel worlds. Rethinking what activism is and how an individual relates to their social group is dependent on different levels of self-reflection, self-criticism and competing scales of insertion of other people's struggles into one's own political vision in an effort to intellectually rectify the local tensions that emerge in a post-revolutionary context where people are disconnected from global-level activism. A significant aspect of this analysis is our interlocutors' imaginative capacity to draw from other people's experiences through cultural and visual artefacts and integrate them into their own life history with the intention to address national or group-specific dilemmas. While some have drawn attention to the importance of noting how spaces for activism are remade in the post-revolutionary context due to such sentiments as disappointment, we instead examine the formation of conceptual spaces of activism within the context of isolation in contemporary Iran. Empirically, we bring together a political analysis of the novel Bevatan by Reza AmirKhani, and interviews conducted with English literature students in Shiraz. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the fiftieth anniversary of the 1969 omnibus bill as an opportunity to reflect on the impact that legislation had on abortion access and experiences in Canada, we examine key legislative and activist moments in the long history of abortion rights in Canada, beginning with the lead up to the 1969 revision. This analysis helps to assess the uneven impact and unintended consequences of the 1969 legislation. We offer an analysis of the existing historiography of abortion in order to both assess trends and identify areas that require further study. We suggest using a reproductive justice framework to examine abortion-related history and politics. By doing so, we hope scholars will uncover what abortion history might look like if we decentre milestone legislation like the omnibus bill. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the right to education for people living in contexts of vulnerability. The approach adopted is similar and yet different to that of Escudero's: first, we targeted adults instead of young people, many of them with a record of school failure and all of whom had gone through harsh life circumstances, close to marginalization or exclusion. Second, we approached educational practice out of school, within the context of production, focusing upon intentional and informal learning in work integration enterprises. Third, we took the view of educators, not teachers, life and job coaches working in work integration companies whose role was to educate and promote their staff as well as contributing to the company's production. We drew upon three cases whose information was gathered and analyzed qualitatively. We described them and discussed their pedagogical role, how they planned the itineraries and managed the process, which competencies and knowledge they focused upon and, finally, and hence the title of the article, to what extent they understood their job as a life commitment which could be their educational approach, without forgetting their working conditions and the precariousness of current labour markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a theory of political information demand, and its model is applied to the analysis of the seven Brazilian presidential elections following the transition to democracy. The initial goal of the theory is to posit the potential of the political and electoral influence of the mass media on the choices not only of so-called ordinary citizens, but also of militants, depending on the political and institutional context. In other words, why does intervention on the part of the mass media in certain circumstances seem to have a decisive influence on the choices of some individuals but not in others? How does one discern such variations without the known limits of political information supply analyses, which either do not account for the reception's polysemy, or, which cannot be generalized when they do, on a smaller scale and with more depth. According to this theory, media influence is a function of the utility attributed to political information, which depends on the stability and intensity of voter preferences and the risk margins with which they make their decisions, which in turn depend on the overall stability and degree of political polarization of the political system. Some of the other potentials of the theory are also briefly indicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper proposes a comparative interpretation of the visual role assigned in the electoral campaigns of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007 and 2011) and Dilma Rousseff (2010 and 2014) to the progovernment activists as a mobilized collective and organized support. This, after years of electoral campaigns that privileged a different image: that of the candidate directly linked with voters, without any mediation. The empirical material gathered and analyzed consists of a selection of Argentine spots and the whole of the electoral programs of the Free Electoral Air-Time (HGPE) (2016-2017) in Brazil. Using qualitative content analysis of the electoral advertising, we argue that the 2011 and 2014 campaigns (in Argentina and Brazil, respectively) display a greater visual hierarchy of the militants in comparison to the previous two campaigns (2007 and 2010). And, for the Brazilian case, we also state that the 2014 campaign introduced a second type of symbolic representation of activism, through references to the trajectory of Dilma as a youth militant during the military dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urbanismo, feminismo y empoderamiento. Miradas cruzadas América Latina / Francia (Entrevista) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Micromobilization research constitutes a vital stream within social movement studies. Despite a wealth of empirical research and recent advances in micromobilization theory, research is still hampered by a myriad of issues. This article identifies conceptual, empirical, and methodological weaknesses in the micromobilization literature and offers solutions. First, the author provides a clear definition of micromobilization by synthesizing two distinct, yet interrelated research streams that, on the one hand, emphasize the processes through which social movement organizations attempt to recruit and influence potential supporters and participants and, on the other hand, enumerate various analytically distinct steps that make up micromobilization. Using this as a springboard, the author then evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of a longstanding, popular model of micromobilization that he terms the ‘affinity-initiated model.’ This micromobilization model is extended in significant ways by merging insights from extant social movement, social psychology, and network analysis literatures, pinpointing novel and overlooked ways social ties, in particular, facilitate the differentiation of individuals at analytically distinct steps in the micromobilization process. Finally, the author identifies several avenues for future micromobilization research opened up by the analytic approach developed in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relation of fear to activism in private and constrained circumstances of chronic risk and anxiety. Asking how people contest domestic violence, given the intensity of the fear that it generates, the paper reframes their responses as practices of activism. It draws on qualitative research that charts the nature, experience and effects of fear over time. Using seismology as a metaphor for this process, the analysis describes complex and often hidden shifts in emotions over periods of years, as interviewees describe being simultaneously constrained by fear and actively using fear to manage and contest violence. Their practices of resistance are small scale, largely invisible to others, and have a messy and non-linear relationship with the process of leaving that some eventually undertake. Such action is only necessary in a social and political climate which continues to place more emphasis on individual than social responsibility for domestic violence. I examine what this resistance adds to recent accounts of activism, concluding that isolated actions constitute activism when they anticipate or engender collective social and political change at other scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Objectifs: Présenter le cadre conceptuel de la Classification internationale du fonctionnement (CIF), souvent citée de manière trompeuse, car les auteurs se réfèrent seulement à l’introduction du manuel. Méthode: L’ensemble du manuel est analysé, y compris les consignes de codage et le seul article cité dans le manuel. Résultats: Le cadre conceptuel et les implications de politique sont différents de ce qui est dit habituellement. Ils se réfèrent au mouvement des disability studies. L’objectif de la CIF est de s’opposer à la catégorisation des personnes et de promouvoir l’adaptation universelle de l’environnement. C’est pourquoi plusieurs aspects de la CIF ne se conforment pas aux règles usuelles des classifications. Discussion: Le cadre conceptuel et les implications de politique sont dissimulés de trois manières : un vocabulaire différent est utilisé dans l’introduction et dans les consignes de codage, le cadre conceptuel n’est pas décrit dans la longue introduction mais seulement dans les consignes de codage, et des consignes détaillées suggèrent aux utilisateurs de construire leur propre classification pour leurs fins propres. Cette dissimulation est nécessaire pour obtenir une large diffusion de la classification. Conclusions: Une analyse attentive du manuel et de l’unique article cité met en lumière les positions militantes du groupe d’experts qui a piloté la rédaction de la CIF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on travel in the literary works of Kanaka author and poet Déwé Görödé. It follows the representation of the tribe as the symbol of a Kanaka world tarnished by colonization and the idea of reconstructing the Kanaka identity. Some of the works analyzed include the poem "À la tribu," the short story "L'Agenda," and the book "Par les temps qui courent." Topics include the impact of witchcraft known as boucan in tribes and the concept of temporal travels.

The article offers information on advocacy limitations of the government to Voluntary Sector Initiative (VSI) for charitable and political activities of gender and sexually diverse in Canada. It states that advocacy and support for social change on the part of minority and disenfranchised groups were limited by regulation in Canadian society. It mentions that limitations were relevant to Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender (LGBT) communities to make legal recognition on human rights legislation.

Young people express an increasing rejection of institutional politics and its classic actors, which has led to the assertion that youth are apathetic. This article intends to show why this affirmation is partial and does not reflect the underlying complexity of what motivates political participation in young people. The hypothesis is that since young people interpret the youth condition as transitory, they do not consider youth political participation an end in itself. While the youth condition does not structure political participation or constitute actors and political projects, there are specificities of youth political participation that need to be identified. For the purpose of identifying what motivates youth to participate - and how and where do they tend to do so - three cases of political involvement are presented: ATTAC Argentina, the Klampun Community of Papua New Guinea and the World YWCA. The theoretical sections rest on a broadly based research study suggest a reformulation of the common adult perception on youth political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]