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The transformations in recent patterns of immigration have the potential to reshape the trajectory of Canada's regional political dynamics. Drawing on data from the 1993 2006 Canadian Election Studies, this analysis explores how immigrants adjust to the prevailing regional political norms in Quebec, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. Do newcomers adopt the political orientations (feelings towards Canada and their province, confidence in provincial and federal governments, perceptions about bow the province is treated by the federal government and support for the Liberal party) that resemble those of their native-born provincial counterparts? The results suggest that immigrants, especially newer waves from non-traditional source countries, tend to develop orientations that are more federally oriented than the local populations in their province. This tendency is most pronounced in Quebec where both groups of immigrants from traditional and non-traditional source countries internalize political grievances and norms less efficiently than their counterparts in other provinces. Les transformations recentes des tendances migratoires pourraient avoir un impact sur l'evolution des dynamiques politiques regionales au Canada. Cette enquete s'appuie sur les donnees de sondage de l'etude electorale canadienne de 1993 a 2006 et vise a determiner si les immigrants adoptent les attitudes et les comportements politiques dominants de leur province de residence (Quebec, Ontario, Alberta et Colombie-Britannique). Les immigrants adoptent-ils des attitudes et des comportements politiques (attachement au Canada et a la province de residence, confiance envers les gouvernements tederal et provincial, perception du traitement reserve par le gouvernement federal a la province de residence et appui au Parti liberal du Canada) qui ressemblent a ceux des populations locales de leur province? Les resultats de l'enquete suggerent que les immigrants, surtout ceux d'origines dites non traditionnelles, ont tendance a developper des comportements et des attitudes politiques plus orientes vers le gouvernement federal que ceux affiches dans leur province. Cette tendance est particulierement marquee au Quebec ou les immigrants, tant d'origines traditionnelles que non traditionnelles, semblent assimiler moins efficacement que les immigrants des autres provinces les griefs et les normes politiques de la population provinciale. doi: 10.1017/S0008423910000600

Theories of political socialization contain competing expectations about immigrants' potential for political resocialization. Premigration beliefs and actions may be resistant to change, exposure to the new political system may facilitate adaptation, or immigrants may find ways to transfer beliefs and behaviors from one political system to another. This analysis empirically tests these three alternative theories of resocialization. The results indicate that both transfer and exposure matter; there is little evidence that premigration beliefs and actions are resistant to change. Moreover, how immigrants adapt depends on which orientation or behavior is being considered and on what kind of political environments migrants come from. Keywords: political socialization; voting behavior; immigrants; Canada

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joep.2005.08.001 Byline: C. Leigh Anderson (a), Neil Nevitte (b) Keywords: Savings; Values Abstract: A variety of factors have been posited to account for rising levels of debt and dissaving. Using data spanning two decades, we explore whether attitudes towards thrift have shifted in Canada, demographic differences, and the relationship between peoples' priority for teaching thrift to their children and their own savings behavior. Among other findings, education is a strong predictor of the value of teaching thrift, whereas income is a strong predictor of one's ability to save. The data do not support conventional gender differences. French and English speaking Canadians differ more significantly than those born in Canada and immigrants born elsewhere. Author Affiliation: (a) Daniel J. Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington, P.O. Box 353055, Seattle, WA 98195, USA (b) Department of Political Science, University of Toronto, Toronto, ONT M5S 3G3, Canada Article History: Received 26 January 2005; Revised 18 May 2005; Accepted 12 August 2005

A study on thrift and saving trends in Canada is presented. The study examines the impact of education, earnings, and parents' saving behavior, on child's inclination towards savings. The study also examines the compares the saving habits of French and English speaking populations with Canadians and immigrants from other parts of the world.

This paper uses data from the 2004 Canadian Election Study to analyze the factors that motivated a vote for each party and to identify the ones that mattered most to the outcome of the 2004 federal election outside Quebec. Particular attention is given to the impact of the sponsorship scandal, the sources of support for the new Conservative party and the factors that explain the NDP's improved performance. The findings are used to address some basic questions about the 2004 election and its larger implications. L'article utilise les donnees de L'Etude electorale canadienne de 2004 pour identifier les principaux facteurs qui ont motive l'appui aux differents partis et pour jauger leur impact sur le resultat de l'election a l'exterieur du Quebec. Les auteurs accordent une attention particuliere aux effets du scandale des commandites, aux sources de l'appui au nouveau Parti conservateur et aux raisons sous-jacentes des gains du NPD. Les resultats permettent de repondre a un certain nombre de questions sur le sens et la portee de l'election.

This article uses data from the 2000 Canadian Election Study to examine a variety of possible explanations for the gender gap in support for the new right. The authors find structural and situational explanations to be of little help in accounting for the gap. What matters are values and beliefs. The gender gap in support for Canada's new right party reflects differences in views about the appropriate role of the state, law and order, and traditional moral values. It also appears to reflect differences in the salience of politics in men's and women's lives. When all of these attitudinal factors are taken into account, the gender gap ceases to be significant. The implications of the findings are considered in light of comparative analyses of gender gaps in vote choice and support for radical right-wing populist political parties in Western Europe. Keywords: gender gap; Canada; radical right; populist parties; Alliance Party

Are voters willing to punish a prime minister for calling an 'unnecessary' snap election for purely opportunistic reasons? This paper examines voters' reactions to the Canadian prime minister's decision to call a snap election in November 2000. The decision provoked limited resentment, and that resentment was strongest among partisans of the opposition parties and among those who follow politics closely. Those who do not keep up with politics, it seems, either did not realize that the election was precipitous or simply did not care. The paper shows that resentment about the election call was a consideration in vote choice, but it was a decisive consideration for a very small group of voters. We estimate that the electoral cost to the incumbent Liberal Party was one percentage point. Some voters are prepared to punish prime ministers for opportunistically calling a snap election, but in this case the electoral penalty was small.

This article ascertains the impact of local candidates on vote choice in the 2000 Canadian election. The authors show that 44 per cent of Canadian voters formed a preference for a local candidate and that this preference had an effect on vote choice independent of how people felt about the parties and the leaders. The findings suggest that the local candidate was a decisive consideration for 5 per cent of Canadian voters, 6 per cent outside Quebec and 2 per cent in Quebec. Although preference for a local candidate had a similar effect on urban and rural voters, as well as on voters of varying degrees of sophistication, the findings revealed that rural voters and more sophisticated voters were more likely to have formed a preference for their local candidate. As a consequence, the local candidate was more likely to be a decisive consideration for more sophisticated rural voters.

IN recent years, the value of diversity has been proclaimed across the entire spectrum of American opinion. Nowhere is this more true than in our educational institutions. In defending his [...]

This article examines the impact of issues and the economy in the 1997 Canadian election among voters outside Quebec. The authors show that both factors affected individual vote choice and provide estimates of how much difference the issues and the economy made in the election. It appears that the issues were decisive for 9 per cent of the voters and the economy for 4 per cent. Issues mattered more than the economy for individual vote choice. The net impact of both the issues and the economy on vote support for the different parties was practically nil. The findings indicate that the Liberal victory cannot be imputed to the economy or the issues.

A significant change in election monitoring practices has been the growing trend towards domestic observation in transitional democracies. Patterns in domestic observation include the extension of the activities of domestic observer groups after the elections, common efforts towards citizen education, involvement in lobbying for electoral reform and growing cooperation among civic groups in engaging in election monitoring. Effective observation of elections by domestic groups can lead to enhanced political participation.

A variety of plausible explanations have been offered to account for the emerging salience of environmentalism in most advanced industrial states. At least three such explanations - cognitive mobilization, postmaterialist [...]

The 1993 Canadian federal elections saw the Liberal Party taking over the reins of government from the Progressive Conservative Party. At first glance, this may indicate a return to the longstanding electoral pattern in Canada, in which the Liberals have held power in the Canadian House of Commons for 33 years between 1945 and 1984. However, closer study reveals several discontinuities in Canadian political life as a result of the elections. These include voter rejection of the Progressive Conservatives and the victories of the new political, independentist parties Bloc Quebecois and Reform Party of Canada.

The Citizens' Constitution Theory, formulated by Alan Cairns, provides a powerful explanation of the changes in Canadian politics during the 1980s. It tackles a research question that has far-reaching implications for the fundamental dynamics of Canadian political life - namely, how does constitutional change affect political participation? Cairn's thesis has gained widespread acceptance in the relevant Canadian literature, but the linkages between attitudes and behavior at the core of the theory have never been subjected to systematic tests with attitudinal research data. The purpose of this investigation, then, is to make operational the Citizens' Constitution Theory and to evaluate the empirical support for it. The authors outline the central elements of the Citizens' Constitution Theory and discuss how Cairns relates the core concepts to each other. They then suggest that the same concepts and their linkages might also be explained by an alternative theoretical perspective that comes from one variant of New Politics Theory. The empirical section of this analysis uses recently collected survey results to mount three different tests of the two theories. In the first instance, the focus is on the question: how well do both theories predict each set of linkages that can be found in the Citizens' Constitution Theory? The second test treats both theories comprehensively, as causal models, and examines the empirical support for them using path analysis. The final section evaluates the generalizability of both theories. The main finding is that New Politics Theory provides as good an explanation - and by some standards, a better explanation for recent changes in the patterns of Canadian political participation than does the Citizens' Constitution Theory.

Election campaigns as information campaigns for informing voters about the party, its issues and what the issues stand for are examined. The results presents that campaigns produce knowledge gap where poorly informed voters learn more form of cheap and simple information than well-informed voters who respond to more complex information necessary to construct arguments.

We thank Profs. Ames, Barker, Bonneau, and Carman (henceforth ABBC) for taking the time and trouble to critique our paper. Like them, we believe that knowledge grows through the application [...]

A study was conducted to find out whether data from a large scale summary of American Academic institutions sheds any light on the contentious debate over the political culture of academia. It is suggested that conservative complaints of the presence and effects of liberal homogeneity in academia deserve to be taken seriously, despite their self-interested quality and the anecdotal nature of the evidence previously presented.

Abstract This article first examines the ideological composition of American university faculty and then tests whether ideological homogeneity has become self-reinforcing. A randomly based national survey of 1643 faculty members [...]

This article analyzes the Conservative Party's 2000 election run in Canada. The authors, maintaining in 1993 the party suffered its worse defeat in its history and was facing virtual collapse, argue the political debates surrounding the 2000 election saved the party from total collapse in that its leader, Joe Clark, was able to capture approval ratings from the public.

Supporters of affirmative action claim that diversity on campus improves the learning experience, but a survey of college administrators, professors and students in the United States and Canada in 1999 show that while many believe that diversity is good, they feel affirmative action lowers standards and quality.

University of Toronto University of Calgary International Journal of Comparative Sociology Vol.40 (1999) pp. 161-190 This paper employs the 1981 and 1990 World Values Surveys to demonstrate that publics in [...]

Evidence from other advanced industrial societies indicates that the traditional ideological contours of old states are being reshaped by the advance of a new political agenda. Using attitudinal survey data, this article explores the ways in which 'new politics' has shaped the political belief systems of a segment of the Canadian population born after 1945. Findings indicate the presence of postmaterialist orientations among the young and a structuring capacity of postmaterialism versus left/right with respect to attitudes in different policy domains. Postmaterialism is also linked to greater mobilization potential and, among left identifiers, is shown to predict New Democratic party versus Liberal party support. Resume. Il devient evident du point de vue de plusieurs autres societes industrielles avancees que les contours ideologiques traditionels des etats sont en train de prendre une nouvelle forme dictee par la mise en place de programme politique inedit. Les auteurs ont recours ici a des donnees de sondages afin d'examiner comment cette << politique nouvelle >> a forme les convictions politiques de la population canadienne nee apres la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale. Les resultats indiquent la presence d'une orientation post-materialiste parmi les jeunes et une capacite de structuration post-materialist--plus que les dimensions gauche/droite--concernant les opinions tenues sur plusieurs domaines politiques. Le post-materialisme est aussi lie a un potentiel de mobilisation superieur. Enfin, en ce qui concerne les adeptes de la gauche, le post-materialisme est susceptible de predire une orientation favorable au Nouveau Parti Democratique plutot qu'a l'egard des Liberaux.

This article uses a regression decomposition approach to explore the meaning of the gaps in electoral support for the federal Liberal party between Ontario, the West and Atlantic Canada, as well as the gap in Reform party support between the West and Ontario in the 1997 federal election. The analysis proceeds in two stages. The first stage involves determining whether the regional vote gaps reflect 'true' regional differences or whether they can be explained simply in terms of differences in the sociodemographic makeup of the regions. Having ascertained that the gaps are not spurious, the second stage of the analysis probes the beliefs and attitudes that underlie them. The authors conclude that the gaps are driven not just by differences in political orientations and beliefs from one region to another, but also by more fundamental differences in basic political priorities.