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The United States has an increasing number of people from around the world, which has led to a rise in mixed-citizenship romantic relationships. Yet, these relationships and family structures remain significantly understudied. Mixed-citizenship romantic relationships, referring to individuals in a romantic relationship who hold or previously held different citizenships, are faced with various unique experiences in comparison to same-citizenship romantic relationships (e.g. immigration rhetoric, filing of paperwork, and financial obligations). Grounded in relational dialectics theory, this study examined how discourses operate and inform the meaning of mixed-citizenship romantic relationships, as well as the ways discourses compete. Through 15 semi-structured interviews, results reveal two discourses: A Discourse of Love is the Driving Force and A Discourse of Material Uncertainty. Moreover, discourses competed for dominance and, at times, intersected to create new meanings. Findings illuminate implications of talk for members of mixed-citizenship relationships, and offer suggestions for practitioners in communicating about these consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to assess relationships between previous stroke diagnosis and demographic or disability status variables, stratified by U.S. citizenship status. The 2019 and 2021 National Health Interview Survey data were analyzed for both descriptive statistics and logistic regression models. Age, sex, income level, race/ethnicity, health insurance status, and indicators of disability common after stroke were predictor variables of interest. For each disability predictor variable, higher odds of having stroke were seen regardless of citizenship status, except for the 'difficulty remembering' variable. For U.S. citizens, increasing age corresponded with higher odds of stroke diagnosis. For noncitizens, odds ratios decreased from 40.3 (95% CI 38.88–41.82) for the 40–65 age group to 29.6 (95% CI 28.38–30.77) in the 80 + group, when compared with the 18–39 age reference group. Female noncitizens had higher odds of stroke, while male citizens had higher odds. Non-Hispanic Black citizens had higher odds of stroke, while the other racial/ethnic groups had higher odds for noncitizens. The results indicated the existence of several socio-demographic disparities in stroke. Notably, noncitizens experienced stroke at a younger age and reported more severe disability outcomes after stroke diagnosis than citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Supreme Court case Schneiderman v. United States (1943), which addressed the issue of whether the U.S. government could strip a Soviet-born U.S. citizen of his citizenship due to his membership in the Communist Party. It explores the involvement of Wendell Willkie, a prominent lawyer and former Republican presidential candidate, who defended William Schneiderman, emphasizing the case's complex intersection with wartime politics and civil liberties.

We evaluate the performance of a widely used technique for imputing the legal immigration status of U.S. immigrants in survey data—the logical imputation method. We validate this technique by implementing it in a nationally representative survey of U.S. farmworkers that includes a well-regarded measure of legal status. When using this measure as a benchmark, the imputation algorithm correctly identifies the legal status of 78% of farmworkers. Of all the variables included in the algorithm, we find that Medicaid participation poses the greatest challenge for accuracy. Using the American Community Survey, we show that increased Medicaid enrollments stemming from the implementation of the Affordable Care Act in 2014 led to sizable changes in the share of immigrants imputed as legal over time and across space. We explore the implications of these changes for two previous studies and conclude that including Medicaid criteria in the imputation algorithm can significantly impact research findings. We also provide tools to gauge the sensitivity of results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on recent Supreme Court and eight Circuit rulings impacting immigration and visa issues. It highlights the Supreme Court's decision that a U.S. citizen does not have a constitutionally protected interest in a noncitizen spouse's visa application, emphasizing the doctrine of consular nonreviewability. It also covers the Court's ruling that initial notices lacking hearing details do not invalidate subsequent notices if they are properly issued.

Akhoy Kumar Mozumdar (1881-1953), New Thought proponent and teacher of Christian Yoga, was among the earliest Indians to get American citizenship and the first Indian immigrant filmmaker in the United States. Yet his name is referenced merely in passing in the histories of both the New Thought movement and early twentiethcentury yoga. Focusing on Mozumdar’s life and thought, this article argues that Mozumdar’s universalist teachings on the power of the human mind were embedded in discourses of racial and caste purity that were crucial to him gaining American citizenship and garnering acceptance as a spiritual teacher among White audiences. His life and work reveal that discourses of racial purity in the United States, evident in New Thought too, were implicated in discourses of caste and Aryan race theory transposed to American shores from overseas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mental health providers caring for refugees should be aware that obtaining citizenship is critical to stability and safety for their patients. In the United States (U.S.), obtaining citizenship requires applicants to pass an examination exhibiting working knowledge of English and foundational knowledge of U.S. civics. For refugees with mental health disorders that impair cognition, this may present insurmountable barriers. The United States Customs and Immigration Services (USCIS) offers form N-648 to request exemption from these requirements. However, the form can be difficult to complete in a manner acceptable to USCIS. In this paper, the authors present preliminary data on citizenship-related mental health evaluations and subsequent applications for 40 patients seen in a university-based refugee mental health clinic. We simplify the process into three phases, and present three cases highlighting specific complexities involved. Our experiences and recommendations may help other mental health providers prepare to advocate for their refugee patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the critical methods of performance studies, critical race studies, and sensorial studies, this article analyses the creation of social identities through the rubric of touch – a tactile sensibility that provides a cultural foundation for the misperception of bodies as racialized subjects. Touch has been an under-researched and under-utilized methodology for understanding how race works. Specifically attending to the historical period of Jim Crow in the early twentieth century because of its deeply held investments in the politics of separateness, this article examines Paul Green's 1926 Pulitzer Prize–winning play In Abraham's Bosom as one of the rare dramas during this period that actually showed Black acts of touching back on the stage. Green challenges his audience to contend with an oppressive Jim Crow racial regime that forced African Americans to establish alternative modes of freedom outside of more traditional expressions of autonomy and citizenship. Reading Green's work in this way allows for a consideration of the differing strategies at play in the fight toward equality for Black Americans. Taking up tactility, in the context of the United States, as a cultural system used to mark bodies as raced and weaponized to uphold white supremacy, this essay approaches touch as a performative act that is meaningful, effective, and consequential, thereby grappling with the present ways that American society underestimates the social, political, and cultural power that touch wields in our understanding of social identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to demonstrate how mental health is tied to citizenship, and to help professionals understand mental health in the context of social rights and responsibilities, to move towards a right-based practice. Design/methodology/approach: The author will explore the concept of citizenship together with mental health service users', relatives' and professionals' organisations. Using a qualitative analysis of this exploration, this study will develop, implement and evaluate, using a randomised design, awareness interventions with mental health professionals. Findings: The author will use thematic analysis for qualitative data and multilevel mixed-effects linear models to evaluate the effect of the awareness interventions. Social implications: The results of the project will enable conversations between mental health professionals, relatives and service users that might help them understand mental health as part of citizenship. Originality/value: To the best of the author's knowledge, this will be the first controlled study of standardised citizenship-based awareness interventions for mental health professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Stress and depression are common mental health concerns among college students. Factors related to weight status and stigma are associated with poor mental health outcomes. We sought to describe the prevalence of weight dissatisfaction in relation to stress and depression among college students (n = 551). Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted via a convenient sample between December 2020 and February 2021. Mean differences in the Perceived Stress Scale-10 scores and Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale scores were examined using a one-way analysis of variance. Associations between stress, depression, and weight dissatisfaction were measured by logistic regression. Results: Weight dissatisfied (75.1%) students had significantly higher mean depression scores compared to weight satisfied. The weight dissatisfied students were 1.05 times more likely to be depressed compared to those who were weight satisfied. Significant mean differences in stress and/or depression were found for weight dissatisfied students by gender, race, parental status, marital status, residence, and U.S. citizenship. Weight dissatisfaction was higher than that reported in the literature, possibly due to the influence of social isolation during the COVID-19 pandemic. Conclusions: Strategies to reduce the prevalence of weight dissatisfaction for improved mental health should be explored, particularly efforts to reduce weight stigmatization and expand access to mental health care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civic actions are behaviours intended to improve conditions for others or help shape a community's future. Such actions vary widely from voting to voluntary helping, from canvassing to community organizing, and attempts have been made to categorize the array of civic actions. However, the question of why young adults engage in some types of civic actions versus others is not well understood. Using data from 598 White, cisgender, heterosexual young adults in the United States, we examined the relations between individual civic efficacy, collective civic efficacy, and seven actions: writing social media posts, voting, buycotting, volunteering, participating in an organization, supporting political candidates, and protesting. We hypothesized that individual efficacy would be positively related to all seven actions, but collective efficacy would be more strongly related to collective or political actions, compared to the individual or civil ones. Logistic regression analyses showed that individual efficacy positively predicted engagement in all seven civic actions. Individual and collective efficacy had a complex curvilinear relation with buycotting and supporting political candidates. Implications for future research and applications aimed at promoting civic engagement amongst young adults are discussed. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using newspaper articles and previously sealed court records, this article analyses Bhagat Singh Thind through his almost entirely overlooked short and turbulent marriage to Inez Buelen, a marriage that occurred less than a year after the Supreme Court decision that ruled Thind ineligible for American citizenship and only months into his decades-long career as a metaphysical lecturer. In contrast to the prevailing view that Thind's sense of his own race was unknowable, or that he defined himself as White as part of a legal strategy or a matter of expediency in gaining citizenship, I argue that the marriage and subsequent divorce show that he consistently claimed Whiteness for years after his Supreme Court case, both in public and in private, and on the basis of descent, geography, caste, racial science, previous court rulings, and his own blood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on a legal case involving Bhagat Singh Thind's application for US citizenship as a high-caste Hindu of Indian origin, examining questions about his classification as a "white person" under Section 2169 Revised Statutes and the implications of the 1917 Immigration Act on his eligibility for naturalization, along with the opinions and arguments presented in the case.

In 1923, the landmark Supreme Court case, United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind determined that Bhagat Singh Thind and all other "Hindus" were ineligible for citizenship because they did not meet the "common understanding" of white. This article explores the debates surrounding the question "who is the 'Hindu?'" in the United States in the early 1900s. The article depicts how the racialized category of "Hindu" was fabricated and constantly curated throughout the early twentieth century to protect the Anglo-American claim to whiteness. This challenges the idea that the category of "Hindu" was labeled as "non-white" following the United States v. Thind decision in 1923 and instead, highlights how the "Hindu" was always made to be "non-white." Here, the article showcases the leading discourses in written media, labor, and immigration policies surrounding the racial classification of South Asian men in the United States, also known as "Hindu/Hindoos," from 1906 to 1923. The question posed by these three American sources of discourse was not an ontological one set to explore the essence or being of "Hindu," but rather a brutal effort to place the "Hindu" in a position to fail in American racial politics. This article examines the development of the racial category of "Hindu" in labor and immigration discourse and how it became embedded within the American "common sense." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Second Amendment protects "the right of the people to keep and bear Arms." But who are "the people" included in this right? One definition of "the people" could include anyone present in the United States. Another definition could distinguish between lawful permanent residents and temporary visitors to the United States. Finally, courts could adopt a definition that restricts Second Amendment rights to U.S. citizens only. This Comment will conclude that Supreme Court precedent and a traditional respect for the legislative and executive branches' power over alienage mean that only citizens have the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the testable question of whether junk news in the service of propaganda can form coherent narrative structure that can be analyzed and countered. The analysis was conducted using a known junk news site, USA Really, which is sponsored by the Russian Government, and which targets American citizens. Leveraging the Narrative Paradigm theory and ethnographic content analysis are the methods of research; an analysis of (N =150) were qualitatively analyzed. An unexpected finding that USA Really was constructing a conspiracy narrative targeting far right-wing extremists emerged. The study also identified a new type of narrative, not accounted for in narrative paradigm theory, that was meant to cause dissension rather than to serve as a guide for proper conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Background: Restrictive state laws aimed at immigrants can have unintended consequences for health insurance coverage of United States citizens in immigrant families due to both actual barriers created by the laws and perceived barriers among immigrants. Increasing numbers of children in the U.S. are part of immigrant families, and these children are more likely to be living in poverty than their counterparts in native families. Immigrant restrictive policies could lead to reduced access to Medicaid and CHIP even for citizen children in immigrant families. Methods: Using data from the Current Population Survey's (CPS) March Supplement, linear probability models with difference-in-differences (DD) estimates compare probability of enrollment in Medicaid/CHIP among low-income U.S. citizen children in immigrant families and low-income children in native families and U.S. citizen children in immigrant families in states that did not adopt restrictive legislation, in order to estimate the impact of restrictive state laws aimed at immigrants. An additional model explores the effect of mother's citizenship on enrollment among all immigrant families in states with and without restrictive legislation. Results: Results suggest a significant chilling effect where the magnitude of the effect varies according to family demographics and by the types of laws being passed. Immigrant restrictive social welfare laws being adopted have a strong negative effect on U.S. citizen children in immigrant families' enrollment in Medicaid/CHIP, a 5.5 percentage point reduction in coverage. Among the subsample of only immigrant families, results point toward a global chilling effect created by an overall restrictive policy environment. All immigrant restrictive related laws, including those aimed at education, job restriction, identification access, and social welfare restrictions have a significant and negative impact on access to public insurance for U.S. citizen children with non-citizen mothers. Conclusions: This research shows that the unintended consequence of restrictive state legislation aimed at immigrants is the reduction in access to Medicaid and CHIP by low-income U.S. citizen children living in immigrant families. Reduced access to health insurance can increase unmet medical needs for an already vulnerable group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at examining the way Constance Fenimore Woolson tackled the controversial issue of rebuilding the nation and redefining American citizenship after the Civil War in Rodman the Keeper: Southern Sketches, a collection of short stories released in 1880. The narratives explore the tensions between white Northerners, white Southerners, newly released African American slaves, and the Minorcans of Florida. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that historical narrative has held a significant role in Mexican American identity formation and civil rights activism by examining the way Mexican Americans in the 1930s and 1940s used history to claim full citizenship status in Texas. In particular, it centers on how George I. Sánchez (1906–1972), a scholar of Latin American education, revised historical narrative by weaving history and foreign policy together through a pragmatic lens. To educators and federal officials, Sánchez used this revisionist history to advocate for Mexican Americans, insisting that the Good Neighbor policy presented the United States with the chance to translate into reality the democratic ideals long professed in the American historical imagination. The example of Sánchez also prompts us to reexamine the historiography in our present day: How do we define the tradition and trajectory of Mexican American intellectual thought in U.S. history? This article posits that when Sánchez and other Mexican Americans thought about their community's collective identity and civil rights issues through history, they were contributing to a longer conversation driven by questions about identity formation and equality that first emerged at the end of the U.S. War with Mexico in 1848. These questions remain salient in the present, indicating the need for a historiographic examination that will change how we imagine the tradition of intellectual thought in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What types of fears does immigration trigger in individuals and how do these fears differ across partisan lines? Prior research explores this question indirectly by linking immigration attitudes to respondents' demographics or to different threat frames. This research note offers a more direct test by designing a randomized experiment on a nationally representative sample of US citizens. I provide one half of the respondents with neutral information about immigration, while the other half serves as the control group. I find that respondents for whom the immigration issue is made salient (i.e. the treatment group) are more fearful of both their personal as well as national economic situation and about crime in their community than respondents in the control group. I further find that the overall effects are mainly driven by those respondents who self-identify as Republicans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses why the precariousness of citizenship in the U.S. is inconsistent with the basic principles of its constitution. Topics include the importance of the security of citizenship to the security of the country's democratic system, the meaning of citizenship in U.S. history, and the modern-day policy on citizenship, including the increasing use of denaturalization and citizenship challenges as of September 2021.

Advocacy organizations have reframed immigrants as deserving, and improved their access to services and support; yet, we know little about how low-income immigrants understand organizational frames to make individual requests in public institutions and programmes. Analyzing in-depth interviews and fieldwork over multiple years, we show how Filipina/o and Latina/o immigrants become empowered to make claims through an organization's frame of low-income residents as rightful community members in San Francisco – a self-declared "sanctuary" city where residents have formal access and protections regardless of immigrant or legal status. However, despite newfound confidence and rights awareness, Latina/o participants continually anticipate racialized treatment where others construct them as inferior and illegitimate, which depresses their claims-making. In contrast, Filipina/o participants felt othered in public programmes and institutions, but not blocked by feelings of mistreatment and illegitimacy. We push for attention to how racialization differentially operates for immigrant groups and affects the claims-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent announcement of the discovery of a United States naturalization certificate for Louis Riel in the Manitoba Archives was the occasion for a certain amount of comment in the Canadian press. It was stated that there had been no previous evidence to show that Riel had become an American citizen during the period of his residence in Montana. Several newspapers commented editorially upon the discovery. Although the fact that Riel was an American citizen when he was convicted of treason in 1885 was not unknown to students of Western Canadian history, it did come, apparently, as a surprise to many. The details with respect to Louis Riel may, therefore, not be without interest to the readers of the Canadian Historical Review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most nineteenth-century political debates over U.S. citizenship revolved around the claims of people, often African Americans or immigrants, who aspired to that status. But Native American citizenship's genealogy began instead with the United States assertion of the right to purchase or conquer the territory of its Indigenous neighbors, to replace them as its sole or primary inhabitants, and to make policy for the people thereby dispossessed. These very different histories of citizenship collided in 1866, when the U.S. Senate considered how to codify that status in the Civil Rights Act and Fourteenth Amendment. This article interprets these debates as the collision of an array of distinct and divergent settler colonial processes and experiences. It argues that the ultimate resolution—a half-articulated commitment to let local settler communities decide—both contradicted the ostensible purposes of the Civil Rights Act and accurately reflected how the era's settler colonial society understood the purposes and functions of Native citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil, the largest slave society in the Americas, proposed a citizenship in its 1824 Constitution that had no race-based criteria. The nation remained steadfastly committed to slavery, however, importing nearly 800,000 enslaved Africans illegally after the transatlantic slave trade was abolished in 1831. The silences and ambiguities in Brazil's terms of citizenship were precisely what enabled the nation to exclude Africans and keep many in illegal captivity. I focus on two groups of Africans, those who remained illegally enslaved, and those who had been 'rescued' from illegal slave ships and granted special status as 'Free Africans.' I compare their condition to that of indigenous Brazilians who were similarly enslaved illegally and excluded from citizenship on implicitly racial terms. By revealing how citizenship denial is integral to the history of freedom, their condition offers a necessary critique to studies of the 'Age of Emancipation.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the evolution of naturalization in Western Europe and the United States from the early modern period to the end of the nineteenth century. It discusses three phases: naturalization as an economic privilege in the early modern period; naturalization as a grant of political rights reserved for a minority of the population; and naturalization as access to membership to a community of equals. It argues that naturalization, while mainly relevant to individuals moving from one country to another, also involved aspects of multilateralism throughout: naturalized citizens possess a status negotiated by their original and new states of membership, but this status can also be of great relevance in interaction with third countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As inhabitants of a US territory, Puerto Ricans experience their American citizenship under a set of constraints, shaped by processes of colonization, imperialism, and racialization. This paper is concerned with thinking through and developing a theorization of citizenship and life in Puerto Rico, by exploring the history and legislation of US citizenship for inhabitants of the island. It posits that the citizenship held by Puerto Ricans is a kind of disguised malignancy that cannot be understood solely by charting the legal history and formal status of the residents of the island. Instead, the citizenship of Puerto Ricans must be understood as a deeply racialized product of centuries of colonization and imperialism, the consequences of which are not easily shed and cannot be accounted for through liberal political theory. Rather, citizenship actually works to simultaneously cement and invisibilize the ways in which Puerto Rican lives are continuously rendered less valuable and their deaths less grievable. Regarding the citizenship of Puerto Ricans, I argue that racialization and racism are inherent to current United States-Puerto Rico relations. As such, this paper articulates 'malignant citizenship' as a term which accounts for the colonial/racial foundations and current iterations of citizenship for Puerto Ricans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does it mean to be a 'good American'? Immigrants to the United States have obtained civic knowledge in a variety of ways, including federal textbooks and independent learning, and in different contexts over time, from employer-organised classes to handbooks written by civil society groups. This paper analyses citizenship manuals from one such group – the Daughters of the American Revolution ('D.A.R.') – to trace continuities and changes in definitions of American citizenship over the twentieth century. This paper is the first to make use of these manual archives, which contain over 30 different citizenship manuals, printed between 1921 and 1996. To compare and analyse the corpus of manuals, the paper employs both computer-assisted content analysis through topic modelling and textual interpretation. This approach provides rich descriptive evidence of how American citizenship norms change over a century, the influence of scarcity and war on that identity, as well as the changing role for organisations like the D.A.R. in the civic education of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mabel Boe was born in Iowa but lost her U.S. citizenship when she married a Norwegian. Federal law at the time required that she relinquish her own citizenship to share her husband's. When she sought to regain her American standing, she found her way blocked by a hypothetical question that the Bureau of Naturalization had introduced after World War I as a test of loyalty: "If necessary, are you willing to take up arms in defense of this country?" Boe, a member of the Church of the Brethren, said she could not kill another person. She became one of scores of conscientious objectors in the 1920s and 1930s who were denied citizenship over the question. In one of the oddest cases in the history of naturalization, Boe spent decades waiting to reclaim her U.S. citizenship, long after her husband, who shared her pacifist beliefs, had himself become an American. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper lays out a model of diminished citizenship as a tool for understanding the experiences of the large population of people who, at least in part by virtue of their relations with criminal justice apparatuses, do not benefit from the full complement of responsibilities and rights associated with citizenship in a modern democracy. The frame of diminished citizenship places mass incarceration within a larger historical and social context, moving ideas about "criminals" away from the individual focus of mainstream criminology and providing a useful framework for considering how a variety of marginalized groups navigate the American landscape. At the same time, the frame of mass incarceration offers insights into a crucial mechanism for constructing, diminishing and enforcing citizenship in the United States. Our argument draws on our decade-long ethnographic research with a cohort of women who had been released from prison in Massachusetts in 2007–2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes a research and practice agenda for improving immigrant health in the U.S. The author believes immigration policies in the U.S. are intentional tools of racial exclusion and demands the end of immigration enforcement and a path to citizenship for all immigrants regardless of status. Structural racism and its history in the U.S. is also discussed.

The U.S. has witnessed increases in the local policing of federal immigration law. This practice raises concerns about citizenship profiling, where local law enforcement questions individuals on suspicion of being undocumented and, in turn, its influence on police legitimacy. We examine whether citizenship profiling influences two measures tapping into legitimacy, perceptions of trust in police effectiveness and cooperation with local police, among individuals and in Latina/o-immigrant neighbourhoods. Based on 691 surveys collected in 46 neighbourhoods in a county along the U.S.-Mexico border, multilevel analyses shows that citizenship profiling reduces both trust in policing effectiveness and cooperation with police among individuals. Moreover, while residents in Latina/o-immigrant neighbourhoods reported more cooperation with police, being citizenship profiled and residing in these neighbourhoods significantly reduced cooperation with law enforcement. In conclusion, there is strong evidence that the local policing of immigration compromises police legitimacy, raising concerns about perceptions of procedural justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the history of an academic certificate in American studies that was developed and implemented by Robert Spiller (University of Pennsylvania) at the behest of the US Information Agency, and targeted at non-US citizens outside of the US. The certificate's genesis and trajectory were rooted in and inflected by contemporary interest in the field of American studies as offering a means of conducting cultural diplomacy by disseminating information about the US, its way of life, and the benefits offered by the democratic system. The history of the program, like that of the field as a whole, thus reveals how American studies assumed an ambassadorial role abroad for the nation in its new capacity as a world power. At the same time, it also shows the fault lines between the images of the nation that scholars and US officials sought to project, and what audiences abroad were most interested in knowing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2017 Super Bowl commercial for 84 Lumber simultaneously “broke the Internet” and added to the national debate over immigration by depicting the journey of a mother and daughter to the U.S.–Mexico border. Nielsen reported that 111.3 million people watched the 90-second commercial on TV and the company’s website received 6 million requests within an hour to “see the conclusion at Journey84.com,” which sparked so much traffic it crashed the website. Reactions to both advertisements were immediate and mixed. Through audience analysis of tweets with the hashtags #84lumber and #SuperBowl, this study highlights the constrained polysemic interpretations of 84 Lumber’s advertisement. This article argues that the advertisement’s messages are indicative of greater discourses about immigration. Commentary surrounding the advertisement has failed to address the “symbolic” message of the “journey” to citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the potentialities and risks deriving from the interaction between machine learning, artificial intelligence (AI) and preventive justice in the U.S. It mentions the possible employments of AI while respecting the rights of citizens, as the establishment by the European Parliament of the special committee on Artificial intelligence in a Digital Age.

The War of 1812 may have been a small and inconclusive war, but it had a profound and lasting impact of all the belligerents. The war may be largely forgotten, but it left a huge legacy that is still evident today. Wars can best be measured by their consequences, and the legacy of this war was both multifaceted and lasting. The conflict shaped both the United States and Canada as well as their relationship with Great Britain for nearly a century thereafter. It helps to explain how the Anglo-American alliance originated and why the British welcomed the Pax Americana in the twentieth century, as well as why Canada never joined the American Union and why American expansion after 1815 aimed south and west rather than north. It was during the War of 1812 that the great Shawnee leader Tecumseh earned his reputation, Laura Secord became famous, and Andrew Jackson began his rise to the presidency. Its impact on American culture was also far reaching and produced 'The Star-Spangled Banner', Uncle Sam and 'Old Ironsides', amongst other symbols of United States nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]