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Most research in policy transfer studies focused on cases of policies originating from the 'Global North'. However, recently countries of the 'Global South' became sources of models. With the exception of a few studies, literature has not considered these developments. This paper aims at contributing to this direction, by proposing an agenda drawn from policy transfer studies as well as from the observation of Brazil's and China's engagement in policy transfer. This exercise helps highlight a series of aspects overlooked by the literature. Understanding their motivations, their timing and other important aspects related to these processes can shed new light on policy transfer phenomena. New research questions are introduced and illustrated by examples from Brazil and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of the "Belt and Road" and "Going Global" policies, a growing number of Chinese power companies are expanding overseas, implementing global development strategies, and making investments in the overseas power industry. Several countries are undergoing an energy transition because of the rapid development of the world economy. This is being done to address the climate change issues that are a result of the overuse of fossil fuels. Brazil is also accelerating its pace of power transformation in its position as a major power generating country in Latin America. In addition to being the largest economy in South America, Brazil is also the country in which China has made the most investments. Additionally, Brazil is increasing its development efforts in wind power, photovoltaics, and other renewable energy sources in response to a large demand for renewable energy sources. Brazil's renewable energy sector offers a great deal of potential for investment based on solid foundations for cooperation between China and Brazil. The Grey Prediction Model was used for this research to forecast Brazil's renewable energy generation installed capacity, and the results show a positive trend in Brazil's renewable energy generation. There is a rapid growth in wind and photovoltaic power generation over the next 5 years, with growth rates reaching 50.39% and 182.99%, respectively, suggesting that there is potential for a broad range of development. Following this, the research applies factor analysis to assess investment risks associated with Brazil's renewable energy sector from 2000 to 2020. Based on the results of the study, Chinese power companies investing in Brazil's renewable energy sector face the greatest political risk, while other risks gradually decrease. To avoid political risks when investing, companies should place a high priority on preventing them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What has been neglected in much of the existing studies of the influence of seasonal and regional characteristics of agriculture on the market power and national security. This paper constructs a multivariate equations model to investigate the monopoly power of seasonal suppliers and national security in China's soybean market. The results show no relationship between market share and monopoly power; and that CR3 and HHI show China's soybean import market has been the highest oligopoly type, but the model suggest that exporters (the U.S., Brazil and Argentina) have very weak monopoly power and China has no monopsony power; and that the performance of some exporters' soybeans is affected by others, while others are relatively independent in market. This is due to the non-substitutability of the product, the non-substitutability of the buyer and the seller, etc., which causes the mutual dependence of the seller and buyer, and their market power cancel each other out. The seasonality and regionality of soybean production is the root. Considering national security, it is necessary to take the seasonal and regional characteristics of exporters into account to disperse trade risks and oppose monopolisation of international food production and trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores China's increasing media engagement with Latin American partners. It examines the case of Mundo China (MC), a China-news segment broadcast by the Brazilian news channel BandNews TV and co-produced in partnership with CCTV. By conducting content analysis, we assess how China is presented, contrast the framing of China before and since the partnership agreement, and compare the televised image of China between BandNews TV and other news channels in Brazil. The findings show that MC has assisted in diversifying and balancing the ratio of positive frames in relation to the overall China-related reporting across the broadcasters sampled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Direito GV is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines whether localized trade shocks from China influence Brazilians' views on integration with the country. We test the following hypotheses: (1) as trade shocks are localized, views on trade should form at the local, rather than at the individual level, and (2) as localized trade shocks affect both workers and companies in a same region, they should also influence legislators' views on China. Our analyses find support for both claims, but only among losers from Chinese trade. Residents and legislators from localities hurt by import shocks tend to hold negative views about economic ties with China, whereas neither residents nor legislators from localities benefitted by export shocks exhibit more positive views about the country. Our paper contributes to the literature on the politics of trade by incorporating meso-level theories of trade preference formation and by establishing the conditions under which the interests of constituencies should shape legislators' views on international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Brazil established the "Comprehensive Strategic Partnership" in 2012. Since the establishment of the partnership, China and Brazil have continued to deepen economic and trade cooperation, and cooperation in various fields has achieved remarkable results. China has long been consistent in maintaining its status as Brazil's largest export destination and source of imports. The total volume of bilateral trade between China and Brazil has significantly increased, and the trade structure in goods is becoming increasingly diversified. The total volume of bilateral trade between China and Brazil has grown considerably, and the trade structure in goods has become increasingly diversified. On 20 April 2023, when Brazilian President Lula visited China, China and Brazil issued a joint statement on deepening the "Comprehensive Strategic Partnership", further deepening the cooperation in trade in goods has become a consensus. From the perspective of goods trade under the comprehensive strategic partnership, the article analyses the complementarities and competitiveness of goods trade between China and Brazil with the help of relevant formulas to form a complete and transparent study of the goods trade between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 30 years, the relationship between Brazil and China has undergone significant development, expanding cooperation in various fields, including trade, economy, culture, and science and technology. This collaboration plays a crucial role in promoting the development of both countries. However, this development has complex characteristics, characterized by mutual complementarity and asymmetry in Brazil-China relations. Mutual complementarity between the two nations reflects the fact that they provide each other with the necessary resources and markets. China imports key raw materials like iron ore, soybeans, and oil from Brazil, while Brazil imports high-value-added products from China. This economic exchange has been driving economic growth in both countries, increasing their interdependence. Still, it poses challenges for the future due to its asymmetrical nature. Brazil relies on China's demand for raw materials, making it vulnerable to fluctuations in China's raw material market. Moreover, Chinese state-owned companies are expanding their investments in Brazil, which has raised concerns and strengthened China's negotiating power. Nevertheless, the relationship between the two countries continues to move in a positive direction. Recently, cooperation between Brazil and China has expanded into trade, culture, and science and technology, playing a crucial role in enhancing mutual complementarity. This collaboration is expected to contribute to building sustainable cooperation based on interdependence. Therefore, the Brazil-China relationship has the potential to continue developing positively in the future, but both countries need to plan and coordinate their future cooperation, considering the asymmetry and interdependence. This will allow Brazil-China relations to prepare for their impact on the global political and economic landscape, address domestic priorities, and meet the challenges of the international community, ultimately achieving a more sustainable relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign infrastructure investment (FII) is essential to the economic growth of developing countries. However, developing countries are prone to higher levels of political risk, which act as detractors to such investment. The nature of political risk has been well documented and includes such factors as corruption, inadequate legal protections, opaque regulatory processes, and unstable governments prone to volatile shifts in project support. Even so, the impact of political risk on FII does not arise from environmental factors alone, but also emanates from the internal attributes of the infrastructure delivery system; which is to say not all projects are impacted to the same extent by a given political climate. Although the external political risk environment has been extensively explored, the internal vulnerabilities are not well understood. This study identifies the impacts of foreign infrastructure vulnerability on FII and its mediating capacity in offsetting the adverse effects of political risk on FII in developing countries. It draws on a database of China and Brazil from 2006 to 2019, as exemplars of developing nations. A partial least-square structural equation model (PLS-SEM) method is employed in analyzing the database against existing system vulnerability factors as identified: political risk exposure of the system, system's capability of dealing with political risk, and the relationship between host and home countries. The findings confirm that, ceteris paribus, FII flows are hindered when infrastructure projects carry higher risk exposure. Moreover, where systems possess the capacity to mediate political risk, FII participation is facilitated, while also diluting the negative impacts of that risk on the delivery system. These findings add to the body of knowledge in the domain of vulnerability theory, while offering a practical political risk management pathway for multination investors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese agricultural investments in the Southern Cone and the Brazil-China soy-meat complex are playing a pivotal role in the international reordering of the contemporary food regime. China's neo-mercantilist strategy, as exemplified by COFCO, carries elements of both continuity and rupture with this process. With an assertive yet flexible strategy, COFCO has adapted to China's internal requirements, the specificities of host countries, the geopolitical tensions with the US, and global competitors' corporate power. COFCO's strategy reflects the successful Chinese integration into the capitalist world system and the pursuit of a self-reliant food security policy by setting its own terms for global agribusiness engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geosul is the property of Geosul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the consequences of the hugely successful expansion of South-South Cooperation since the new millennium. For all the achievements, variations and change over the 1950s-late 1990s, 'SSC 1.0' was characterised by relative neglect within the 'international' development community, and by many orthodox and critical scholars. In the chronological schema of the paper, 'SSC 2.0' refers to the period of remarkable expansion from the early 2000s to the present. The emergence of 'SSC 3.0', I suggest, is currently revealed by a discernible set of shifts driven in large part by the expansionary successes of SSC 2.0, as well as other turns in the global political economy. Three contemporary trends are identified: cooperation narratives that are increasingly 'muscular', nationalistic and pragmatic; difficulties sustaining claims to 'non-interference' in partner countries; and the further erosion of ideational and operational distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil's and China's international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of "liminality" to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries' international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as "South" (and "West"), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to fill a vacuum in the international economic law literature about the legal tools mobilized by Chinese state-investments in middle-income economies. In order to develop this analysis, we scrutinize the largest operation of Chinese investments in Brazil: the acquisition of Companhia Paulista de Força e Luz ("CPFL") by State Grid in the electric energy sector. This analysis assesses the impact of such investments on three levels: the bilateral coordination macrolevel, the national regulatory framework mesolevel, and the corporate governance microlevel. The two main questions driving this exercise are: Which legal instruments support these economic interactions, and can they be qualified as disruptive of the international economic law order? We conclude that, in comparison to large and small economies, Chinese investments have been much less disruptive to middle-income economies such as Brazil, due to (i) the similar legal tools employed to manage the international economic legal order, (ii) an economic and legal environment previously exposed to foreign direct investments in strategic sectors; and (iii) the inexistence of reported direct interference, also known as "shadow administration," of the Chinese Communist Party in the daily operations of the corporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precision medicine (PM) is emerging as a scientific bandwagon within the contemporary biomedical sciences in the United States. PM brings together concepts and tools from genomics and bioinformatics to develop better diagnostics and therapies based on individualized information. Developing countries like China and Brazil have also begun pursuing PM projects, motivated by a desire to claim genomic sovereignty over its population. In spite of commonalities, institutional arrangements produced by the history of genomics research in China and Brazil are ushering PM along different trajectories. In the Chinese case, we identify a strong state-backed push for PM combined with a dynamic network of international academic and private actors along the lines of networked technonationalism that has made large-scale, speculative PM projects possible. The Brazilian case is characterized by an institutional void at the federal level in which PM is driven by domestic academic actors in universities in the regional level, resulting in smaller scale, needs-driven PM projects. Through these cases, this paper shows how a scientific bandwagon adapts to national histories and institutions. Through this peripheral translation of the scientific bandwagon, the global infrastructure of biomedical knowledge has the potential to be transformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green Revolution is often seen as epitomising the dawn of scientific and technological advancement and modernity in the agricultural sector across developing countries, a process that unfolded from the 1940s through to the 1980s. Despite the time that has elapsed, this episode of the past continues to resonate today, and still shapes the institutions and practices of agricultural science and technology. In Brazil, China, and India, narratives of science-led agricultural transformations portray that period in glorifying terms—entailing pressing national imperatives, unprecedented achievements, and heroic individuals or organizations. These "epic narratives" draw on the past to produce meaning and empower the actors that deploy them. Epic narratives are reproduced over time and perpetuate a conviction about the heroic power of science and technology in agricultural development. By crafting history and cultivating a sense of scientific nationalism, exceptionalism, and heritage, these epic narratives sustain power-knowledge relations in agricultural science and technology, which are underpinned by a hegemonic modernization paradigm. Unravelling the processes of assemblage and reproduction of epic narratives helps us make sense of how science and technology actors draw on their subjective representations of the past to assert their position in the field at present. This includes making claims about their credentials to envision and deliver sustainable solutions for agriculture into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identifying existing care pathways is the first step for understanding how services can be improved to enable early diagnosis and effective follow-up care for non-communicable diseases (NCDs); however, evidence on how care pathways can and should be identified in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) is lacking. To describe generalisability and lessons learned from recruitment and data collection for the quantitative component of a mixed methods study designed to determine the care pathway for atrial fibrillation (AF) in Brazil, China and Sri Lanka. Adults (≥18 years) that spoke the local language and with an AF diagnosis were eligible. We excluded anyone with a hearing or cognitive impairment or ineligible address. Eligible participants were identified using electronic records in Brazil and China; in Sri Lanka, researchers attended the outpatient clinics to identify eligible participants. Data were collected using two quantitative questionnaires administered at least 2-months apart. A minimum sample size of 238 was required for each country. The required sample size was met in Brazil (n = 267) and China (n = 298), but a large proportion of AF patients could not be contacted (47% and 27%, respectively) or refused to participate (36% and 38%, respectively). In Sri Lanka, recruitment was challenging, resulting in a reduced sample (n = 151). Mean age of participants from Brazil, China and Sri Lanka was 69 (SD = 11.3), 65 (SD = 12.8) and 58 (SD = 11.7), respectively. Females accounted for 49% of the Brazil sample, 62% in China and 70% in Sri Lanka. Generalisability was an issue in Brazil and China, as was selection bias. Recruitment bias was highlighted in Sri Lanka. Additional or alternative recruitment methods may be required to ensure generalisability and reduce bias in future studies aimed at identifying NCD care pathways in LMICs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets out to understand the use of public procurement as a policy instrument for catching up. Brazil and China, who have explicitly linked procurement to innovation, are used as empirical cases. We review their respective institutional settings, policy approaches, and micro-level processes related to the public procurement of innovation (PPI). We have discovered that they share similarities concerning issues encountered during PPI implementation. Although both countries have made some achievements in promoting innovation through procurement, this paper highlights some of the obstacles they have experienced when implementing this policy, such as institutional problems, changes in the political landscape, and macroeconomic constraints. Such obstacles, more prominent in the case of Brazil, may have acted as an obstruction to achieving the pursued objectives, thereby restricting the full potential of PPI in driving technological catching up. The article then offers managerial and policy implications for the implementation of PPI, such as the importance of choosing relevant procurement procedures, critical roles played by policy champions, and demonstrating effects of leading firms and regions. While in China PPI was once an instrumental part of its technology development agenda, in Brazil it has been sporadic and unconnected to a given national strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy Theories (CTs) are a global phenomenon, but some societies are better equipped than others to resist them. This article discusses the characteristics of the China-related COVID-19 CTs in the Brazilian Facebook, based on 28,312 posts published from January 2020 to June 2021. We argue that, in Brazil, the spread of CTs was facilitated by a widespread political and knowledge institutions' legitimacy crisis. The rise of the extremist politician Jair Bolsonaro to the Presidency provides evidence in this regard. In consequence, the boundaries between fringe and mainstream politics become porous. This article discusses which agents disseminate China-related COVID-19 CTs, and which topics receive more attention. We found a significant presence of actors belonging to mainstream politics and the media among the CTs' main disseminators. Additionally, the CTs circulating in the Brazilian social media environment reproduce concerns about China's growing presence in the global arena, which originate elsewhere. Still, they add a specific emphasis on the Communist threat. We sustain that this emphasis relates as much to Brazil's internal politics as to China itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agriculture has been a key issue of North-South struggle at the WTO. Emerging powers like China, India and Brazil have portrayed themselves as leaders of the Global South, crusading to make the trading system fairer for developing countries. This article analyzes three cases – the cotton dispute, subsidies and public stockholding – that have been at the center of WTO negotiations and dispute settlement on agriculture since the collapse of the Doha Round. While presenting themselves as champions of the developing world, I show that the emerging powers have been advancing their own interests, often at the expense of other developing countries.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vigorous growth of the Chinese economy together with its increasingly successful role in international trade may have profoundly impacted developing countries. This study examines the large increase in the international trade exposure of the Brazilian economy during 2000–2012 to assess the impacts of import competition on its manufacturing formal and informal labor markets. In this period, import penetration grew by more than 20 percent in Brazil, and the share of the import penetration originating in China increased from 3 to 20 percent. At the same time, the share of informal workers in manufacturing declined from 27 to approximately 15 percent. Employing a switching regression model and Brazilian household survey data, this study finds that a greater industry-level Chinese and 'rest of the world' import penetration increases the likelihood of jobs becoming informal at different intensities, and these effects are smaller in unskilled-labor intensive industries and manufacturing states. Additionally, both types of import penetration positively impact the average informal wage. In contrast, the estimates suggest that a larger Chinese import penetration reduces average formal wages, while imports from elsewhere have the opposite effect. The results also indicate that the magnitude of the effects on wages are moderated by the unskilled labor intensity of the industry and whether the worker is located in a manufacturing state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China became Brazil’s most important trading partner in 2009. For the South American country, this new situation implies lower levels of economic dependency on the USA. But does this new situation automatically translate into a more equitable axis of South-South relations? And, to what extent can Sino- Brazilian trade be reconciled with the vision of a global, low-carbon bioeconomy? This article addresses these questions by means of a qualitative analysis of the trade relations between China and Brazil over the period 2000-2018. The Sino-Brazilian case is interpreted as an important axis of South-South relations in the context of the emerging bioeconomy. The paper shows that, despite greening policies on both sides, trade relations between the two countries are by no means developing in the direction of a low-carbon transition. Although Sino-Brazilian trade is treated bilaterally as an expression of South-South cooperation, its constitutive elements and dynamics do not break with classical centre-periphery hierarchies. Instead, the article highlights the construction of new inequalities, with much relevance for the bioeconomy in the making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil's successful prosecutorial civil action against polluters could be a regulatory example for the Global South. This paper analyses whether such regulation could also develop without the major political, institutional, and legal reforms that spurred it in Brazil. To do so, it analyzes China, where similar reforms have so far not occurred, but where prosecutors have recently started to initiate civil litigation against polluters. It finds that prosecutorial civil litigation in China has only a limited regulatory effect or potential. Prosecutors in China are influenced by conflicting incentive structures that reward one-off lower level test cases with an innovation bonus, while structurally stimulating a focus on general crime fighting. Ironically, as a result of such incentives, the recent legal reform, toward providing standing for prosecutors in public interest litigation, will, in contrast to Brazil, decrease rather than increase the regulatory effect of these cases. These findings have implications for understanding how the interaction between regulatory independence, legal reform, and regime type shapes possibilities for regulatory innovation in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fast-growing developing countries have emerged as an important destination and source of trade, investments and technology. Furthermore, trade between developing countries has grown rapidly over the last decades, and is becoming more diversified, where exchange includes from primary commodities to manufactures and high-end services. The aim of the special issue is to look at these dynamics and how the leading developing countries have turn into growth engines and technology drivers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Idéias is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China's rapid economic growth created new challenges and opportunities for Latin America over the 2000s. Much ink has been spilt analysing how countries in the region surfed the Chinese wave of commodity-based prosperity. However, there is fertile and quite unexplored territory to analyse how these regional powers in the Global South, from a comparative perspective, have interacted with China as they tried to improve their international position over the 2000s. We analyse in this article how Brazil and Mexico dealt with China's presence and strategic goals in Latin America and assess the outcomes they extracted from this relationship. We draw evidence from and offer comparisons across different presidencies in each country (Lula and Rousseff in Brazil, and Fox, Calderón, and Peña Nieto in Mexico) over the 2000s, which allows us to grasp the variation in ideology, governance style, and electoral legitimacy. We ground our theoretical framework in the concept of international insertion, a Southern-based framework that opens space to understand and explain how countries in the South behave in international politics from a different point of view. We claim that the efforts made by the national governments in both countries to improve their positions achieved limited or transitory results, if considering China as a strategic factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing countries increasingly participate in transgovernmental networks of global regulatory governance, but they do so in different ways. This article aims to provide an explanation for this variation for two of the major emerging powers in the world economy, Brazil and China, in their transition toward more active players in the global competition regime. Distinguishing between bilateral and multilateral transgovernmental networks and examining the domestic factors conditioning the transition of their national competition agencies from rule‐takers to rule‐promoters or rule‐makers through these networks, the article makes theoretical contributions to the linkage between transgovernmentalism and the regulatory state. I argue that differing political needs and the incomplete process of regulatory state formation push domestic agencies to join transgovernmental networks, with a need for greater legitimacy steering the Brazilian regulators to multilateral networks and facilitating their transition from rule‐takers to rule‐promoters. The Chinese agencies' primary need for expertise rather than legitimacy, by contrast, led them to pursue technical assistance and cooperation via bilateral relationships. The Chinese approach has slowed its transition from rule‐taker to rule‐promoter where its norms and practices are aligned with the established powers. Such approach will further impede its transition into a global rule‐maker in areas of competition law and policy where China's preferences diverge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Internacional is the property of Conjuntura Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on recent and upcoming mega-events in South Africa, China and Brazil, this paper contrasts and critiques the associated image and identity opportunities and risks, as well as comparative motivations for hosting such events. Accordingly, the paper considers the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, the 2008 Beijing Olympics and the scheduled 2014 World Cup and 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics in Brazil. In the context of an increasing number of mega-events being hosted in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India and China; South Africa is to join), the paper provides broader continuity and introduces a broader research agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we discuss relationship between export diversity and economic performance, focusing on Brazil, China, India and South Africa (BCIS). Using time data on exports over the period 1962–2000 and Applied General Equilibrium (AGE) models for each country, we note the similarities as well as differences in the patterns of diversification in these countries. We find evidence of a U-shape relationship between per capita income and export specialization in at least China and South Africa, and given that the results from Granger causality testing are inconclusive and not robust with regards to export diversification measures, some preliminary evidence from the results suggest that export diversification Granger causes GDP per capita in Brazil, China and South Africa, but not in India, where it is rather GDP per capita changes that are driving export diversification. From AGE modeling we find that South Africa differs from the other economies in that it is the only case where export diversification has an unambiguously positive impact on economic development while in contrast in Brazil, China and India, it is rather export specialization that is preferred. We show that the manner in which export diversification is obtained may be important: if it is obtained with less of a reduction in traditional exports, the impacts are better (less negative). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade between South American States and China is an important source of the economic growth for those economies in the 2000s. A rather sharp growth in China’s presence in world trade since the beginning of the 2000s changed world trade trends for MERCOSUR countries. The aim of this paper is to analyze the effects of recent growing Chinese trade on South American economic development, mainly in the cases of Argentina and Brazil. In particular, the impact of an increasing trade of agrifood has been quite relevant. On the other hand, each country’s national strategy is another important issue, particularly bilateral relations with China, which is also revisited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent economic interaction between Latin America and Asia, particularly between Brazil and China, has attracted the attention of the academic world that seeks to understand the effects of this approach in terms of business cycle convergence, economic structure and development trajectory. This paper contributes to this debate, presenting new evidence about the type and quality of this relationship. Our results reveal that Brazil and China present different patterns of relationship between trade and productive specialization: while Brazil has an intra-industry trade pattern, China has an inter-industry trade pattern. We explore some normative implications and future research possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 2000, China has established its leading role in the world economy, while Latin American countries do not seem to have strengthened their role as exporters of industrialized products. Chinese economic growth poses a challenge for Latin American countries, particularly because of the exports of industrialized products. We explore the impact of China's exports performance in products with technological content from Brazil and Mexico, in the period 2001–2016. Our empirical study uses a two-stage dynamic panel data model, and our results indicate that Chinese exports displace exports from Brazil and Mexico only when China first begins to trade with the partner markets of Latin American countries. In addition, the results indicate that Brazil and Mexico will face a possible loss of market share with their trading partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geosul is the property of Geosul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims at critiquing several existing strategic international human resource management frameworks and discusses their inadequacy to apply directly to emerging multinational companies, especially those generated from Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. To complement the existing strategic international human resource management frameworks, key variables relevant to emerging economies are identified and an extended model with reference to emerging multinational companies is developed with several research propositions. It is believed that the proposed model would better capture the current development of multinationals in transition, and alert emerging international managers to address several people management challenges in the global context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Brazil's successful prosecutorial civil action against polluters could be a regulatory example for the Global South. This paper analyses whether such regulation could also develop without the major political, institutional, and legal reforms that spurred it in Brazil. To do so, it analyzes China, where similar reforms have so far not occurred, but where prosecutors have recently started to initiate civil litigation against polluters. It finds that prosecutorial civil litigation in China has only a limited regulatory effect or potential. Prosecutors in China are influenced by conflicting incentive structures that reward one-off lower level test cases with an innovation bonus, while structurally stimulating a focus on general crime fighting. Ironically, as a result of such incentives, the recent legal reform, toward providing standing for prosecutors in public interest litigation, will, in contrast to Brazil, decrease rather than increase the regulatory effect of these cases. These findings have implications for understanding how the interaction between regulatory independence, legal reform, and regime type shapes possibilities for regulatory innovation in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the patterns of export productivity and trade specialization profiles in Brazil, China, India and South Africa, and in other economic groupings and regions. Various measures of trade specialization and a time varying export productivity indicator are estimated using highly disaggregated export data. The findings reveal that there are important differences in the export productivity and specialisation patterns across countries and regions. Export productivity-and export sophistication-are in line to that of wealthier and more advance economies. The results further confirm the importance of not just the volume of exports, but the type of specialisation patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we discuss relationship between export diversity and economic performance, focusing on Brazil, China, India and South Africa (BCIS). Using time data on exports over the period 1962-2000 and Applied General Equilibrium (AGE) models for each country, we note the similarities as well as differences in the patterns of diversification in these countries. We find evidence of a U-shape relationship between per capita income and export specialization in at least China and South Africa, and given that the results from Granger causality testing are inconclusive and not robust with regards to export diversification measures, some preliminary evidence from the results suggest that export diversification Granger causes GDP per capita in Brazil, China and South Africa, but not in India, where it is rather GDP per capita changes that are driving export diversification. From AGE modeling we find that South Africa differs from the other economies in that it is the only case where export diversification has an unambiguously positive impact on economic development while in contrast in Brazil, China and India, it is rather export specialization that is preferred. We show that the manner in which export diversification is obtained may be important: if it is obtained with less of a reduction in traditional exports, the impacts are better (less negative). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, Brazil, South Africa and China have designed closer economic and political ties. Since the early 2000s, China has become a key economic partner for both countries. International trade and foreign direct investment between the three nations have expanded, and closer political ties have also evolved. This article elaborates on the increasing economic interdependence between Brazil, China, and South Africa addressing challenges and opportunities for all three countries involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many who expect China's rising foreign direct investment (FDI) in, exports to, and economic collaboration with Latin American countries will drive such countries to adopt foreign and domestic politics friendly to China as well as China-favored policies. This article tests the power of such arguments by examining the impact of Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) in Brazil, Brazil's trade with China, and Chinese loans to Brazil on Brazil's China policy. It finds that broad and deep economic ties indeed have pushed Brazil in the direction of China. However, the magnitude of such changes has been limited. The reasons for bounded change include differing interests and positions at the system and state-levels. Also relevant are domestic political factors such as pressures from special interest groups in Brazil. Finally, the political power of Brazilian leaders plays a role in bounding the positive political effects expected to flow from Brazil's deep economic interconnections with China. It must be noted that many putatively China-friendly Brazilian policies had roots long before Brazil's economic ties with China exploded. This article calls into question the presumption that significant economic links with China and/or the prospect of such automatically will produce the China-favorable political policies some expect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Recent academic works have shed light upon the motives and negotiation dynamics leading to the creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). We know less about their day‐to‐day activities and if (and if so why) they are being innovative in the field of multilateral development lending. This article evaluates novelty in the two banks. It uncovers and suggests an explanation to the puzzle of why the NDB appears more innovative (in terms of institutional design, staffing, and lending policy guidelines) than the AIIB by exploring the cases of China and Brazil. The two countries played central roles in the set‐up of each the AIIB and NDB. Drawing on extensive field research, the article proposes that their preferences and capability to engage in institutional innovation depend on interests, status, economic power, and regulatory capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: How are Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors evolving their financial flows and aid modalities in response to the growing influence and economic power of Southern BRICS? After presenting the shifting landscape of international development cooperation, we explore five hypotheses about the changing nature of DAC aid allocation patterns and modalities in BRICS countries. In our conclusion, we reflect on the evolution of DAC engagement in Brazil, China, India, and South Africa (BASIC countries) and what it might mean for all official donors. Our assessment is that the changing geopolitical environment for development cooperation is once again privileging economic diplomacy concerns within DAC donors, propelling specific kinds of decisions about the choice of instruments, sectors, and modalities in BASIC countries. It would appear that the administrative practice of foreign aid is increasingly derived from changes within the institutional environment for international development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Country Brand Equity (CBE) is a core topic in international business; however, it is scarcely discussed in publications. Due to their global market importance as developing nations, Brazil and China were evaluated by U.S. consumers. The purpose of our model was to measure CBE by adding a new construct – Country Brand Reputation (CBRep) – to the classic models of brand equity at a country level [Country Brand Awareness, Country Brand Perceived Quality (CBQua) and Country Brand Loyalty (CBLoy)]. Therefore, these four constructs are represented by fifty-one variables founded on preexisting scales. By applying psychometric procedures, a CBE model was constructed and validated using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). The Brazilian and Chinese models indicated quite similar results. The results implied consistency regarding both countries' CBE when measuring the Country Brand Reputation's influence on CBE. Thus, we propose a model named the Reputation-Driven Country Brand Equity Model (CBE-Rep) designed for countries, regions or cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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