Search

The purpose of the study was to determine the nature and scale of the influence of the states of Central and Eastern Europe on the processes of forming and implementing the foreign policy course of the European Union, con- sidering current international challenges and crises. The paper provides a comparative analysis of the positions of the central and Eastern European countries on key foreign policy issues of the European Union, analyses official documents and statements, and analyses case studies of the main EU crises of recent years to assess the impact of these countries on the establishment of a common position of the Union. It was found that the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a significant but non-uniform influence on EU foreign policy. An analysis of the positions of CEE countries during the COVID-19 pandemic, the migration crisis, the war in Ukraine and the protests in Georgia revealed differences in their approaches and a certain divergence with the positions of the “old” members of the European Union. In particular, the Visegrad countries have demonstrated a tough stance on migration policy, while the Baltic States have taken a more moderate position. In contrast, there was greater unity in terms of relations with Russia and support for Ukraine, with the exception of Hungary. The study showed that the effectiveness of CEE countries’ influence is limited by internal issues, in particular issues of the rule of law and economic convergence. Despite this, these countries have made significant progress in promoting their interests in the areas of energy security and European neighbourhood policy, in particular through the Eastern Partnership Initiative. It was found that in order to strengthen their role in shaping EU foreign policy, CEE countries need to focus on strengthening regional cooperation, developing expertise on key issues and actively using EU tools, in particular, the enhanced cooperation mechanism. The results of the study show that the influence of CEE countries on EU foreign policy is a significant but ambiguous factor that requires further study, especially in the context of domestic political processes and economic interests of these countries

Resilience within the diplomatic domain ensures sustained and adaptive efforts to manage and resolve conflicts, support humanitarian needs and maintain international cooperation and stability in regions affected by conflict. Long-term diplomatic engagements build trust among conflicting parties and the international community, which is essential for sustainable peace. Resilience in diplomatic efforts is essential for navigating the complexities of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, where deeply contrasting objectives between the two nations have made negotiations challenging. Despite the difficulties, sustained diplomatic engagements are critical for maintaining international cooperation and addressing humanitarian needs. Ukraine's persistent use of international organizations, such as the United Nations and the European Union, has been influential in garnering global support and isolating Russian Federation diplomatically, even when immediate resolutions to the conflict remained elusive.

This study analysed the involvement of the G7 and G20 clubs in the settlement of international conflicts in 2020-2024 to identify discrepancies between the declared intentions and practical achievements of these forums. The study was found significant differences in the approaches and effectiveness of the G7 and G20 in peacekeeping. The G7, due to its more homogeneous composition and strong economic leverage, has demonstrated greater effectiveness in the short term, especially in responding to acute crises such as Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. On the other hand, the G20, with its wider representation, has shown the potential to have a more systemic impact on global security in the long term by focusing on economic development as a means of conflict prevention. The analysis of approaches and tools revealed that the G7 relies more on economic sanctions and political pressure, while the G20 focuses on economic cooper- ation and development. Both clubs face challenges in reaching consensus and achieving ambitious goals, especially in the context of complex geopolitical conflicts. The study revealed a considerable gap between rhetoric and practice, especially in the areas of conflict resolution, counter-terrorism, and climate security. Declarative statements are often not backed up by effective actions, partly due to the lack of enforcement mechanisms and the need to reconcile diverse national in- terests. The results point to the need to rethink the role and working methods of the G7 and G20 in the context of current global challenges. The study proposed a more flexible and adaptive approach to peacekeeping that would account for both short-term crises and long-term stability factors. The significance of strengthening coordination between the G7 and G20, as well as with other international organisations, to achieve a synergistic effect in conflict resolution was emphasised. Understanding the potential and limitations of these international forums in the field of peacekeeping allows developing more effective strategies of state cooperation to overcome crises

Diplomacy in the conditions of aggression represented a painstaking multi-layered job, which was not easily implemented. The development of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s diplomacy should be observed immediately before the declaration of independence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March 1992, because significant events took place a year earlier that would to a certain extent affect the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state, as well as the international positioning of this country due to the war period. Although official Bosnian diplomacy can only be spoken of after the recognition of the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of competent state institutions, the year 1991 was extremely important, because the lobbying carried out by Bosnian politicians at the time on the international level, both in the West and in the East, was of great importance. importance, which certain international leaders confirmed when recognizing the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina or establishing official diplomatic relations in the first months of 1992. Immediately before the holding of the Referendum on the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Government of the SR of Bosnia and Herzegovina had intensive contacts with officials from outside the then Yugoslavia, which was a kind of prerequisite for the later establishment of official diplomatic relations. The aim of the paper is to present the key events that were of great importance in the establishment of diplomatic contacts of Bosnian officials with the rest of the world, to clarify how Bosnian diplomacy developed in the conditions of aggression against the independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This article considers the status of ambassadors in the Roman Republic, focusing on the relations between foreign embassies and the Senate from the 6th to the 1st centuries BC, as described by Titus Livius (Livy) in «The History of Rome from the Founding of the City». Livy addresses many aspects, including the arrival of ambassadors and their reports to public officials, which the Senate deemed necessary for recognizing them as legitimate representatives. Additionally, he details their claims in the Senate and the subsequent discussions held by the Senators, as well as the process of making decisions and responding to ambassadors. Livy’s narrative offers an insight into the entire process of how ambassadors were received, from their arrival in Rome and registration with magistrates until their departure from Rome or Italy in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC. Special attention is paid to the Senate’s debates over the problems raised by ambassadors. Overall, Livy outlines the general procedure used by the Senate to settle foreign policy matters.

This article deals with one of the most explosive areas of the world today, which is the Near and Middle East (NMEA) and especially the territory of historical Palestine, where the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (IPC) has been going on for a long time. The text deals primarily with historical and military factors and is written as a historical explanatory analysis. It focuses on the most significant historical events and explains the ways of functioning and the consequences of the processes that have been taking place there for a long time.

The disclosure of classified information to the general public played an important role in the period before the start of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. This strategy involved the disclosure of classified information at an unprecedented scale and speed, with the aim of achieving specific effects, while using emerging technologies such as those associated to the open- source intelligence toolbox. The hypothesis under consideration is that the state may intentionally disclose classified information in order to shape the reactions and behaviours of other international actors. The research approach was based on the case study on the disclosure of classified information in the period July 2021– February 2022 in the context of the imminent invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine. The data collected from open sources were correlated with the aim of analysing in detail the disclosure strategy of classified information, its characteristics, the factors that potentiate it and its effects. The obtained results lead to the conclusion that the disclosure of classified information belongs to the tools of the ways of exercising the state power, with multiple effects, from influencing opponents to increasing the resilience of own population to the phenomenon of fake news.

This work examines the intimate diary of the Paraguayan historian and diplomat Juan E. O'Leary (1879 – 1969). It focuses on the notebooks he wrote in Rome in 1937 during his stay as plenipotentiary minister and charge d'affaires to the Kingdom of Italy. It intends to contribute to the knowledge about his intellectual and diplomatic trajectory and his influence on the writing of history in Paraguay. He makes observations on the relations between intellectuals and diplomacy in Latin America.

This article delves into the nuances of summit diplomacy in regional formats within Central Europe, with a particular emphasis on the Visegrád Group (V4), the Bucharest Nine (B9), and the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) from 2015 to 2023. Though each format functions differently, all rely on summit diplomacy to achieve their objectives. The article aims to explore the reasons why informal regional formats are frequently implemented in this region. The study conducts a thorough review of existing literature. It systematically analyses past instances of the selected formats, considering variables such as meeting frequency, location, and the level of representation. Based on the adopted definition of summit diplomacy, this article classifies the meetings of the highest level during the specified period as personal meetings between political leaders from at least two countries with official, state roles, such as presidents, prime ministers, or ministers. These leaders hold significant power to shape their country’s foreign policy and influence the legal and political order through summit decisions, while engaging with counterparts from other nations. The paper also highlights the variations between the above-mentioned formats in Central Europe, including the differences in meeting frequency, level of representation, and the number of participating states.

In the post-colonial era, both former colonizing and former colonized powers found themselves engaged in a dramatic renegotiation of diplomatic relationships. Against this backdrop, the access to, or withholding of, information and understanding about other states became a key asset in any mobilization of leverage and maintenance of agency. This article draws upon the case studies of the UK’s diplomatic relationships with African states and India in order to emphasize the virtue of combining New Diplomatic History (NDH) and history-of-knowledge approaches. Competing knowledges, and the denying of access to knowledge to others, could be mobilized in pursuit of competing agendas, both across and within national governments. The fragilities and contingencies behind the availability of information, coupled with enduring colonial-era prejudices which others could exploit, created areas of ignorance, and rendered governmental knowledge processes vulnerable.

The Vienna follow-up meeting achieved an unprecedented breakthrough for the human dimension of the CSCE. This article explores this success by analysing three different levels: governments, delegations, and non-governmental players. Each government and its relationship with other nations formed the basis for the positions taken by its delegation. Nonetheless, the outcome of the meeting depended heavily on the negotiation skills of the diplomats. Hence, the delegates were at the centre of the negotiation process and were crucial to the understanding of the success of the meeting. External factors, in particular human rights organizations, although not allowed to take part in the negotiations, contributed to the process. This article argues that only by taking all three into consideration can the success be fully understood.

In recent decades, diplomatic history has undergone a significant evolution, marked by a turn towards more inclusive methodologies and interdisciplinary approaches. This shift, often referred to as New Diplomatic History (NDH), seeks to explore not only the outcomes but also the intricate processes and practices of diplomatic interactions. It goes beyond the traditional focus on government actors and formal negotiations to investigate the activities of further agents, cultural dynamics, and transnational networks, thus encompassing less-researched sites of diplomacy. As scholars increasingly recognize the complexities of international relations, this burgeoning field offers a rich tapestry of narratives that challenge previous diplomatic histories and offer fresh insights. All of this is intended to help achieve an understanding of diplomacy that is less essentialist and more functional.

The imperial and ecclesiastical Principality of Liège, a state at the crossroads of European influences, was a central player in French and Austrian policy in the region roughly corresponding to present-day Belgium. During the reign of the Francophile prince-bishop François-Charles de Velbrück (1772-1784), the Principality turned towards France and entered into a series of economic, military and territorial negotiations. Faced with the scale of the task, the prince-bishop successively sent two diplomats to Versailles to maintain a direct channel with the French government, much to the regret of the Viennese court. This rapprochement continued under the reign of his successor, despite Vergennes’s reluctance to see a new diplomat from Liège installed at court. Based on the extensive diplomatic correspondence kept in the archives of La Courneuve, Liège, Brussels and Vienna, this article sheds light on the activity of these agents, which has been little studied to date, as well as their careers before and during their missions at the royal court, while highlighting the issues at stake in French foreign policy in the Austrian Low Countries shortly before the Revolution.

This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Iran during the period of 1968 – 1978. Despite being aligned with opposing superpower alliances during the Cold War, the two countries established a pragmatic partnership in the 1960s that persisted even after the Prague Spring of 1968 had been terminated by the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies. The subsequent political developments in Czechoslovakia, characterized by a process known as normalization, aimed to curtail reforms and reinforce the dominant role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. However, this ideological framework was not fully applied to the relations with Iran under the royal regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. On the contrary, Czechoslovakia and Iran experienced flourishing economic and cultural exchanges. In particular, important official visits took place, involving also the heads of state, to publicly demonstrate the strength of the mutual partnership. Nonetheless, this cooperation was ultimately disrupted by the fall of the Shah's regime in the wake of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. This research draws primarily on hitherto underexploited archival documents from the relevant Czech archives, offering a Czechoslovak perspective on the development of mutual relations between the two countries.

INTRODUCTION. The relevance of the research topic is determined, firstly, by the increasing importance of energy diplomacy for solving modern problems arising in the field of international energy cooperation, and secondly, by the significance of studying the problems of energy diplomacy from the point of view of the science of international law. Despite the fact that energy diplomacy is being formed and realizing its potential in the international legal environment, it is not given adequate attention to its role in the legal literature, including in scientific works on international law, which, in turn, looks like a gap in international legal science. The purpose of the work is to substantiate the international legal concept of energy diplomacy, to identify its connection with the classical model of diplomacy and at the same time specific, to objectively identify the main directions of the relationship between energy diplomacy and international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. When writing the work, scientific works related to the topic, international treaties and documents of international law, acts of national legislation of states are analyzed. General scientific and special methods of cognition, including comparative legal and formal legal, were used as a research method.RESEARCH RESULTS. Energy diplomacy is derived from the “classical” model of diplomacy. There are various interpretations of diplomacy, focusing on its various aspects and manifestations. The article substantiates the understanding of diplomacy as a means of implementing the state’s foreign policy through the activities of special entities (bodies of foreign relations) using non-military techniques and methods in accordance with international law. The evolution of diplomacy and the emergence of its new forms are traced, their specificity and international legal component are noted. Taking into account the specifics of energy, international energy cooperation, their legal support based on the potential of international and national law, the independent nature of energy diplomacy, its increasing role in modern conditions is substantiated. The specific features of energy diplomacy are identified and its concept is proposed, taking into account the international legal component. In modern conditions, full-fledged regulatory and institutional legal foundations of the EU’s foreign energy policy and energy diplomacy have not developed. It is noted that the legitimacy of unilateral restrictive measures applied in energy diplomacy by a number of states is indisputable from the point of view of international law. The main directions of the relationship between energy diplomacy and international law are outlined in detail, options for legitimizing the national interests of states in the energy sector based on the potential of international law are highlighted.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The main conclusions of the study are as follows. Firstly, energy diplomacy is a new functional area of diplomatic activity. It has a single essence with “classical” diplomacy (to serve as a means of implementing foreign policy, in accordance with international law) and, at the same time, is characterized by a number of features derived from the energy sector and energy law (a special focus on the implementation of the goals and objectives of the state's foreign energy policy, the participation of energy departments in it and the connection of energy companies, methods used in it). Secondly, energy diplomacy and international law in the process of their development and functioning are mutually linked and have a reciprocal influence. International law, firstly, defines the legal framework and forms of implementation of energy diplomacy (as well as diplomatic activity in general), and secondly, plays a decisive role in legitimizing the national interests of states in the field of foreign energy policy carried out through energy diplomacy. In turn, energy diplomacy, relying on the potential of international law, contributes to ensuring energy security (national and international) and, thereby, to maintaining the international energy order. In general, energy diplomacy influences the process of creation and operation of international law norms and contributes to the development of international law.

This paper explores two primary propositions: a) philosophical mediation is a vital component of cultural diplomacy, historically evolving from a practice based on cultural sensitivity, critical analysis, and public discourse; b) in the realm of diplomacy, philosophical mediation delineates the principles of cultural “adaptability,” addressing local social dynamics and epistemologies where the art of negotiation is applied. This approach does not seek to dismantle or expose prejudices, ideological and religious beliefs, pseudo-historical anticipations, and political narratives. Instead, philosophical mediation strives for a delicate equilibrium; supporting tolerance of accepted traditions alongside democratic and constructive criticism, and promoting enlightenment and progress.

The article reveals the public positions of King Mihai I, while in exile, towards Bessarabia, as they emerge from interviews, documents, public statements, open letters and messages addressed to Romanians, in different circumstances. In this study, both published documents (public messages of King Mihai I, published in various books of interviews or memoirs about the King, newspaper articles reproducing these messages, other articles talking about royal public actions) and unpublished documents were analyzed, such as the correspondence between King Mihai I and one of the most important leaders of the Romanians in exile, Ion Rațiu, or extracts from the file on the Securitate’s pursuit of King Mihai I, in the archives of the National Council for the Study of Romanian Security Archives. The period studied is 1989-1993, when the King made many public statements about Bessarabia, which he never forgot. The themes addressed in the public communication are related to the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact and its effects, the exodus of young people, the freedom to vote and to decide their own fate, respect for democracy as a whole, and the Transnistria problem. The King analyses the situation in Bessarabia licitly and spoke of European integration long before the Republic of Moldova actually embarked on this path. The study shows the King’s focus on the Bessarabian problem, his visionary approach to the European course and diplomacy, and the firmness with which he tells the historical truths and analyses their effects today.

Is consent a valid or useful concept in the context of sixteenth century Portuguese Asia? Given the specific characteristics of this empire, a study of consent has the potential to shed light on its nature, the form in which it was built, and how it survived. It may likewise prove useful for clarifying the complexity of this empire’s dynamics, namely its relations with the Asian powers. In some cases, consent formed part of the guidance and orders issued from Lisbon, and to some extent it was integrated into the Portuguese Crown’s policy towards war and diplomacy. A number of interesting contrasts are revealed by an analysis of a set of regional and local differences concerning the extent to which consent formed part of the routine practices deployed in the political and diplomatic life of Portuguese Asia. Finally, a survey of a further set of examples demonstrate how the issue of consent had a limited impact on the forms in which the empire was historicized, legitimized, and framed in the historiographical discourse. This article is part of the special theme section on Consenting to Early Modern Empires, which has been guest-edited by Sonia Tycko.

The article analyzes the involvement of the United States in the events of the Mexican Revolution in relation to the situa-tion on the border of the two countries. Based on archival and published sources, it shows how socio-economic, legal and military factors influenced the decision-making process by officials in Mexico City and Washington, as well as non-state forces represented by rebel groups. It is noted that among the tools for achieving foreign policy goals and gaining ad-vantages over opponents during the revolutionary struggle, there was a constant appeal to the concept of “neutrality.” The rapprochement of the United States with the constitutionalist movement in 1913–1914 and the search for reducing the risk of war between the two countries in 1916 stand out as hall-marks. It is emphasized that due to this, Mexican-American relations were a complex combination of conflict and mutual interests.

Background: The World Health Assembly (WHA), on 1st December 2021, unanimously agreed to launch a global process to draft and negotiate a convention, agreement, or other international instrument under the World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) constitution to strengthen pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response. We aimed to explore the role of global health diplomacy (GHD) in pandemic treaty negotiations by providing deep insight into the ongoing drafting process under the WHO leadership. Methods: We conducted a narrative review by searching Scopus, Web of Sciences, PubMed, MEDLINE, and Google Scholar search engine using the keywords "Pandemic Treaty," OR "International Health Regulations," OR "International conventions," OR "International treaties" in the context of recent COVID-19 pandemic. Besides, we included articles recommending the need for GHD, leadership and governance mechanisms for this international treaty drafting approved by the WHA. Results: Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, the concept of GHD bolstered the international system and remained high on the agendas of many national, regional and global platforms. As per Article 19 of the WHO constitution, the Assembly established an intergovernmental negotiating body (INB) to draft and negotiate this convention/ agreement to protect the world from disease outbreaks of pandemic potential. Since GHD has helped to strengthen international cooperation in health systems and address inequities in achieving health-related global targets, there is a great scope for the successful drafting of this pandemic treaty. Conclusion: The pandemic treaty is a defining moment in global health governance, particularly the pandemic governance reforms. However, the treaty’s purpose will only be served if the equity considerations are optimized, accountability mechanisms are established, and a sense of shared responsibility is embraced. While fulfilling treaty commitments might be complex and challenging, it provides an opportunity to rethink and build resilient systems for pandemic preparedness and response in the future.

A country's economic development depends on the strength of its economic diplomacy. This article aims to explore how effective the impact of Indonesia's economic diplomacy towards the European Union is in the export sector. This paper uses qualitative research, with descriptive analysis methods. Data was obtained through a study of literature and documents relating to diplomatic relations in the export sector between Indonesia and the European Union. The results of this research show that various data show a decline in cooperation in the export sector in 2011 and 2012.

Western political, social and economic support to Ukraine in face of Russian aggression has aroused discussion and actualized historical episodes of weapons supply and military assistance. Historical analysis of weapons supply during military conflicts and wars in the past provides a good opportunity to become more familiar with the problem and may give fruitful insights for understanding this phenomenon in its broader sense. After the collapse of Russian Empire and after the end of the World War I Lithuania fought in wars for independence, and received military assistance consisting of weapons, ammunition, clothes, and food from the two opposing parties and former enemies – Allies and Germany. In the current article, the author analyses the question of the weapons supply to Lithuania through the lens of foreign policy interests of England, France and Germany, and explores to what extent the supply of weapons depends on overlapping foreign policy interests of both appealing and providing country. During the War of Independence, Germany supplied armaments, when it needed to stop Bolsheviks and to counterweigh the influence of Poland in Lithuania, but refused to do that when Lithuania intended to promote its own foreign policy interests to capture Vilnius in 1919. The same happened with Allies, who refused to supply weapons to Lithuania despite its appeals in the first half of 1919, meanwhile, Lithuania received weapons from the Entente when it faced direct threat from the remaining units of German Army, which also became dangerous for the vital interests of France and England in Baltics.

In the case of the mandate that Grigore Niculescu-Buzești (1908–1949) fulfilled in the Latvian capital, attention is captivated, from the very beginning, by his numerous reports and analysis carried out by the Romanian diplomat. A careful and detailed study of the telegrams he sent to Bucharest from the Baltic capital can reveal to anyone, on the one hand, the concerns, fears, tensions and hopes of the authorities in Riga, as well as of Latvian society, in the context of the Soviet-German pact of 23 August 1939, of the outbreak of the war and the relationship with the Soviet Union, and on the other hand, – the mechanisms of Moscow’s aggression that led to the annexation of the Baltic countries in June 1940. Until the summer of 1940, the Romanian diplomat sent numerous telegrams to Bucharest, in which the stages of the annexation can be captured clearly and precisely. The number of documents and the amount of information reveal Bucharest’s high interest regarding the events in the Baltic states at that time. Thus, the author can trace the impact and relevance of his information and analysis in a tragic context, marked by tensions and convulsions throughout Europe. Moreover, Niculescu-Buzeștis experience as Romani’s chargé daffaires in Riga deeply marked the future Romanian minister of foreign affairs.

In India, despite the reverence for female deities, patriarchy’s hold remains strong in various fields, including diplomacy. This research aims to explore the pivotal role of women within the sphere of Indian diplomacy, tracing the historical evolution. The study relies on the qualitative method of survey of literature and analysis to highlight the achievements of Indian women diplomats and persisting hurdles, including the intersectional challenges they face. The study posits that addressing and removing the gender bias in Indian diplomacy, by viewing it through a feminist lens will yield more equitable opportunities and inclusivity. It underscores the significance of Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP), introduced by Swedish foreign minister Margot Wallstrom in 2014, as a potential solution to dismantle the patriarchal bias in Indian diplomacy. Empowering women to transcend the constraints imposed by a patriarchal framework, can enhance their individual well-being and psychological fortitude, fostering an improved work culture that attracts more women to join the Indian diplomatic services. This study gives suggestive measures to improve the work-life balance and enrich the professional as well as personal lives of women in Indian diplomacy by adopting feminist ideals. The research will contribute to the broader scholarship on gender and diplomacy, which is a relatively nascent but rapidly growing research area.

Objective/context: This paper aims to explore the links that some recent Argentine presidencies (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández) maintained with the Russian Federation. Methodology: It will initially dwell into the longstanding tradition of pacifism which characterizes Argentine foreign policy, and then proceed to register the strategy of its most recent federal administrations regarding their international outlooks and its ties with Russia. Its strategy regarding the war in Ukraine will be inscribed within that broader diplomatic framework and tradition. It will then introduce the concept ‘geopolitical vaccinationalism’ into this scenario, making connections between purely public health issues, originated after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and foreign policy postures and decisions that are not necessarily related to them. In this section, the strategies of some recent Argentine administrations regarding the purchase of COVID-19 vaccines to be administered to its population will also be covered. Finally, in the last section of the paper, the issue of the increased rate of pregnant Russian women coming to Argentina to give birth will also be tackled. Conclusions/originality: This situation, prompted by the Russian-Ukraine Conflict, increased the strains between Presidents Alberto Fernández and Vladimir Putin, while also presenting risks in regard to the international standing of Argentina and the seriousness with which its passport is being regarded by foreign governments.

The text analyses Türkiyeâs influence operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their implications for the internal situation and the EUâs interests. Turkish activities are analysed in the fields of diplomacy, public diplomacy, information operations, economic operations, and clandestine and military operations using an updated RAND model. The article argues that Türkiye adopts a pragmatic approach, prioritising economic ties and carefully tailoring narratives for diverse audiences in the country. This approach enables Ankara to maintain constructive relations with representatives of the three main ethnic groups and act as a mediator during Bosnia and Herzegovinaâs internal crises and the EUâs diminishing presence. However, as Turkish relations with local actors are mainly ErdoÄan-centric and personalised, there are also potential risks and challenges. These encompass corruption, the erosion of democratic institutions, the exportation of Türkiyeâs internal issues to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the undermining of the EUâs influence in the country.

At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Serbia faced the challenge of maneuvering through a complex geopolitical environment, thereby highlighting the importance of diplomatic efforts in shaping its future. As a small country in the Balkans, Serbia sought to assert its sovereignty and strengthen its position amid the network of alliances and conflicts that were taking place in Europe at the time. Diplomacy played a key role in gaining international recognition for Serbia as well as in forming alliances that were essential during this period of crisis. Serbian diplomacy at that time, and later that of Yugoslavia, was highly ranked, and its diplomats were people educated at prestigious universities across the Europe, well trained for their work. It is important to point out that all career diplomats of that era had to start as an apprentice and spend a certain number of years in a certain workplace, therefore skipping steps in advancement was not even a possibility.

The article is devoted to the problems of negotiation training and research of modern negotiation practices in Russia and abroad in the context of expanding traditional diplomatic tools through the active involvement of non-state actors in world political processes, as well as the use of “expert diplomacy” resources in international negotiations.Aim . To identify current trends in the teaching of negotiations in Russia and the world, to show the features of modern negotiation practices in the context of new geopolitical realities.Tasks. To analyze the role of negotiations in modern social, political and international processes. To review the latest research in the field of negotiations in the context of Western and non-Western scientific schools on negotiations.Methods. The methods of empirical analysis, consistency, scientific discussion, informational and historical approaches are applied.Results . The key features of modern scientific schools on negotiations are revealed. The specificity of non-Western research on negotiations is shown. The importance of taking into account national, religious, and cultural peculiarities of business communication in building successful negotiation processes is evaluated.Conclusions . Along with the universalization of negotiation practice and the formation of a unified negotiation culture, there is a pronounced trend towards combining negotiation skills based on classical strategies in the educational process, as well as mastering the knowledge and skills of intercultural communication, business etiquette and communication with representatives of various countries of the world.

Public diplomacy is a type of diplomacy that focuses on using public communication to influence public opinion and achieve political goals. This type of diplomacy can be seen as a replacement for traditional diplomacy in some cases, but it is not a complete replacement. In some cases, public diplomacy can replace some aspects of traditional diplomacy, such as the use of private talks between governments. Public diplomacy can be used to stimulate public debate about an international issue, raise public awareness, and create a climate conducive to a possible solution. In this case, public diplomacy can partially replace private talks between governments, creating a new space for public dialogue. Traditional diplomacy involves secret talks between governments, lobbying and various negotiations at different levels. These are aspects that cannot be made public and are important to reach agreement between governments. For this reason, public diplomacy and traditional diplomacy are not alternatives to each other, but must be used together to achieve foreign policy goals. Public diplomacy can help create a positive atmosphere in public opinion, while traditional diplomacy can help reach agreements between governments.

The present work, consisting of two parts, deals with the little-studied aspects of the Indochina crisis of 1940 in Japanese–French relations – Japan’s claims to control and military presence in French Indochina in the summer and autumn of 1940. During the previous years, ensuring the security and stability of Indochina was at the heart of French policy towards Japan, which was necessarily characterized by a willingness to compromise. The military defeat of France in June 1940 changed its international status: weakened, but not deprived of the colonies and the Navy. The new authoritarian regime of the French state (the Vichy regime) decided to make concessions to Japan in Indochina, given the inequality of forces in the region and the lack of any outside help. The second part of the work begins with the principled decision of the French government to make concessions to the demands of Japan, whose expansionist policy acquired a new scope after the formation of the second cabinet of Konoe Fumimaro, and ends with the entry of Japanese troops into Indochina during September 1940. The author examines the process of the policy of the Vichy regime developing in this direction and the actions of its leaders and main executives: Head of State Marshal Philippe Petain, Foreign Minister Paul Baudouin, Ministers of the Colonies Henry Lémery and Charles Platon, Governor-General of Indochina Jean Decoux. The emphasis is on “politicians,” not on “politics.” The work is based on diaries, memoirs, and other testimonies of the actors, insufficiently studied in Russian Japanology, combined with the latest works of historians.

On January 1, 1993, as a result of the breakup of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republics, a new state was created on the political map of Europe: the Slovak Republic. The article deals with the foreign policy determinants of this state at the threshold of its establishment. An analysis is made of those determinants that had a key impact on the shape of foreign policy: the geographical environment, historical factors, the population factor, foreign service and diplomacy, and external conditions. Of greatest importance were historical factors, especially in the context of relations with Hungary, the deficit in foreign service and diplomatic personnel, which was of great significance in the context of creating foreign policy from scratch, and the multinational nature of the country. The article uses a comparative method and factor analysis.

This study presents the perspective of Czechoslovak diplomacy on the events of the Yom Kippur War (1973) in the context Czechoslovak foreign policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict in early 1970s. The research is based on so far rather underexplored archival sources. Despite Czechoslovakia's declared unequivocal support for the Arab side of the conflict, Czechoslovak Middle Eastern policy since the mid-1950s was not entirely unconditional in relation to the Arab countries. Internal documents of Czechoslovak government occasionally revealed criticisms of Arab representatives. The Yom Kippur War represented a significant moment in this regard, as it was a military confrontation initiated not by Israel but by the Arab coalition, posing a challenge for Czechoslovak propaganda. Simultaneously, this armed conflict presented an opportunity for Communist Czechoslovakia to further deepen its relations with its Arab allies.

Introduction The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing the capacity of soft power and reshaping the very foundations of power structures. In the past, leaders and politicians were the primary figures to determine national interests in each nation, but in the digital age, the Internet and social networks have functioned to eliminate the mediatorship, leading to the highlighted role of the individual, the emergence of public opinions, and distribution of power from the government to people and other key actors. Today, power derived from public opinions is considered by political actors as a potent instrument for accomplishing political objectives.Iran’s Twenty-Year Vision Document, looking ahead to 2025, outlines a comprehensive objective of the Islamic Republic of Iran as to attain a preeminent economic and technological position in the region while preserving its Islamic and revolutionary identity, being a source of inspiration in the Islamic world, and engaging in a constructive interaction in international relations. To secure the top economic position in the region and an influential position in the international arena, it is imperative to leverage the capabilities of the country’s diplomatic apparatus. Diplomacy serves as the executive arm of foreign policy within the framework of a country’s foreign policy doctrine. To thrive in the evolving global landscape requires possessing modern tools since the shifting global landscape demands novel tools and approaches. In today’s world, powerful governments employ soft power instruments to influence and sway societies.Diplomacy stands as one of the most critical tools for advancing a country’s national power and achieving its objectives. Leading governments have embraced digital diplomacy as a means to bolster their national brand and effectively manage their public image, thus reaching vast audiences. In the contemporary age of communication, a formidable presence on the global stage necessitates the strategic implementation of digital diplomacy, positioning it at the forefront ofa country’s public diplomacy initiatives. In this respect, the present research aimed to recognize the role of digital diplomacy as a pivotalpower-building instrument, and to incorporate it into Iran’s strategic planning.This research intended to offer a full-brown description of digital diplomacy by delving into the power-building factors of modern media. The objective was to formulate effective strategies that enhance the digital diplomacy initiatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, thereby strengthening Iran’s influential presence in global politics and increasing Iran’s soft power as an important dimension of power. The research tried to address the pivotal question concerning the role modern media can assume within a country’s diplomatic apparatus. This would involve understanding how media can contribute to advancing national interests and bolstering a country’s influence and authority in the international arena. This research also sought to propose key indicators and strategies for advancing Iran’s digital diplomacy initiatives.Literature ReviewNumerous case studies and comparative analyses have explored digital diplomacy, underscoring the significant impact of social media in international diplomacy. However, despite the close interconnection of technology, diplomacy, and soft power, there is a lack of research that systematically situates these three domains within a theoretical framework and examines international relations theories by considering the role of modern media on the power-building capacity of diplomacy.In the article titled “Shaping Public Diplomacy through Social Media Networks in the 21st Century,” Costa (2017) posits that the Internet and information and communication technology have significantly influenced the definition and performance of public diplomacy. In “Foreign Policy in an Era of Digital Diplomacy,”Adesina (2017) draws the conclusion that digital diplomacy and internet-based activities play a vital role in effectively communicating a government’s foreign policy stances to both domestic and international audiences. In the article titled “Twitplomacy: Social Media as a New Platform for Development of Public Diplomacy,” Su (2015) argues that the impact of Internet users on the diplomatic agenda can complement political concepts. Considering the role of social media in the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ameli (2017) asserts that emerging social media technologies will play a central role in diplomacy by influencing social space.Ganjidoust (2008) focuses on the profound impact of information and communication technology in the field of diplomacy. The author contends that diplomacy has experienced greater influence from technological advancements compared to other domains, primarily because of its heavy reliance on the fundamental components of information and communication. According to Ganjidoust, the developments of the information age have brought about significant transformations in both the form and substance of diplomacy.Materials and MethodsThe Delphi technique was employed for identifying indicators, while the Dimetal technique was utilized for modeling. The study used Partial Least Squares technique to test the exploratory model and analyze the reciprocal influence between variables.ConclusionThe findings revealed that modern media plays a pivotal role as a complete mediator in the transfer of power to diplomacy. Through online communication, new media platforms foster interaction and networking among users. They employ activism, imagery, and psychological operations to craft their desired narrative, thus reinforce user engagement and convergence through orienting and streamlining, Ultimately, by fostering a sense of belonging, they establish identity and create opportunities within the system of diplomacy.To succeed in public diplomacy, particularly in the realm of digital diplomacy, requires a comprehensive strategy encompassing strategic goals, strategic priorities, and executive guidelines to attain the strategic goals. Concerning the Islamic Republic of Iran, the strategic goals are as follows: Making a powerful image of Iran, national branding of Iranian–Islamic identity, informing people about the policies, beliefs, and values of Iranians, and introducing opportunities and strengths. The strategic priorities of the digital diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran include Interacting with citizens and foreign populations to foster and enhance mutual relations, providing transparent information and swift responses to counter misinformation, combating online hooliganism, presenting leadership guidelines, and engaging in social listening and social monitoring. Without a thorough analysis and practical solutions to this question, it is not possible to address the needs of audience satisfactorily. The assessment of attitudes, questions, and challenges is the most critical aspect which guides the subsequent actions. Concerning interaction, it is recommended to interact with influencers, as well as political, religious, cultural, and national figures, to clarify ambiguities and foster constructive dialogues through the dissemination of pre-prepared images, messages, and video clips. Moreover, regular evaluation of the outcomes on the basis of a theory of structures and processes can help ensure the effectiveness of digital diplomacy and coordination.

The relevance of the study is conditioned by the need to better understand the mechanisms and ways of foreign interference in electoral processes in North America and Europe. This is necessary to develop effective measures to counter attempts to undermine democratic processes and improve them in accordance with the challenges of the digital media era. The purpose of the study is to analyse the current policy of China and the Russian Federation in the sphere of influence on electoral processes in democratic countries, to analyse possible measures to counteract this interference. The following methods were used in the study: heuristic, induction, synthesis, abstract and logical. According to the results of the study, electoral processes in North America and European countries are subject to constant interference from China and Russia, since each of these countries has its own motives for dismantling democracy in these countries. There is an increase in these manipulations due to digitalisation processes. Based on the results of the analysis of manipulation mechanisms, a classification of the types of interference of these states in electoral processes is developed, in particular, three main scenarios of such influence and five types of interference are indicated. It is determined that Russia mostly resorts to manipulating information, implementing the concepts of “post-truth”, and China – to subversive activities in society. There are many measures in both the EU and the US to counter such interference, but most of these measures consist of exposing the interference, spreading such information to the public, and taking technological action. It is concluded that the defence of democracy should be based solely on open and democratic ways of countering foreign interference, and the violation of citizens’ rights will only further undermine faith in democratic values. It is concluded that countering interference in electoral processes, first of all, should be based on informing citizens about the risks of manipulation, media literacy, critical thinking, and readiness for constant political activity. The practical significance of this study is that it will help in developing a strategy for countering foreign interference in democratic processes

Abstract The place of theatre in the Aeschines-Demosthenes dispute: the diplomatic perspective In all studies on the affinities and intersections, both thematic and performative, between oratory and theatre, the contrasting orations of Aeschines and Demosthenes concerning the embassies to Philip of 346 BC and the mutual accusations about the handling of negotiations hold an essential place. In this set of speeches, which includes – in addition to Aeschines’ Against Timarchus and the two orations On the False Embassy (343) – those of 330 Against Ctesiphon (Aeschines) and On the Crown (Demosthenes), the theatre and its performers are, however, represented ambiguously, if not negatively. This essay aims to highlight how this apparent paradox finds a possible solution by considering the concrete role that Athenian theatre and actors played in the difficult negotiations between Athens and Philip. The diplomatic perspective allows us to shed more light on the motivations that led the two rival orators to use theatre as a weapon to fight each other.

Throughout history, not only have meals served people as a source of nutrition, but they also have served as both an individual and official tool of diplomatic agreement between people. In being representative of the culture and traditions of the host country, they serve to establish effective communication with the counter party, create a positive atmosphere, and strengthen relationships. Today, politicians still employ the unifying effect of meals as one of many tools of diplomacy. Since the dawn of man, many a statesman had employed this method with the intent of giving a positive impression both on friend and foe alike; Ottoman statesmen were no exception to this rule. One can observe many examples of culinary culture having been employed in diplomatic affairs towards the final years of the Ottoman Empire. When we look at banquets that Ottoman Sultans had prepared for their foreign guests, not only do we see that they had offered them the crème de la crème of delicacies highlighting Turkish culinary culture offered, we also see that had been treated to dishes from their own gastronomies as well. Ottoman Sultans had hosted many banquets because of their power to unify, both in terms of foreign and domestic politics. This study has reviewed and exemplified how culinary diplomacy had been used during the late era of Ottoman diplomacy.

Old and New Insights on the History of Intelligence and Diplomacy in the Balkans provides a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of the complex interplay of intelligence and diplomacy in the Balkans. The authors probe into the historical, political, and cultural dynamics of the region, illuminating not only its past but also the often under-explored facets of intelligence gathering and diplomatic operations within this context.

Is Russia losing its influence in Central Asia? To what extent has the attitude of the Central Asian population towards the Russian Federation changed since the outbreak of the war of aggression in Ukraine? This study aims to examine whether or not Russia has lost influence in Central Asia and to explain its foreign policy towards Central Asian republics in the context of President Vladimir Putin’s decision to use military means to achieve his security and foreign policy goals. For a more complete answer, opinion polls in the region, political discourse and foreign policy strategies of the actors involved were analysed. The result is surprising. Russia has not lost much credibility and influence in the region. The public opinion barometer on attitudes towards the Russian Federation has not changed significantly over the period under review.

The monograph by Russian-American researcher, translator and critic Galina Lapina Americans in Moscow: 1930–1940 is dedicated to pre-war Soviet-American theatrical, educational, cinematic, diplomatic, literary contacts. Among the heroes of the book are American Ambassador Joseph E. Davis and his chauffeur Charles Ciliberti, writers Langston Hughes and Dorothy West, playwright Sophie Treadwell, actress Blanche Yurka and other writers, artists, diplomats, journalists who came to the USSR in the 1930s and early 1940s. The book consists of five chapters; each of them is devoted to a certain episode of Soviet-American connections: the failed film project Black and White; The Promised Land, Sophie Treadwell's play about Soviet life; Moscow theater festivals of 1933–1937; history of the Anglo-American Institute (1933–1935), Moscow summer school for American students; a comparison of two books about the USSR — Joseph E. Davis’ Mission to Moscow (1943) and Charles Siliberti’s Backstage Mission to Moscow (1946), that show Soviet reality from the opposing points of view. The book that is, in fact, a collection of articles, is however marked by unity and integrity; it reconstructs the general context of the period in question on the basis of the extensive material. Memoirs, correspondence, archival documents, Soviet and American press form a vivid picture of Soviet-American relations in the pre-war decade. Many sources revealing American attitudes towards the USSR used by the author, have not yet been translated or published in Russia. Galina Lapina’s book encourages further research and publishing projects.

Nelson Rockefeller y la diplomacia del arte en América Latina, by Andrea Matallana, Eudeba, 2021

As conflict dynamics become complex and escalate globally, especially identity-based conflicts, we are witnessing an unprecedented shift in the Conflict Analysis and Resolution and Peacebuilding field toward contextually innovative and effective community-led approaches. The inadequacies of liberal and neoliberal paradigms and the increase in identity-based conflicts, religious pluralism, and differences in communities have motivated evidence-based inter-religious community-level engagements over the past two decades. These interventions rely on the theoretical frameworks of emancipatory peacebuilding and compassionate reasoning, and reflect an in-depth sense of spirituality, longing, and the essence of human relationship building and practice. This study gathers data from primary sources (which include findings from hybrid interviews) through a semi-participatory and empirical qualitative explorative research process in order to critique the underlying philosophies of traditional paradigms and explore emerging alternatives. It also posits that inter-religious community-led interventions are founded on the emancipatory elicitive religious peacebuilding (EERPb) framework. They are adaptive to non-linear (and sometimes non-scientific) approaches and are less focused on international standards. The framework fundamentally embraces phenomenological, metaphysical, and ethical realities in peacebuilding, operationalizes the concept of just peace, and acknowledges a global approach to peace that offers the opportunity to resolve the difficulties encountered by the various CAR and peacebuilding theoretical schools.

As technology has advanced and our world has become increasingly interconnected, cyberspace has become a key battlefield in great-power competition. The Indo-Pacific has found itself vulnerable in this new reality – the paucity of institutions, heterogeneity in levels of development, and the region being the primary zone of US-China competition fueling these vulnerabilities. Cyberspace provides a multitude of security threats posed by states, non-state actors and state-sponsored actors. Despite this, cybersecurity takes a backseat to other security issues despite its critical importance. Using the concept of neo-middle power diplomacy, this paper examines why the limited cybersecurity cooperation among middle powers in the Indo-Pacific has taken the shape it has. This paper finds that the two most promising areas of cooperation for middle powers are through confidence building measures and capacity building measures. Through actively pursuing these two measures, middle powers can become more effective, capable, and autonomous stakeholders within the Indo-Pacific. Received: 03-17-2024 Revised: 05-03-2024

The health-foreign policy nexus is explored in this article through a case study of Nigeria that interrogates the motivation for health diplomacy and demonstrates the institutions and mechanisms for its conduct. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how Nigeria, since attaining independence in 1960 has attached importance to utilising health as an instrument for promoting foreign policy. The article utilizes the primary and secondary methods of data collection. The primary data were obtained from oral interviews and daily newspaper reports. It further draws upon materials from the WHO Archives in Geneva and National Archives, Ibadan. Secondary data were sourced from books, journal articles, government publications and the internet. The data generated were analysed using descriptive and content analysis. The article concludes that the Nigerian experience reveals the linkages between health and foreign policy. Health engagements in the form of aid, assistance and cooperation are used as a form of soft power that fulfils domestic and foreign policy goals, including security, economic growth and other interests However, institutional pluralism, divided responsibilities and non-professionalisation of health diplomats have marred the conduct of Nigeria's health diplomacy.

Abstract This study examines why 23 Muslim-majority countries supported China at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UN/HRC) in 2019, despite allegations of human rights abuses against the Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Using a fuzzy-set qualitative-comparative analysis (fsQCA), we compared the factors that led Muslim-majority and non-Muslim countries to support China. Our analysis found that Political Regime Affinity (PRA) was a necessary but not a sufficient condition for Muslim-majority countries to support China, while China’s Foreign Aid (ODA) was a necessary but not sufficient condition for non-Muslim countries. These findings suggest that ideological factors, related to the autocratic political regime (PRA), played a significant role in Muslim-majority countries’ decision to support China in the UN/HRC in 2019. However, it is important to note that other factors may have also been involved. These findings have important implications for understanding the complexities of international relations and the factors that shape states behaviour.

How do diplomats forecast, analyze and deal with an international crisis? The director of the Analysis and Forecasting Center (CAPS) at the French Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs (MEAE), a sort of in-house think tank in charge of policy planning, describes its missions in terms of decision-making assistance and crisis anticipation. He reveals the types of relationships it has, internally, with diplomats and the decision-makers in foreign policy and, externally, with the world of research and expertise. He is then asked about the impact of two recent large-scale crisis (the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020-21 and Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine from February 2022) on both the diplomatic activity and the consultancy provided by the CAPS.

Devlet egemenliği ve diplomasi, modern uluslararası siyasal sistemin birbiriyle yakından ilişkili iki önemli yapı taşı görünümündedir. Modern uluslararası siyasal sistemde, egemenliklerini karşılıklı olarak kabul eden temel aktör konumundaki devletlerin yetkili temsilcileri aracılığıyla yürütülen diplomasi yoluyla resmi temaslar kurdukları varsayımı hâkimdir. Bu çalışmada, uluslararası siyasette Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde beliren yeni eğilimlerin etkisiyle dönüşen, devlet egemenliği ve diplomasi arasındaki etkileşim ele alınmaktadır. Söz konusu etkileşim ulus-altı aktörlerin diplomasiye eklemlenmesi anlamına gelen paradiplomasi ve diplomasi pratiği içinde yer alan kişilerle yapılan saha çalışmasından elde edilen verilerden hareketle nitel yöntemle analiz edilmektedir. Çalışmada ilk olarak devlet egemenliği kavramı ve tarihsel dönüşümü üzerinde durulmaktadır. İkinci olarak diplomasinin dönüşümü ve özellikle bu dönüşüm sürecinde paradiplomasinin diplomasinin görmezden gelinemez bir parçası haline gelmesi süreci incelenmektedir. Çalışmada üçüncü olarak devlet egemenliği ve diplomaside yaşanan dönüşümlerin karşılıklı ürettikleri sonuçlar paradiplomasi örneğinden hareketle sunulmaktadır. Çalışma diplomasi ve devlet egemenlik etkileşiminin güncel ve gelecekteki görünümüne dair değerlendirmeler ile sona ermektedir.

The relevance of this study is related to the need to identify and assess the unique characteristics of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. In this regard, the purpose of this study was to provide a thorough analysis of the foreign policy activities of the Republic of Kazakhstan over the entire period of the country’s independence. The main approach to the study of this problem is the historical and systematic method of research, system analysis, comparison method, logical analysis, methods of synthesis and deduction, induction method, and classification method. The paper presents the findings of the conducted study: it describes the geographical prerequisites for the international relations formed by Kazakhstan with a view to creating the logistics links necessary for the national economy. The study proved the importance of the Central Asian region for global energy security and described the country’s role in the “New Great Game”, conducted a detailed analysis of the latest Concept of Foreign Policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan presented by K.-J. Tokayev. The study demonstrated Kazakhstan’s deep economic ties with China and Russia and identified the factors of Kazakhstan’s dependence on the two regional hegemons. The key events in the country’s foreign policy activities over the entire period of its independence were presented in a tabular form. The significance of this study is that it sheds light on the current state of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy as a leading state in the Central Asian region, which in the future allows predicting trends in the development of new alliances by Kazakhstan and its closest neighbours