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Despite the widespread use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool in the absence of armed intervention and as a means to promote peace, there is notable absence of research on the effects of sanctions on the peacebuilding capacity of tourism and their relationship to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This situation is surprising given that both sanctions and tourism are promoted as a force for peace and reconciliation processes. Drawing upon international relations and political science and via semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders in the Iranian tourism and hospitality industry, this study investigates whether sanctions contribute to peace and create an environment suitable for tourism development. The findings indicate how the imposition, relaxation and then re-imposition of sanctions by international state actors as a means of peace have paralyzed the Iranian tourism industry through its psychological, sectoral, and societal effects and mobility restrictions. The consequences of sanctions and their sharp contrast with the SDGs are also explored. This study fills a significant gap in tourism research by examining the implications of the application of a widely used coercive geopolitical tool of statecraft in relation to the peace and tourism nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the XIXth century the relations of dependency and inter-dependency between the Iranian monarch and foreign officials became an integral part of Iranian political life. During the Iranian Constitutional Movement (1905–1911) nascent Iranian nationalism harshly condemned the Qajars as tyrants and lackeys of foreign powers. Muhammad 'Ali Shah (r.1907–1909), the first Qajar sovereign who had to share his powers with the representative assembly, was quickly discredited by his political opponents as despot and Russian puppet, an accusation that seemed to be proved when the deposed Muhammad 'Ali returned to Iran from his exile and launched a military campaign. This study represents an attempt to shed more light on the relations between Muhammad 'Ali and Russian officials, especially in the context of his return campaign of 1911. Relying mostly on unpublished Russian archival sources, this paper proposes a critical assessment of Muhammad 'Ali's link with Russia, avoiding the habitual reductionist scheme of 'patron-client' relations and putting more emphasis on the role of agency in Russian foreign policy in Iran as well as the proper intentions and ambitions of the Qajar princely elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Iranian nuclear programme is a controversial issue that has had domestic, regional and international effects. Iran's pursuit of nuclear technology has divided the Middle East region and international community. Turkey has been at the centre of the Iranian nuclear debate and has sought to play a 'mediating role' in this issue. This article will apply a Historical Sociological (HS) framework to analyse Turkey-Iran relations considering the Iranian Nuclear Issue. It will explore the period from 2002 until the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in July 2015 and will provide an analysis of the historical, domestic and regional/international developments in the nuclear issue and how this has affected Turkish-Iranian relations. By highlighting the continuities and constraints each actor has faced, this article will demonstrate how the interaction of structure versus agency, geographical determinants and historical analysis all help provide a comprehensive understanding of the constraining and enabling factors in Turkish-Iranian relations. By applying Historical Sociology and 'Cuspness' to Turkish-Iranian relations in the Iranian Nuclear Issue, this article provides the reasons of 'how' and 'why' the relationship is complex, and how Turkey and Iran can maintain pragmatic relations yet be constrained by these factors at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Propósitos y Representaciones is the property of Universidad San Ignacio de Loyola and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the rise of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP), Islam has come to play a more prominent role in public and political spheres in Turkey. This paper draws on ethnographic data gathered in Istanbul and Diyarbakir between 2013 and 2015 to highlight Kurdish attitudes to Islam. Following the electoral success of the AKP amongst Kurds in the general election of 2007, Kurdish actors have sought to incorporate Islamic sensibilities into their political offering in order to appeal to Kurdish constituents. Amid the AKP's recent authoritarian turn and instrumentalization of religion, and the rise of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), many Kurds have sought to redefine their relationship with Islam to clearly demarcate distinctly Kurdish religious and political spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the questions which characterized the first two decades after the rise of the Qajars to the Iranian throne was the fierce rivalry between the two leading princes during the reign of Fath-ʿAli Shah, namely, ʿAbbas Mirza Nayib al-Saltanah and Muhammad-ʿAli Mirza Daulatshah. The main cause of this rivalry was the nomination of the former to the position of crown prince and regent instead of the latter, who was the elder of the two. The aim of this article is to explain the reasons for this seemingly unjust decision on the part of Fath-ʿAli, and to discuss the intensity of this princely rivalry, analyzing its repercussions on various domestic and external affairs during the first decades of Qajar rule in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Late Imperial Russia's multifaceted presence in Persia retains many fascinating life-stories of its actors, who often exerted crucial influence on the course of the history of Russian-Iranian relations of the time. Drawing on international scholarship about the Russian-Iranian relationships at the turn of the twentieth century, but mostly on documents from Russian and Georgian archives and the diaries of his contemporaries as well as his own private notes, this article examines the activities of Seraia Shapshal (1873–1961), focusing on his embeddedness both in the Qajar court and in Late Imperial Russia's policy towards Iran during the period 1900 to 1908. The paper for the first time in Iranian studies sheds light in sufficient detail upon how Shapshal found himself in Persia and what enabled him to reach the highest levels of power at the Qajar court. In so doing, it also identifies his leading role in the June 1908 anti-constitution coup. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a speech by His Excellency Ardeshir Zahedi, former Iranian minister of foreign affairs and ambassador to Great Britain and U.S., delivered during a telephone conversation in June 2020. Topics covered include Iran's relations with the U.S., the efforts of the young generation in Iran to manufacture goods needed in the country and the need for the oppression of Iran by foreign countries to be stopped. He also discusses the reasons for the revolution in Iran.

An interview with His Excellency Ardeshir Zahedi, former ambassador of Iran to the U.S., is presented. Topics covered include his view on the current tensions, as of 2020, between Iran and the U.S., what Iranian people should do under the present circumstances and the relations of the neighboring countries with Iran. He also discussed how he sees the future of Iran and the direction it is taking.

Since the coup attempt of 2016, bilateral ties between Ankara and Tehran have witnessed a significant boost. Using and refining Steven David's framework of omni-balancing, which argues that the conduct of foreign policy in Third World settings also takes stock of domestic threats to the regime, this paper explains this emerging rapprochement. The article argues that after 2016, the AKP's foreign policy became increasingly predicated on regime survival, which was also reflected in Ankara-Tehran ties. This rapprochement was strengthened by both countries' intersecting positions on the following issues (1) A mutual pro-Qatar stance in the recent Saudi Arabia-Qatar spat, (2) Mutual opposition to a Kurdish state in northern Iraq, and (3) Increasingly troubled relations with the US. Through a careful analysis of Turkish and Persian sources along with official discourses, this paper will expand on these key aspects of these significantly improved bilateral relations between both countries and will conclude with discussion of its durability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign trade expansion plays an important role in economic growth and development. Since Iran's singleproduct economy is facing tight sanctions, among trading partners, Turkey benefits from special place, and political independence in international relations because of its large population, rising per capita income, high economic growth rate, geographical and cultural proximity to Iran. Many opportunities and substantial capacities have been established for expanding foreign trade between these two countries. To do this, it is necessary to determine the maximum export capacity of Iran to Turkey and whether this capacity has actually been deployed and realized or not. The next question is what the bases of Iran's export development to Turkey are, and the goods which should be focused on to develop trading. Therefore, the aim of this study was to estimate the maximum export capacity of Iran to Turkey and to determine the commodities with the highest export capacity. The Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA) index, the Cosine Index, and the General Model of the gravity model were used to evaluate Iran's export potential and to determine commodities in which Iran has export advantage. Iran's export potential to Turkey was investigated in various years and in different commodity groups by comparing the rate of export volume of each commodity to total volume of its import by Turkey. Research findings indicated that the highest Iranian export potential value to Turkey was $9,339 million, and just 7.2% of that ($669 million) has been realized. Also, 11 commodity groups formed more than 66% of Iranian potential exports to Turkey. Among them, 'mineral products' with $2,730 million, 'plastics and natural rubber and artifacts made from them' with 1,185 million, 'common metals and artifacts made from them' with $918 million, and 'products of the chemical industry and its related industries' with $879 million were respectively the four commodity groups with the highest export potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran's coalition with the states and political organizations in the Middle East that are either Shia or act to counter the West and its regional allies is a consequence of the Islamic Republic of Iran's emotionally constructed identity. The empathy Iran has for the Shia resulting from the pain they have collectively suffered throughout history explains Iran's support for the Shia elements in Lebanon and Iraq. With the same logic, assistance Iran gives to Syria and the Palestinian organizations fighting Israel and sanctioned by the West are out of resentment against some Western powers embedded in Iran's identity shaped by a history of disrespect Iranians have seen from some Western powers, particularly Britain and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the foreign relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Topics include increase in contact between Azerbaijan and Iran in which several delegations have exchanged visit including top military and intelligence brass, the indications of Tehran-Baku rapprochement such as the possibility of a close military and geopolitical alliance which demonstrates declining global role of United States, and historical relationship between the nations and related territorial disputes.

Focuses on several issues concerning the decision of Iran to abandon its deal with the European Union (EU) on the suspension of its uranium enrichment program, as of November 2004. Concerns of the EU and the U.S. over the decision; Terms of the agreement, including the recognition of the right of Iran to the peaceful use of nuclear energy; Information on an investigation initiated by the International Atomic Energy Agency to verify the nuclear program of Iran.

Features information on the Ministry of Atomic Energy (MINATOM) of the Russian Federation. Financial problems; Performance of the ministry's nuclear power plants; Reorganization under the leadership of Evgeni Adamov; Nuclear cooperation with Iran; Initiatives for commercialization.

This analysis examines the foreign policy features and domestic implications of British policy towards Iran between 1974 and 1976. Starting with the assumption that economic interests, as well as Cold War imperatives, shaped British policy towards Iran into one where human rights had no space, the conduct of Britain's foreign policy apparatus towards the Shah vis à vis the disturbing reporting of human rights abuses in Iran and the intensification of anti-Shah activism in Britain remains important. Situating the relationship amongst societal forces, foreign policy, and diplomacy as the main analytical thread, this analysis brings new evidence to the field of Britain's relations with Iran, anti-Shah activism abroad, and the effects of the government's policy towards Iran on the British Labour Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite various analyses of the extent of Iranian-Russian rapprochement, questions still remain about its fundamental elements and its sustainability in the face of the conflicting interests of the two countries. Iran and Russia have pursued security convergence as a joint power maximisation policy, which can be better understood through Iran and Russia's common feelings of 'international misrecognition' and 'common threat perceptions'. These are the pillars of the nexus between them, explaining how the two countries have a shared understanding of their security environment and particularly how their mutual sense of insecurity has taken the lead in forging bilateral relations. As long as these pillars remain effective, existing limits to bilateral relations rooted in mistrust, disagreements and rivalries will not have significant effects on the convergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the role of the U.S. foreign policy in improving relations between Tehran, Iran and Moscow, Russia. Topics discussed include complexities of domestic politics in Iran, the foreign-policy of Russia President Vladimir Putin and vote of Russia at the United Nations (UN) Security Council in favor of American resolutions sanctioning Iran.

The article explores the growing threat posed by Iran in its conquest of the Middle East. Topics covered include proxies used by Iran to create a web of terror such as the Hezbollah and al Qaeda, incorporation of the best concepts of the U.S. Fourth Generation Warfare by Iran, how the Houthi government serves as a proxy of Iran and how the U.S. withdrawal in Iraq and Afghanistan would strengthen Iranian influence in the Middle East.

Iran is expected to be one of the main beneficiaries of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China and Iran had a track record of cooperation long before the announcement of BRI, developing a highly asymmetric Great Power-Middle Power partnership over the course of three decades. This article asks whether BRI will enable China and Iran to transcend the limitations faced by most Great Power-Middle Power relationships on the basis of Iran's enhanced strategic economic and geographic value. It is argued that while BRI could benefit from stronger China–Iran ties, Iran's international posturing has proven a significant hindrance to China, highlighting that entrenched patterns of engagement in Great Power-Middle Power relations are not easily shifted, even in the face of immense economic incentives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) is the property of Sultan Qaboos University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historically, based on shared values of culture and religion, Pakistan's relations with Saudi Arabia have become increasingly complex over time. This has occurred in the backdrop of important geopolitical and economic shifts in the region, leading to a new dynamic equilibrium in the Pak-Saudi bilateral ties. Strong relations with Riyadh have become a crucial element of Pakistan's overall foreign policy, given the latter's intermittent economic support by the former, which underscores the significance of the Kingdom; however, deepening Indo-Saudi ties can also not be overlooked or underestimated. This paper gives an overview of ever-evolving Pak-Saudi ties, while taking into consideration current dynamics of the Kingdom's role in the Middle East and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries as well as in the South Asian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kurdish question has played a complicated role in relations between Iran and Turkey. After the emergence of modern states, Iran and Turkey were mostly preoccupied with security issues, which dominated relations between the two countries. Then, the Kurdish issue occupied a leading place in Iranian-Turkish relations either as a source of conflict, competition or as a source of cooperation. This article aims to review the Kurdish question in Iran, and influence of the Kurdish issue on Iran-Turkey relations since the ‘Islamic revolution’ of 1979. In this regard, it addresses the Kurdish question as a security issue in Iran and analyzes the Islamic Republic’s policies with regards to it. And then it turns to Iranian-Turkish relations and analyzes the role of the Kurdish question as a source of conflict, competition and cooperation between the two countries. Finally it deals with implications of the new regional dynamics of the Kurdish question and their effects on Iran’s relations with Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article follows the United States' pursuit of a comprehensive agreement with Iran over its nuclear program, by putting it in the context of U.S. - Israel relations. Firstly, it offers an overview of the highly contextual relations between Israel and Iran, in order to understand the historical evolution of their present-day rivalry. Secondly, it observes the Iranian regime under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the aftermath of George W. Bush's foreign policy actions, and the increased international focus on Iran's nuclear capabilities. Finally, the focus shifts from President Bush to President Obama and how his foreign policy priorities in the Middle East, particularly the dialogue with Iran, affected the relations with the Israeli government the closer the negotiators got to achieving a final nuclear agreement. This paper seeks to emphasize the interdependent character of the Iran-Israel-U.S. dynamics through the perspective of one of the most pressing regional and international concerns: Iran's nuclear program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses relations between Pakistan and Iran by referring to the book "Pakistan's Foreign Policy 1947-2016: A Concise History" by Abdul Sattar. Topics discussed include Iranian media perception of Pakistan, economic cooperation between Pakistan and Iran, diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Iran following the visit by Pakistan's Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan in 1947, and collaboration between Iran and Pakistan provided by the U.S.-led Central Treaty Organization.

In the backdrop of a protracted global "war on terror" campaign, there has been a significant increase in the frequency and scope of informal intelligence‐sharing agreements by democratic states with non‐traditional partner regimes known to routinely employ torture. It will be argued that an international "norm vacuum" currently exists surrounding policies and practices in efforts to uphold the torture prohibition in these types of contemporary security relationships. This article will focus on the 2015 Australia‐Iran intelligence relationship as an illustrative case‐study to identify the problems, opportunities and risks related to such sharing arrangements and agreements. It will be argued that, at present, Australia appears indifferent to the risk of being passively complicit in torture. However, in applying an analytical framework of norm entrepreneurship, this article examines the role that countries like Australia could play in crafting normative standards and supporting appropriate behaviour about how global intelligence co‐operation should be considered through reinforcing accountability standards and the torture prohibition world‐wide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vistula Scientific Quarterly / Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula is the property of Vistula University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sectarian militants have for years launched attacks from Pakistan across the border to Iran. Finding sanctuary in a neighbouring country can make the difference between success and failure for militants. Conventional wisdom holds that a lasting transnational militancy challenge would typically create serious interstate conflict. Militancy has triggered armed encounters between Iran and Pakistan. This article argues that despite some tension militancy has resulted in deeper cooperation in the ambivalent dyad. Both states' overarching security concerns, having exhausted other options, the believed involvement of third-party states, and economic potential, have moderately alleviated negative pressure caused bymilitancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite continuing to be a strong tendency in international relations today, “state revisionism” has been theoretically and empirically understudied. This article attempts to fill the lacuna by further conceptualizing revisionism and subsequently investigating its relationship with ontological (in)security through studying the ways in which revisionist states envision their identities and interests and take measures to secure them. It argues that revisionists define their relationship with outside “Others” primarily in terms of dissatisfaction and self-extending change and thus find themselves operating within an enmity-centric “Hobbesian culture of anarchy,” which may ironically serve as a source of ontological security due to the consequent “singularity” status it confers upon them. By opposing the prevailing status quo, however, revisionists are likely to subject themselves to a “geopolitics of exclusion,” which in turn helps render them more prone to feelings of ontological insecurity. To instantiate the theory, I focus on Iran and its nuclear behavior, contending that it represents a case of “thin revisionism” aimed at attaining ontological security, but which also entails undesirable consequences that generate ontological insecurity. The case furthermore reveals the limits of seeking ontological security, suggesting that the degree of revisionism is usually checked by existential fears of threat to survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, India's policy on Iran has been a balancing act between securing its interests as a counterweight to Pakistan, and ensuring its continued partnership with the US and other regional players. Yet confusion in India's Iran policy became evident when Iran's nuclear program began to draw international attention in the 1990s. More recently, India has attempted to reach out to Iran, reigniting trade relations and initiating new plans. Growing Indo- Iran relations are however a worrying sign for Islamabad, which is attempting a simultaneous expansion of ties with Tehran while continuing to resolve outstanding disputes. The central argument of this paper is that India's relations with Iran are best understood through the prism of the intertwining of geo-economic and geopolitical considerations. Analysis has often separated these two factors, but there is evidence that a synergy exists -- and that it is particularly visible when the Pakistani element is introduced. Often emphasising historical and cultural affinity, India and Pakistan have each sought politically and economically viable relations with Iran. Yet their bilateral political calculations and the current economic challenges have prompted a nuanced policy based on a careful balancing of geo-economics and geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examine the Iranian civil-military relations, aims to provide a succinct history of the evolution of the relationship between the military and the political process from 1979 to 2018. It mentions that Iran has suffered coups in its modern history and has been a force to be reckoned with in the political and socioeconomic spheres. The article adds U.S. sanctions on Iran following the withdrawal from the nuclear accord Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

Copyright of Kastamonu University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences Faculty / Kastamonu Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Kastamonu University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A reprint of the article "Remembering A Friend" by Feridoon Zandfard, which appeared in the November 2005 issue of "Keyhan London periodical," is presented. The author recalls his meeting with Ardeshir Zahedi, Iranian diplomat. at his house Villa les Roses in Montreux, Switzerland. The author recalls that he meets with Zahedi on the day when Zahedi was hosting Queen Fawzia first wife of the Shah of Iran & mother of his ex-wife, Princess Shahnaz.