Search

This paper analyses the position taken by the Balearic Communists on the national and linguistic debate from its origins to the beginning of the post-Franco Transition. The importance of the evolution experienced in the final phase of Franco's dictatorship, when the identification of the regime with Spanish centralism led the political left to approach the stance of the peripheral nationalisms, is underlined

This paper argues that in order to explain why communist Romania did not take part to the crushing of the Prague Spring one should examine the developments in Romanian communism over the years 1956-1968. Second, the present paper examines the legitimacy issue and focuses on perceptions from below of RCP policies in the post-1964 period. The political actions taken by the Romanian communists during the period 1964-1968 resulted in positive actions expressing consent from the part of large segments of the Romanian society. Third, this paper addresses the issue of identity politics under Romanian communism and demonstrates that the year 1968 marked the transition to a comprehensive nation-building project aiming at constructing an ethnically homogenous Romanian “socialist” nation.

En el debate generado a partir de la publicación de Teoría de la Justica, han surgido en el marxismo una serie de preguntas que urge responder. Gerald A. Cohen, representante del marxismo analítico, intenta darles respuestas proponiendo dos principios de justicia socialistas. En este escrito se compara ambos principios formulados por Cohen, con aquellos que Marx ha esbozado en Crítica del programa de Gotha: el “principio de contribución” y el “principio de necesidades”. ABSTRACT In the debate generated after the publication of Theory of Justice, several questions have emerged in Marxism. Cohen, representative of Analytical Marxism, attempts to answer them by proposing two principles of socialist justice. In this paper the principles formulated by Cohen are compared with those outlined in Marx´s Critique of the Gotha Program: the “principle of contribution” and the “principle of needs”. Keywords: Justice principles; analytical Marxism; socialism; communism

This paper aims to analyze the end of Eurocommunism and the situation of the Spanish Communist Party in the late seventies, offering at the same time, a comparative study of the cases of Italy and France. Eurocommunism represented a trend of interior renovation within the communist camp, which finally produced few results. In the sixties and seventies, the Communist Parties of France, Spain and Italy began to consider democracy as a fundamental value and vehicle on the road to socialism. Its attempt did not produce the expected results and the Spanish, French and Italians Communists were increasingly marginal (and marginalized) as a political force. Probably the case of Spain was the most complicated and interesting because it was where the Eurocommunism crisis was most intense. The failure of the eurocommunist project produced the implosion of the Spanish Communist Party: after poor election results, the internal disagreements increased threatening the survival of the party.

El artículo introduce al libro Marx (sin ismos) escrito por Francisco Fernández Buey. La intención de la obra es ofrecer una comprensión de Marx distinguiéndolo del marxismo y de lo que en la historia otros autores han dicho y hecho en o contra su nombre: Marx no como un determinista económico sino precisamente como el autor genialmente crítico cuyo mensaje lleva a rebelarse contra los determinantes económicos. La lectura de Korsch, Rubel y Sacristán, la comparación de Marx y el comunismo con la historia de Jesús de Nazaret y el cristianismo, así como las imágenes de una serie de grandes películas sobre el tema, inspiran el relato que esta obra propone.

Nos anos iniciais da guerra fria, o comunismo substituiu o nazismo como inimigo e foi representado, principalmente na imprensa nacional, como a grande ameaça que a América Latina devia combater. Com um discurso demonizador, as notícias publicadas nos jornais contribuíram para que o comunismo se tornasse objeto de conflitos sociais e políticos e atuasse decisivamente na política interna e externa dos países latino-americanos. Neste artigo analisamos as representações veiculadas nos dois principais jornais editados no Rio Grande do Sul nos anos iniciais da guerra fria, as quais apontaram o comunismo como o mal na relação polarizada de luta entre contraditórios, possibilitando que parcela significativa da sociedade latino-americana se engajasse na luta política contra o comunismo, fazendo desse, não uma utopia a alcançar, mas um perigo a evitar. ABSTRACT. In the first years of the Cold War Communism substituted Nazism as the enemy and it was portrayed, especially in the national press, as the great menace that Latin America should fight. With a demonizing discourse, the news published on the papers contributed to turn Communism into a target of social and political conflicts. Also, Communism acted decisively in the external and internal political affairs of the countries in Latin America. The present article analyses the representations that were spread by the two main newspapers edited in Rio Grande do Sul during the first years of the Cold War. The above-mentioned representations pointed at the Communism as the evil part in the polarized struggle relation between contradictory ideas, making a significant part of the Latin America’s society to join the political fight against Communism. They made Communism look like a danger to avoid, not like a utopia yet to be reached.

O propósito deste texto é estudar as possíveis relações entre a emergência da Guerra Fria e a repressão política ocorrida no Brasil no imediato pós II Guerra Mundial. O artigo trabalha com a hipótese de que as raízes dessa repressão política são tanto endógenas quanto exógenas. Além disso, defende a idéia de que tão logo as relações envolvendo a grande aliança da II Guerra Mundial deterioraram as elites brasileiras retornaram ao seu conservadorismo e tradicional anticomunismo. Como resultado, o registro do partido comunista foi cancelado, o movimento operário e outras organizações populares foram duramente reprimidos, a imprensa foi censurada e mesmo grupos militares progressistas e diplomatas supostamente vinculados à esquerda tornaram-se alvos da repressão. Abstract. The purpose of this paper is to advance the study of possible relationships between the emergence of the Cold War and the political repression that took place in Brazil in the immediately after the Second World War. The article examines the hypothesis that there were both endogenous and exogenous origins of the political repression. Furthermore, it supports the idea that the Brazilian elites, faced with the deterioration of the wartime alliances, returned to their conservatism and traditional anticommunism. As result, the registration of Communist Party was cancelled, the working-class movement and other popular organizations were severely repressed, the press was censured and even progressive military groups and suspected left-wing diplomats became targets of repression.

El artículo estudia el problema de la constitución de ciertos elementos identitarios de la cultura comunista argentina del período de entreguerras, a partir del análisis del itinerario intelectual y político del escritor Aníbal Ponce (1898-1938), y de las lecturas que de su figura se hicieron en la sociabilidad cultural comunista argentina y latinoamericana, para postular la hipótesis de que a través de Ponce se vehiculiza una forma de marxismo que tiende más allá de la apelación de la identidad con la clase obrera, a la exaltación de una continuidad entre un mítico pasado liberal argentino y un horizonte histórico que se visualiza en la URSS. Abstract The paper studies the problem of the constitution of identity elements of Communist culture interwar Argentina, from the analysis of the intellectual and political journey of the writer Aníbal Ponce (1898-1938). It also examines the interpretations of his figure became communist cultural sociability in Argentina and Latin America, to postulate the hypothesis that through Ponce conveys a form of Marxism that tends beyond the appeal of identity with the working class, to the exaltation of a continuity between a mythical past and a liberal Argentine historical horizon that is displayed in the USSR.

This paper is aimed at teachers of the Philosophy and Society course, tutors, personnel in charge of the educational work and those involved in the task of leading new generations towards a better society by conducting an appropriate ideological and political work. It is inspired by the objectives of the First National Conference of the Party in its attempt to adjust the teaching of Marxism to the present time; thus our purpose is to contribute to the teaching of this theory, considering the political and ideological impact it will have on Cuban youth dealing with the challenges posed by reality.

This paper is aimed at teachers of the Philosophy and Society course, tutors, personnel in charge of the educational work and those involved in the task of leading new generations towards a better society by conducting an appropriate ideological and political work. It is inspired by the objectives of the First National Conference of the Party in its attempt to adjust the teaching of Marxism to the present time; thus our purpose is to contribute to the teaching of this theory, considering the political and ideological impact it will have on Cuban youth dealing with the challenges posed by reality.

RESUMO O presente artigo busca demonstrar a atualidade do comunismo, a partir do conceito de “produção do comum”, tal qual desenvolvido nos escritos do filósofo e militante italiano, Toni Negri. O comum, nessa linha, aparece como conceito central para a compreensão da produção da riqueza social no capitalismo contemporâneo, e também sua expropriação por novos modos de acumulação. Por outro lado, o comum também emerge como antagonismo ao capital e à dicotomia público-privado, apontando para novas formas de compreender o comunismo. Palavras-chave: Filosofia Política; Comunismo; Democracia; Marx; Antonio Negri; Comum; Bens Comuns. ABSTRACT This paper demonstrates the relevance and actual dimension of communism, from the concept of "common production", as it is developed in the writings of the italian philosopher and activist Toni Negri. The common, accordingly to this view, appears as a central concept for understanding the social production of wealth in contemporary capitalism, and also its expropriation by new modes of accumulation. On the other hand, the common also emerges as antagonism to capital and public-private dichotomy, pointing to new ways of understanding communism. KeyWords: Political Theory; Communism; Democracy; Marx; Antonio Negri; Commonwealth; Commons

This paper examines the recent political change in Romania, with particular consideration of the contemporary political history of its historical territories in the Balkan region. The main idea put forward in the article stems from the weak democratic tradition in Romania, since one of the greatest controversies surrounding both culture and politics is that of the «shapes without background», that is, the assimilation of institutions and cultural forms which, as some would argue, were not filled with the appropriate essence, or as others would contend, were inadequate for Rumanian society, since they displayed numerous archaic features as well as practices of feudal origin. | Este artículo analiza el cambio político reciente en Rumanía en relación con la evolución de la historia política contemporánea de sus territorios históricos en el contexto de los Balcanes. La idea principal del trabajo parte de la débil tradición democrática rumana, puesto que una de las mayores controversias tanto en la cultura como en la política es la de las «apariencias», es decir, la asimilación de instituciones y formas culturales a las que, según la opinión de algunos, no se les dio la esencia apropiada, o en opinión de otros, eran inadecuadas para la sociedad rumana, ya que revestían muchos elementos arcaicos y prácticas de origen feudal.

O texto procura discutir como todas as vezes que as concepções da esquerda se aproximaram dos valores democráticos, tanto na teoria como na política, o resultado foi extremamente produtivo; e como a vida democrática é um exercício pedagógico permanente, e todas as vezes que sofreu interrupções, como no pós-64, os resultados tiveram implicações altamente negativas. Palavras-chave: Nova esquerda. Comunismo. Democracia. Política. Pedagogia. Autoritarismo. This paper discusses how the leftists and its conceptions presented extremely positive results whenever they came closer to the democratic values, in theory or politics; and how the democratic life is a permanent pedagogical exercise because every time it suffers some kind of interruption, the results are highly negative, such as the post 64 period. Keywords: New left. Communism. Democracy. Politics. Pedagogy. Authoritarianism.

This paper seeks to retrieve Marx's ideas about the development of psychology. It offers historical perspectives on different attempts to create a Marxist psychology that shed light on its scope and trajectory. According to Marx, concrete social and material real life play a key role in the development of human psychological functions. Later, Vygotsky, Wallon, Politzer, Leontiev, Luria, Sève among others built on Marx's ideas. These psychologists suggested that individual psychological functions are formed and shaped in concrete, cultural, social, historical circumstances, and pictured an organizing, creative force driving individual activity (instead of behavior). Marxist psychology is the study of the social individual within social relations of production. In a Marxist sense, the emphasis is placed on production, both material and social as the essence of social relations. Hence, psychology cannot be dealt with in an abstract, private and individual manner as the capitalist mode of production would want, but must be seen in terms of the social individual that is formed, structured, and shaped within the social relations of a production framework. In this context, the social production of the individual (as developed in Marx's Die Grundrisse) signifies social relations between people connected with concrete common real social conditions and material production. Production, both social and material, is the totality of social relations. In the process of production, social individuals act not only upon nature but also upon one another, they enter into a definite rich web of connections and relations to one another. Marx's writings encompassed the fields of psychology and made a substantial contribution to the stock of knowledge about human nature processes. Marx never wrote a full-length treatise on psychology, though his own work is the outstanding example of psychological conceptualizations. This paper stresses the decisive relevance of Marx's psychological conceptions for a paradigm shift whose time has come.