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In these pages we will argue that the two principal characteristics of the episode of the greedies and the prodigals seem to indicate that Dante is interested in emphasizing its function in the dynamic structure of Hell; that is to emphasize the function of avarice-prodigality in the degradation of the human mind as the beginning of the involvement of reason in sin and therefore the beginning of its perversion. In short, we will argue that the episode is set to highlight the beginning of the very progressive and marked transition from the sins of incontinence to the sins of violence that extends from this seventh to the tenth canto., En estas páginas sostendremos que las principales características del episodio de los avaros y los pródigos parecen indicar que a Dante, el autor, le interesa subrayar su función en la estructura dinámica del Infierno; es decir, subrayar la función de la avaricia-prodigalidad en la degradación de la mente humana como inicio de la implicación de la razón en el pecado y, con ello, el inicio de su perversión. Sostendremos, en suma, que el episodio se plantea para poner de relieve el inicio del muy progresivo y secuenciado paso de los pecados de incontinencia a los pecados de violencia que se prolonga justamente desde este séptimo canto hasta el décimo., In queste pagine sosterremo che le principali caratteristiche dell’episodio degli avari e i prodighi sembrano indicare che Dante, l’autore, è interessato a sottolineare la sua funzione nella struttura dinamica dell’Inferno; a sottolineare cioè la funzione dell’avarizia-prodigalità nel degrado della mente umana come inizio del coinvolgimento della ragione nel peccato e quindi inizio della sua perversione. Sosterremo, insomma, che l’episodio è impostato per mettere in rilievo l’inizio del molto progressivo e scandito passaggio dai peccati di incontinenza ai peccati di violenza che si prolunga appunto da questo settimo canto fino al decimo.

In these pages we will argue that the two principal characteristics of the episode of the greedies and the prodigals seem to indicate that Dante is interested in emphasizing its function in the dynamic structure of Hell; that is to emphasize the function of avarice-prodigality in the degradation of the human mind as the beginning of the involvement of reason in sin and therefore the beginning of its perversion. In short, we will argue that the episode is set to highlight the beginning of the very progressive and marked transition from the sins of incontinence to the sins of violence that extends from this seventh to the tenth canto., En estas páginas sostendremos que las principales características del episodio de los avaros y los pródigos parecen indicar que a Dante, el autor, le interesa subrayar su función en la estructura dinámica del Infierno; es decir, subrayar la función de la avaricia-prodigalidad en la degradación de la mente humana como inicio de la implicación de la razón en el pecado y, con ello, el inicio de su perversión. Sostendremos, en suma, que el episodio se plantea para poner de relieve el inicio del muy progresivo y secuenciado paso de los pecados de incontinencia a los pecados de violencia que se prolonga justamente desde este séptimo canto hasta el décimo., In queste pagine sosterremo che le principali caratteristiche dell’episodio degli avari e i prodighi sembrano indicare che Dante, l’autore, è interessato a sottolineare la sua funzione nella struttura dinamica dell’Inferno; a sottolineare cioè la funzione dell’avarizia-prodigalità nel degrado della mente umana come inizio del coinvolgimento della ragione nel peccato e quindi inizio della sua perversione. Sosterremo, insomma, che l’episodio è impostato per mettere in rilievo l’inizio del molto progressivo e scandito passaggio dai peccati di incontinenza ai peccati di violenza che si prolunga appunto da questo settimo canto fino al decimo.

Dante’s concern with money is a significant aspect of his moral and political philosophy and a central motif in his poetic imagination. As a citizen of Florence, a city with a powerful bourgeois class and a currency among the most prestigious of Europe, Dante witnessed the onset of a profit economy and did not fail to see its moral risks. This essay reflects on how Dante’s stance on the issue of money can be related to points made by Emmanuel Levinas and Michel Henry, who are critics of western capitalist economies and who insist that economic realities must be analyzed from a humanistic perspective., La riflessione di Dante sul denaro è un aspetto rilevante della sua filosofia morale e politica e motivo centrale nel suo immaginario poetico. La Firenze del tempo aveva una potente classe borghese e una moneta tra le più prestigiose d’Europa e Dante, da fiorentino, fu testimone dell’insorgere di un’economia di profitto i cui rischi morali non mancò di rilevare. Questo saggio propone una riflessione su come l’atteggiamento di Dante in merito al denaro si rapporti ad alcuni aspetti del pensiero di Emmanuel Levinas e Michel Henry, due filosofi che criticano le economie capitaliste occidentali e ribadiscono l’importanza della prospettiva umanistica nell’analisi delle realtà econo-miche.

It is a widespread opinion that the historical and political vision of Dante has highly conservative or even reactionary characteristics. In brief, Dante's polemics against avarice and cupidity hides a radical refusal of modernity and the new socio-economic reality that was taking place in his time, in the name of a return to «good old days» and to the immobile and closed world of tradition. This article demonstrates that, on the contrary, the hypothesis elaborated by Dante was everything but conservative. He proposed, instead, a revolutionary society founded on the value of the present and of caritas, as opposed to utilitarianism that had been imposed, since then, as a guideline of Western civilization., È opinione oggi largamente diffusa che la visione storica e politica di Dante abbia caratteri fortemente conservatori o addirittura reazionari. In sintesi, la polemica dantesca contro lʼavarizia ela cupidigia nasconderebbe un radicale rifiuto della modernità e della nuova realtà socioeconomica che si stavano affermando ai suoi tempi, in nome di un ritorno al «buon tempo antico» e al mondo immobile e chiuso della tradizione. In questo saggio intendo dimostrare, al contrario, che lʼipotesi elaborata da Dante è tuttʼaltro che conservatrice, ma propone invece un modello rivoluzionario di società fondata sui valori del dono e della caritas opposti allʼutilitarismo che fino da allora si stava imponendo come principio guida della civiltà occidentale.

This article probes Dante’s first approaches to economic issues in his early life in Florence, in two songs, 'Le dolci rime d’amor ch’io solea' and 'Poscia ch’Amor del tutto m’ha lasciato', and the poem 'Fiore'. Here we see glimpses of a critique of capitalism that will be developed in Dante's mature works, El artículo sondea los primeros acercamientos de Dante al tema económico, en su etapa flo-rentina: en las dos canciones doctrinales (Le dolci rime d’amor ch’io solea, Poscia ch’Amor del tutto m’ha lasciato) y el poema Fiore. Vemos aquí los atisbos de la crítica del capitalismo que será desa-rrollada en las obras de la madurez.

This article probes Dante’s first approaches to economic issues in his early life in Florence, in two songs, 'Le dolci rime d’amor ch’io solea' and 'Poscia ch’Amor del tutto m’ha lasciato', and the poem 'Fiore'. Here we see glimpses of a critique of capitalism that will be developed in Dante's mature works, El artículo sondea los primeros acercamientos de Dante al tema económico, en su etapa flo-rentina: en las dos canciones doctrinales (Le dolci rime d’amor ch’io solea, Poscia ch’Amor del tutto m’ha lasciato) y el poema Fiore. Vemos aquí los atisbos de la crítica del capitalismo que será desa-rrollada en las obras de la madurez.

Dante’s concern with money is a significant aspect of his moral and political philosophy and a central motif in his poetic imagination. As a citizen of Florence, a city with a powerful bourgeois class and a currency among the most prestigious of Europe, Dante witnessed the onset of a profit economy and did not fail to see its moral risks. This essay reflects on how Dante’s stance on the issue of money can be related to points made by Emmanuel Levinas and Michel Henry, who are critics of western capitalist economies and who insist that economic realities must be analyzed from a humanistic perspective., La riflessione di Dante sul denaro è un aspetto rilevante della sua filosofia morale e politica e motivo centrale nel suo immaginario poetico. La Firenze del tempo aveva una potente classe borghese e una moneta tra le più prestigiose d’Europa e Dante, da fiorentino, fu testimone dell’insorgere di un’economia di profitto i cui rischi morali non mancò di rilevare. Questo saggio propone una riflessione su come l’atteggiamento di Dante in merito al denaro si rapporti ad alcuni aspetti del pensiero di Emmanuel Levinas e Michel Henry, due filosofi che criticano le economie capitaliste occidentali e ribadiscono l’importanza della prospettiva umanistica nell’analisi delle realtà econo-miche.

It is a widespread opinion that the historical and political vision of Dante has highly conservative or even reactionary characteristics. In brief, Dante's polemics against avarice and cupidity hides a radical refusal of modernity and the new socio-economic reality that was taking place in his time, in the name of a return to «good old days» and to the immobile and closed world of tradition. This article demonstrates that, on the contrary, the hypothesis elaborated by Dante was everything but conservative. He proposed, instead, a revolutionary society founded on the value of the present and of caritas, as opposed to utilitarianism that had been imposed, since then, as a guideline of Western civilization., È opinione oggi largamente diffusa che la visione storica e politica di Dante abbia caratteri fortemente conservatori o addirittura reazionari. In sintesi, la polemica dantesca contro lʼavarizia ela cupidigia nasconderebbe un radicale rifiuto della modernità e della nuova realtà socioeconomica che si stavano affermando ai suoi tempi, in nome di un ritorno al «buon tempo antico» e al mondo immobile e chiuso della tradizione. In questo saggio intendo dimostrare, al contrario, che lʼipotesi elaborata da Dante è tuttʼaltro che conservatrice, ma propone invece un modello rivoluzionario di società fondata sui valori del dono e della caritas opposti allʼutilitarismo che fino da allora si stava imponendo come principio guida della civiltà occidentale.

Artiklen argumenterer for at den europæiske tradition for religionssatire opstod på tærsklen til det 12. århundrede, hvor en gruppe satirikere - for første gang i Europas historie - åbent gik til angreb på den kristne kirke. Artiklen argumenterer endvidere for at denne angrebsivrige satire ikke kan medregnes til den karnevalistiske tradition, som Mikhail Bakhtin har gjort berømt. Den udgør i stedet en selvstændig tradition, som er blevet videreført og videreudviklet af bl.a. Erasmus af Rotterdam, Jonathan Swift, Denis Diderot, Francois Voltaire, Heinrich Heine og mange flere., At the threshold of the twelfth century a seminal event occurred in European literature. For the first time in European history, satirical texts openly attacked the Christian Church exposing it as imbued with avarice, corruption, bribery, and greed for money. Satirical texts such as the "Treatise of Garcia of Toledo", which describes how clerics worship the ‘martyrs’ Silver and Gold, and the so-called "Money-Gospel" in which the pope praises the bliss of wealth, gave birth to a new and distinctly anticlerical form of satire. Although this new anticlerical satire at first only constituted a small and anonymous underground movement, it was later continued and developed by satirists such as Erasmus, Molière, Swift, Diderot, Voltaire and Heine. In this way, anticlerical satire became a major tradition in modern European literature. The article first describes how the European tradition for anticlerical satire was born out of an increasingly skeptical attitude towards clerical cupidity and simony in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Secondly, it analyses the above mentioned satires by focusing on the grotesque differences between Christian ideals and clerical practice in the satires. Finally, it argues that this new anticlerical satire constituted a tradition of its own, which was fundamentally different from the carnivalistic tradition, made famous by Mikhail Bakhtin.

Artiklen argumenterer for at den europæiske tradition for religionssatire opstod på tærsklen til det 12. århundrede, hvor en gruppe satirikere - for første gang i Europas historie - åbent gik til angreb på den kristne kirke. Artiklen argumenterer endvidere for at denne angrebsivrige satire ikke kan medregnes til den karnevalistiske tradition, som Mikhail Bakhtin har gjort berømt. Den udgør i stedet en selvstændig tradition, som er blevet videreført og videreudviklet af bl.a. Erasmus af Rotterdam, Jonathan Swift, Denis Diderot, Francois Voltaire, Heinrich Heine og mange flere., At the threshold of the twelfth century a seminal event occurred in European literature. For the first time in European history, satirical texts openly attacked the Christian Church exposing it as imbued with avarice, corruption, bribery, and greed for money. Satirical texts such as the "Treatise of Garcia of Toledo", which describes how clerics worship the ‘martyrs’ Silver and Gold, and the so-called "Money-Gospel" in which the pope praises the bliss of wealth, gave birth to a new and distinctly anticlerical form of satire. Although this new anticlerical satire at first only constituted a small and anonymous underground movement, it was later continued and developed by satirists such as Erasmus, Molière, Swift, Diderot, Voltaire and Heine. In this way, anticlerical satire became a major tradition in modern European literature. The article first describes how the European tradition for anticlerical satire was born out of an increasingly skeptical attitude towards clerical cupidity and simony in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Secondly, it analyses the above mentioned satires by focusing on the grotesque differences between Christian ideals and clerical practice in the satires. Finally, it argues that this new anticlerical satire constituted a tradition of its own, which was fundamentally different from the carnivalistic tradition, made famous by Mikhail Bakhtin.

Artiklen argumenterer for at den europæiske tradition for religionssatire opstod på tærsklen til det 12. århundrede, hvor en gruppe satirikere - for første gang i Europas historie - åbent gik til angreb på den kristne kirke. Artiklen argumenterer endvidere for at denne angrebsivrige satire ikke kan medregnes til den karnevalistiske tradition, som Mikhail Bakhtin har gjort berømt. Den udgør i stedet en selvstændig tradition, som er blevet videreført og videreudviklet af bl.a. Erasmus af Rotterdam, Jonathan Swift, Denis Diderot, Francois Voltaire, Heinrich Heine og mange flere., At the threshold of the twelfth century a seminal event occurred in European literature. For the first time in European history, satirical texts openly attacked the Christian Church exposing it as imbued with avarice, corruption, bribery, and greed for money. Satirical texts such as the "Treatise of Garcia of Toledo", which describes how clerics worship the ‘martyrs’ Silver and Gold, and the so-called "Money-Gospel" in which the pope praises the bliss of wealth, gave birth to a new and distinctly anticlerical form of satire. Although this new anticlerical satire at first only constituted a small and anonymous underground movement, it was later continued and developed by satirists such as Erasmus, Molière, Swift, Diderot, Voltaire and Heine. In this way, anticlerical satire became a major tradition in modern European literature. The article first describes how the European tradition for anticlerical satire was born out of an increasingly skeptical attitude towards clerical cupidity and simony in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Secondly, it analyses the above mentioned satires by focusing on the grotesque differences between Christian ideals and clerical practice in the satires. Finally, it argues that this new anticlerical satire constituted a tradition of its own, which was fundamentally different from the carnivalistic tradition, made famous by Mikhail Bakhtin.

Artiklen argumenterer for at den europæiske tradition for religionssatire opstod på tærsklen til det 12. århundrede, hvor en gruppe satirikere - for første gang i Europas historie - åbent gik til angreb på den kristne kirke. Artiklen argumenterer endvidere for at denne angrebsivrige satire ikke kan medregnes til den karnevalistiske tradition, som Mikhail Bakhtin har gjort berømt. Den udgør i stedet en selvstændig tradition, som er blevet videreført og videreudviklet af bl.a. Erasmus af Rotterdam, Jonathan Swift, Denis Diderot, Francois Voltaire, Heinrich Heine og mange flere., At the threshold of the twelfth century a seminal event occurred in European literature. For the first time in European history, satirical texts openly attacked the Christian Church exposing it as imbued with avarice, corruption, bribery, and greed for money. Satirical texts such as the "Treatise of Garcia of Toledo", which describes how clerics worship the ‘martyrs’ Silver and Gold, and the so-called "Money-Gospel" in which the pope praises the bliss of wealth, gave birth to a new and distinctly anticlerical form of satire. Although this new anticlerical satire at first only constituted a small and anonymous underground movement, it was later continued and developed by satirists such as Erasmus, Molière, Swift, Diderot, Voltaire and Heine. In this way, anticlerical satire became a major tradition in modern European literature. The article first describes how the European tradition for anticlerical satire was born out of an increasingly skeptical attitude towards clerical cupidity and simony in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Secondly, it analyses the above mentioned satires by focusing on the grotesque differences between Christian ideals and clerical practice in the satires. Finally, it argues that this new anticlerical satire constituted a tradition of its own, which was fundamentally different from the carnivalistic tradition, made famous by Mikhail Bakhtin.

Machado de Assis wrote a considerable amount of short stories. Although his writings have been widely studied, some of his short stories have not yet received due attention from the specialized critique, because of their typical polysemous irony. One of such stories is “Entre santos” (2007), a tale of mystery about a man who witnesses some saints chatting at an altar. In this narrative, St. Francisco de Sales reports his contact with a worshipper interested in his wife’s physical recovery in exchange of some effort involving no pecuniary loss. On proposing the exchange, the worshipper is torn between his love for his wife and his avarice. The story focusses on the evolution of the man’s feelings. As the outline of the unusual plot suggests, the text remains open to further analysis. Despite the fact that this short story is considered one of Machado’s best productions, we believe it has been insufficiently studied, so far, and propose a semiotic reading of the feelings related to avarice in the story told by the Saint., Machado de Assis dedicou muito de sua produção ao gênero conto. Ainda que essa sua escrita já venha sendo analisada, alguns textos ainda carecem de maior atenção por parte da crítica especializada. Isso porque se trata de textos polissêmicos à moda irônica do escritor carioca. Um desses casos é o conto “Entre Santos” (2007), que narra, em tom de conto fantástico, a observação que um homem faz de um diálogo entre alguns Santos no altar da igreja. Nessa narrativa encaixada, temos a figura de São Francisco de Sales contando como fora o contato com um fiel que veio lhe pedir a restituição da saúde da esposa em troca de algum esforço não pecuniário. Assim, ao propor a troca, o homem se vê entre os sentimentos de amor à esposa de um lado e de outro demonstra claramente a sua avareza. A exposição desses diferentes estados d’alma é o fio condutor dessa narrativa machadiana. Como se pode observar pelo breve resumo do enredo, além do elemento insólito dessa narrativa, o texto segue aberto a outras análises. Nesse sentido, embora figure entre os Melhores Contos machadianos, acreditamos ainda insuficientes os estudos críticos até agora empreendidos. Sendo assim, escolhemos aqui expor outro viés, mais ligado à leitura semiótica da avareza contida na história narrada pelo Santo.

Machado de Assis wrote a considerable amount of short stories. Although his writings have been widely studied, some of his short stories have not yet received due attention from the specialized critique, because of their typical polysemous irony. One of such stories is “Entre santos” (2007), a tale of mystery about a man who witnesses some saints chatting at an altar. In this narrative, St. Francisco de Sales reports his contact with a worshipper interested in his wife’s physical recovery in exchange of some effort involving no pecuniary loss. On proposing the exchange, the worshipper is torn between his love for his wife and his avarice. The story focusses on the evolution of the man’s feelings. As the outline of the unusual plot suggests, the text remains open to further analysis. Despite the fact that this short story is considered one of Machado’s best productions, we believe it has been insufficiently studied, so far, and propose a semiotic reading of the feelings related to avarice in the story told by the Saint., Machado de Assis dedicou muito de sua produção ao gênero conto. Ainda que essa sua escrita já venha sendo analisada, alguns textos ainda carecem de maior atenção por parte da crítica especializada. Isso porque se trata de textos polissêmicos à moda irônica do escritor carioca. Um desses casos é o conto “Entre Santos” (2007), que narra, em tom de conto fantástico, a observação que um homem faz de um diálogo entre alguns Santos no altar da igreja. Nessa narrativa encaixada, temos a figura de São Francisco de Sales contando como fora o contato com um fiel que veio lhe pedir a restituição da saúde da esposa em troca de algum esforço não pecuniário. Assim, ao propor a troca, o homem se vê entre os sentimentos de amor à esposa de um lado e de outro demonstra claramente a sua avareza. A exposição desses diferentes estados d’alma é o fio condutor dessa narrativa machadiana. Como se pode observar pelo breve resumo do enredo, além do elemento insólito dessa narrativa, o texto segue aberto a outras análises. Nesse sentido, embora figure entre os Melhores Contos machadianos, acreditamos ainda insuficientes os estudos críticos até agora empreendidos. Sendo assim, escolhemos aqui expor outro viés, mais ligado à leitura semiótica da avareza contida na história narrada pelo Santo.

A disturbing trend has developed within the Army, as evidenced by several brigade-level commanders being relieved of duty because of toxic leadership practices. The destructive actions of these senior leaders have renewed interest into this leadership issue because of the prevalence and seriousness of the consequences such leadership failures cause. Recent studies and surveys, including the 2009-2010 Annual Survey of Army Leaders conducted by the Center for Army Leadership, have validated the presence of toxic leadership within the Army's ranks. This issue has caught the attention of senior Army leaders, who are focused on rooting these negative leaders from the ranks. This paper explores the concept of toxic leadership, examines recent examples of such leadership in the United States Army, and discusses potential ways to rid the service of this leadership flaw. An analysis of current data shows how large a problem toxic leadership is in the Army today. The paper reviews research on the characteristics of toxic leaders; potential causes of toxic behavior; and toxic leadership styles (i.e., The Narcissist, The Explosive (The Bully), The Gangster, The Turncoat-Backstabber-Accuser, The Casanova, The Invertebrate, and The Zombie). The paper also discusses ways to counteract toxic leadership styles, Army initiatives to improve leadership, and changing Army culture to fix the problem. The paper concludes with recommendations for identifying toxic leaders and changing Army culture to prevent this destructive leadership practice in the future., Strategy Research Project.

La Philosophie de l’argent de Georg Simmel s’enquiert autant des modalités par lesquelles les processus monétaires peuvent être pervertis que de la façon dont l’argent peut lui-même pervertir les termes d’une culture. Après avoir analysé ce que l’on peut considérer chez Simmel au titre des structures perverses contredisant la dynamique interactionniste et vitaliste, notre article en chantier vise à étudier de plus près ce qu’il en est d’une modalité sociale d’agir motivée par une culture spécifique de l’argent, soit le cynisme. Cette attitude, plus qu’une seule disposition psychologique à l’origine d’un certain rapport à l’argent, se voit conditionnée socialement par une interférence d’un média fétichisé, dans les élaborations sociologiques d’acteurs sociaux quant aux faits de valeur., In The Philosophy of Money, Georg Simmel examined both the modalities by which monetary processes may be perverted and the manner in which money may, in turn, pervert a culture. Having analysed what may be considered in Simmel’s thought to deal with perverse structures contradicting interactionist and vitalist dynamics, this article (in progress) aims to examine more closely a social modality of action motivated by a specific money culture : that is, cynicism. More than simply a psychological disposition underpinning a certain relationship with money, this attitude is socially conditioned by the interference of a fetishized media within sociological elaborations of social actors in relation to value facts., En su Filosofía del dinero George Simmel se interroga tanto acerca de las modalidades por medio de las cuales los procesos monetarios pueden ser pervertidos, como acerca de la manera como el dinero puede en sí mismo pervertir los términos de una cultura. Después de haber analizado lo que puede ser considerado en Simmel como las estructuras perversas que contradicen la dinámica integracionista y vitalista, nuestro artículo, en desarrollo, apunta a estudiar más de cerca lo que podría ser una modalidad social de actuar, motivada por una cultura específica del dinero, es decir el cinismo. Esta actitud, más que una disposición psicológica que origina cierta relación con el dinero, se ve condicionada socialmente por una interferencia del medio fetichista en las elaboraciones sociológicas de actores sociales en cuanto a hechos de valor.

This thesis examines the old French fabliaux and situates them in a specific historical and cultural context as didactical texts which reinforced aspects of Christian doctrine. Historically, the fabliaux, produced between c.1170 and c.1340 in the environs of Picardy and the île de Paris, share a geographical and temporal provenance with the centres of learning in those same areas. In a cultural context, this thesis examines the influence of the ‘high culture’ works of the scholars of the cathedral schools and University of Paris on the ‘popular’ literary genre of the fabliau. As fabliaux are known essentially for their ribald nature, many studies concerning the genre have focussed on questions of humour. This thesis pays greater attention to the edifying intentions present in some fabliaux and stresses their didactic intent without overlooking their humour. Rather than consider the texts as having education or entertainment purposes, as many previous studies have, this thesis considers the fabliaux as educational and entertaining texts. Furthermore, the period under scrutiny was a time of intense debate and enquiry on matters of Christian doctrine and orthodoxy. Many aspects of Christian practice and ritual, such as confession, Eucharist and clerical celibacy, were debated and codified. Christians’ salvific journey held a pre-eminent place not solely in the minds of learned men but also in the imagination of the laity, especially as expressions of emergent popular piety. This thesis argues that the doctrinal debates and their outcomes which emanated from the northern French centres of learning also appeared in the fabliaux with the purpose of reinforcing orthodox Christian practices and beliefs. This thesis unravels the myriad ways in which the fableors presented their didactical messages, paying attention to the fableors’ use of the body, wholly and fragmented, as sites with cultural meaning. Each chapter provides a close and contextualised analysis of an individua

Newspaper assignment sheet attached to print verso identifies photographer Renee Hannans: "State employees union will have a live pig in front of the State DOT building to protest commissioner Wayne Shackelford's $20,000 raise ... Caption: Bijon is a 1-year old symbolizing the greed of Wayne Shackelford for taking a 20-thousand raise."

Newspaper assignment sheet attached to print verso identifies photographer Renee Hannans: "State employees union will have a live pig in front of the State DOT building to protest commissioner Wayne Shackelford's $20,000 raise ... Caption: Bijon is a 1-year old symbolizing the greed of Wayne Shackelford for taking a 20-thousand raise."

A Chinese play is being acted on a small stage with Joseph Gurney Cannon and Nelson W. Aldrich offering two small doll-like figures labeled "Small Dealer" and "Consumer" to a dragon labeled "High Protection" manned by two men labeled "Special Privilege" and "Graft." J. S. Sherman, John Dalzell, and Sereno E. Payne play musical instruments on the left side of the stage. On the back of the stage is a Buddha icon labeled "Greed." In the foreground, at the foot of the stage, are Chinese men labeled "Lumber Trust, Paper Trust, Steel Trust, [and] Beef Trust." On the far right, beneath a sign that states "Box Reserved for Amer. Protective Tariff League," is a Chinese man labeled "Chas A. Moore" holding a tray with two small figures labeled "First Voter." comments and context

Half-length portrait of Richard Croker, facing front, with right hand resting on papers labeled "Certificate of Stock, Consolidate[d] Ice Co., Auto Truck Company, Fireproofin[g], [and] Telephone Co." The ghost of a disconsolate Boss Tweed, wearing prison stripes, appears in the upper left corner above Croker's right shoulder.

This cartoon shows the interior of a galley where rows of children are manning the oars. The overseer, a large man, is labeled "Greed." Hanging on the wall is a notice that states, "Child-labor Investigators, Sentimentalists, Charity Organizations, and all Meddling Old Women Keep Out." Caption: "Dedicated to the states where child labor is still permitted."

Richard Croker, a Tammany Hall boss, is pictured as Hamlet, exiting a castle labeled "Tammany Hall," carrying a moneybag labeled "Pickings" and papers labeled "Deed $90,000 House, Ranch - Racing Stable, [and] Investm[ent] - Stock Farm." He encounters the ghost of Boss Tweed who stands at the edge of an "Abyss for Smashed Bosses," holding in his arms a moneybag labeled "Stealings" and papers labeled "'Diamond Wedding', Erie Deal, [and] 5th Avenue House." Croker is headed for the abyss. Caption: Hamlet Croker (to Ghost Tweed)--I'll follow thee!

A newspaper owner, possibly Joseph Pulitzer, sits in a chair in his office next to an open safe where "Profits" are spilling out onto the floor. Outside this scene are many newspaper reporters for the "Daily Splurge" rushing to the office to toss their stories onto the printing press, including "A Week as a Tramp!! Wild and Exciting Experiences of a Daily Splurge Reporter," "A Reporter of the Daily Splurge Spends a Thrilling Week in an Asylum!" "An Organ Grinder's Life," "Life in Sing Sing - a Splurge Reporter in Disguise," "Divorce Court Details," "Private Scandal," "A Night Around Town" by a woman reporter "in Men's Attire," life on the streets "As a Flower Girl," "Thrilling Exposé," "How beggars are treated on 5th Ave. by Fanny Fake," and "High Spiced Sensation." A notice hanging on the wall of the office states, "The Motto of the Daily Splurge - Morality and a High Sense of Duty." Caption: He combines high-sounding professions with high-spiced sensations, and reaps a golden profit thereby.

Uncle Sam knocks the heads of two men together, a masked man on the left holding papers labeled "A.P.A. Un-American Intolerance" and, on the right, a member of the clergy holding papers labeled "Greed for Public School Funds."

Marcus A. Hanna is Shylock, wearing a robe and holding a paper that states, "Understanding between Wm. McKinley and Mark Hanna. The aforesaid Mark Hanna shall have the Dictation of all Ohio Appointments, etc., etc." Hanging from his waist are a purse labeled "Boodle" and a "Patronage Knife," and extending from his pocket are balance scales.

A "Middle West" farmer is being awakened by Albert B. "Cummins" as a rooster, while a man sneaks into the farmer's barn and is caught in the illumination of a lantern beam labeled "Tariff Greed."

A parade includes "Workers" who work hard at swindling honest working people of their hard earned money, as well as many gullible people easily duped while looking for an easy path to riches. Caption: Parade of the real "workers" of America.

A large circle of men is each lifting from the pocket of the man in front of him "The Other Mans Money" as they march around a large map labeled "The United States of America."

A gigantic J. Pierpont Morgan clutches to his chest with his right arm large New York City buildings labeled "Billion Dollar Bank Merger." In the foreground, a young child puts a coin in a "Toy Bank" as Morgan's left arm reaches around the buildings to grab the toy bank for himself. Caption: Why should Uncle Sam establish one, when Uncle Pierpont is already on the job?

The spirit of Jesus Christ stands before a mob of corrupt individuals labeled "Greed, Inhuman Employer, Usurer, Corrupt Public Servant, Tainted Money, Hypocrite, Vice Grafter, Congo-Rubber Slaver, [and] White Slaver," who are all calling for his crucifixion. Caption: The mob which does to His Spirit to-day what the mob of nineteen centuries ago did to His body.

A horde of lawyers uses various cutting implements to carve a large turkey labeled "Income Tax Litigation" and hauls away pieces for themselves.

Jay Gould and William H. Vanderbilt, wearing Roman togas, laugh between themselves as they "gobble" up telegraph and railroad companies to add to their monopolies. Caption: (We do not wish to suggest an analogy to the subject of a famous picture representing two Roman augurs laughing over the Imposition they are practising on the Public).

A gigantic boar, wearing a crown with "$" and a shawl labeled "Plutocratic Greed," holds the U.S. Capitol dome labeled "Special Privilege," inverted to form a bucket from which it is sowing seeds labeled "Abuse of Power, Arrogance, [and] Contempt of Law" onto a field sprouting "Socialist votes." It is stepping on an American flag and a Liberty cap. comments and context

In the interior of a cathedral filled to capacity, an enormous "$" is illuminated in the place of a rose window. comments and context

Uncle Sam stands behind a group of legislators and businessmen who are bowing before a large hog labeled "Greed" with its front feet in a trough labeled "Wall Street." Caption: Those who know the term but not its meaning may find enlightenment above.

J. P. Morgan lies at the edge of America with an American flag in his top hat, holding a large magnet in the shape of a dollar sign with which he is attracting precious objects of historical and/or monetary value to himself.

Uncle Sam, as a pig farmer, holds a bucket labeled "Ship Subsidy" that he is about to pour into an overflowing trough labeled "Dingley Tariff" for a large hog labeled "Organized Greed." comments and context

An allegorical female figure labeled "San Francisco" is being tortured "on the rack" by a cast of medieval-looking executioners labeled "Cement Dealer, Lumber Dealer, Iron Workers' Union, Steel Trust, Bricklayers Union, Building Materials, [and the central figure] Greed" in the aftermath of the 1906 earthquake and fire that destroyed much of San Francisco. Caption: "Generosity" is easy when you can get your money back with interest. comments and context

An old man labeled "Millionaire" sits in a chair atop a pile of moneybags, bemoaning the fact that he now has little time to give away his money in a satisfactory manner. On the left are the church and the university looking for contributions and on the right are the hated "Relatives" looking to inherit new found wealth. Caption: "If I had begun earlier I might have had some fun in giving it away. Now I must leave it either to relatives whom I hate or to churches and colleges in which I have no interest.["]

J. P. Morgan as a stock-market bull blows bubbles labeled "Inflated Values" as many deluded investors reach for them. comments and context

Senator Hanna grabs Uncle Sam by the coat collar and gestures toward a building labeled "Ship Builders' Trust." Ex-Senator George F. Edmunds hides behind its door. Protruding from Hanna's coat pocket are papers labeled "Hanna Payne Subsidy Bill," formerly introduced by Senator Edmunds. comments and context

A woman representing China struggles with the Russian Bear, while the German emperor and the British Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury, implore Russia not to be so greedy and to share some of China with them. Uncle Sam sits on a fence in the background, whittling a stick. Caption: England and Germany ( to Russia ). -- Hold on there! Don't be so selfish! If she's going to be saved, we want to have a hand in it! comments and context

At center is a theater manager, his hands and pockets stuffed with money. Around him are four scenes showing how he manages a scam to extort higher prices for the theater tickets, using scalpers (called "Speculators") and by bribing the police. A fifth scene shows how the public can change this practice, by not attending the theater productions. Caption: The manager the real culprit. comments and context

Référence bibliographique : Bartsch, 459, Référence bibliographique : Illustrated Bartsch, 459, Référence bibliographique : Delaborde, 162, Référence bibliographique : Courboin, 9999

Référence bibliographique : Hennin, 11078, Référence bibliographique : Vidéodisque, 5114-5117, Appartient à l’ensemble documentaire : Est18Rev1, Frontispice

Ancien possesseur : Denon, Dominique-Vivant (1747-1825). Ancien possesseur, Référence bibliographique : Delteil, 67, Référence bibliographique : Harris, 65.III.1

Référence bibliographique : Meaume, 163, Référence bibliographique : Lieure, 360, Référence bibliographique : IFF17 Callot, 360, Référence bibliographique : Exposition Nancy 1992, 684

Référence bibliographique : De Vinck, 2767, Référence bibliographique : Vidéodisque, 316-317, Appartient à l’ensemble documentaire : Est18Rev1, Illustration

Référence bibliographique : De Vinck, 2768, Référence bibliographique : Vidéodisque, 307, Appartient à l’ensemble documentaire : Est18Rev1, Dessus de boîte