Search

O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar as teorias feministas da brasileira Lélia Gonzalez, e compreender a sua relevância e a sua contribuição ao feminismo. A primeira parte consiste numa esclarecimento metodológico e uma revisão de artigos e textos relevantes, presentando pensadoras feministas e teorias que revolucionaram o feminismo durante o século vinte. A segunda parte é uma leitura e análise feminista, interseccional e decolonial da produção acadêmica de Lélia Gonzalez, mostrando as discriminações sexistas, racistas, e as estruturas coloniais, que Gonzalez revela na sociedade Brasileira, na América Latina e no mundo. A análise tratará também a antecipação do feminismo intersecional de Lélia Gonzalez, o critique do feminismo branco e da epistemologia ocidental, além duma discussão sobre as relações entre o Norte e Sul global, revelando jerarquias ocultas na sociedade brasileira, como na sociedade global. A análise incluirá também artigos e obras de pensadores relevantes, que possam dialogar com as teorias e propostas de Lélia Gonzalez, para assim mostrar a potência dela no espaço acadêmico, problematizar as estruturas discriminantes, o eurocentrismo, o privilégio branco ocidental, como a produção do conhecimento ocidental e acadêmico.

This project investigates the unintended effects and consequences within the sugarcane-bioethanol value chain in Brazil using the SEI-PCS method. The project traces four sustainability metrics – water use, land use, CO2 emissions and working conditions – and the value chain’s impact on these at the places of origin. The analysis is supported by visualizations illustrating the flow and spatial extent of the value chain, heavily relying on data from production, processing, trade, and export from three companies. SEI-PCS is an effective method for gaining a quick overview of the value chain’s segments and impact. However, its dependence on granular data limits its applicability. While it can identify the impact, understanding their underlying causes remains challenging. Despite the limitations, the project demonstrates the method’s potential to enhance traceability and identify impacts, which is particularly relevant for the growing bioethanol market to ensure a green transition.

O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar as teorias feministas da brasileira Lélia Gonzalez, e compreender a sua relevância e a sua contribuição ao feminismo. A primeira parte consiste numa esclarecimento metodológico e uma revisão de artigos e textos relevantes, presentando pensadoras feministas e teorias que revolucionaram o feminismo durante o século vinte. A segunda parte é uma leitura e análise feminista, interseccional e decolonial da produção acadêmica de Lélia Gonzalez, mostrando as discriminações sexistas, racistas, e as estruturas coloniais, que Gonzalez revela na sociedade Brasileira, na América Latina e no mundo. A análise tratará também a antecipação do feminismo intersecional de Lélia Gonzalez, o critique do feminismo branco e da epistemologia ocidental, além duma discussão sobre as relações entre o Norte e Sul global, revelando jerarquias ocultas na sociedade brasileira, como na sociedade global. A análise incluirá também artigos e obras de pensadores relevantes, que possam dialogar com as teorias e propostas de Lélia Gonzalez, para assim mostrar a potência dela no espaço acadêmico, problematizar as estruturas discriminantes, o eurocentrismo, o privilégio branco ocidental, como a produção do conhecimento ocidental e acadêmico.

This project investigates the unintended effects and consequences within the sugarcane-bioethanol value chain in Brazil using the SEI-PCS method. The project traces four sustainability metrics – water use, land use, CO2 emissions and working conditions – and the value chain’s impact on these at the places of origin. The analysis is supported by visualizations illustrating the flow and spatial extent of the value chain, heavily relying on data from production, processing, trade, and export from three companies. SEI-PCS is an effective method for gaining a quick overview of the value chain’s segments and impact. However, its dependence on granular data limits its applicability. While it can identify the impact, understanding their underlying causes remains challenging. Despite the limitations, the project demonstrates the method’s potential to enhance traceability and identify impacts, which is particularly relevant for the growing bioethanol market to ensure a green transition.

This dissertation examines the impacts of political developments in Brazil between the 2018 and 2022 presidential elections on democratic institutions and democratic governance in the country. The study emphasises the emotive rhetoric in Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency as a central factor. Employing a qualitative and exploratory methodology, drawing exclusively on the analysis of academic literature, the study dissects accountability and democratic erosion while offering strategies for fortifying democratic governance in Brazil. The study underscores the urgent need to bolster institutional resilience, restore public trust, and foster transparency and accountability in governance. Future research directions advocate for methodological diversification and a comprehensive exploration of political party dynamics. Through this scholarly inquiry, the dissertation aims to contribute significantly to the nuanced understanding of Brazilian political dynamics and the evolution of its democracy., Esta dissertação examina os impactos dos desenvolvimentos políticos no Brasil entre as eleições presidenciais de 2018 e 2022 sobre as instituições democráticas e a governança democrática no país. O estudo enfatiza a retórica emotiva na presidência de Jair Bolsonaro como um fator central. Empregando uma metodologia qualitativa e exploratória, com base exclusivamente na análise da literatura acadêmica, o estudo disseca a contabilidade e a erosão democrática, oferecendo estratégias para fortalecer a governança democrática no Brasil. O estudo ressalta a necessidade urgente de reforçar a resiliência institucional, restaurar a confiança pública e promover a transparência e a contabilidade na governança. As futuras direções de pesquisa defendem a diversificação metodológica e uma exploração abrangente da dinâmica dos partidos políticos. Por meio dessa pesquisa acadêmica, a dissertação pretende contribuir significativamente para a compreensão diferenciada da dinâmica política brasileira e da evolução de sua democracia., I denna avhandling undersöks hur den politiska utvecklingen i Brasilien mellan presidentvalen 2018 och 2022 påverkade de demokratiska institutionerna och den demokratiska styrningen i landet. Studien betonar den känsloladdade retoriken i Jair Bolsonaros presidentskap som en central faktor. Med hjälp av en kvalitativ och utforskande metodik, som uteslutande bygger på analys av akademisk litteratur, dissekerar studien ansvarsutkrävande och demokratisk erosion samtidigt som den erbjuder strategier för att stärka den demokratiska styrningen i Brasilien. Studien understryker det akuta behovet av att stärka den institutionella motståndskraften, återställa allmänhetens förtroende och främja transparens och ansvarighet i styrningen. Framtida forskningsinriktningar förespråkar metodologisk diversifiering och en omfattande utforskning av politiska partiers dynamik. Genom denna vetenskapliga undersökning syftar avhandlingen till att bidra väsentligt till den nyanserade förståelsen av den brasilianska politiska dynamiken och utvecklingen av dess demokrati., Svensk titel; Brasilien: Demokratisk Motståndskraft och Politisk Turbulens — Analys av den Politiska Utvecklingen i Brasilien från 2018 tills 2022.

BRICS is an organisation consisting of the developing countries Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Since its creation it has quickly become a great force of power on the global arena and is expected to encompass 42% of the world’s population after the upcoming membership expansion. This sparks interest in the study of the development of the organisation. Based on the research question “How can the development of BRICS be interpreted based on the theory of offensive realism?” the study explores the field of research using a qualitative case study with theory consuming design. The paper presents the result that the member states use the organisation to ensure the safety of their respective countries. This is being conducted through the increased cooperation among like-minded developing countries and through the establishment of their own institutions. These measures are implemented with the intention of balancing the west and increasing their own power.

Brasilien erlebt derzeit eine konservative Wende, die ihren Ausdruck nicht nur in der Präsidentschaft Jair Bolsonaros (2019-2022) fand, sondern sich auch in der Ausweitung des Phänomens sogenannter milícias (Parapolizeigruppen) in einkommensschwachen Vierteln manifestiert sowie im Aufkommen antisozialer Bewegungen, die sich selbst als rechtsgerichtet und konservativ verstehen. In diesem Kontext diskutiert der Beitrag am Beispiel der Metropolregion Rio de Janeiro das Wechselverhältnis zwischen (a) der Entstehung konservativer und rechtsextremer Gruppen, (b) der Ausbreitung von milícias im Stadtgebiet Rio de Janeiros und (c) deren Einfluss auf das Wahlverhalten in von ihnen dominierten einkommensschwachen Vierteln bei Wahlen zwischen 2018 und 2022. Die von den milícias praktizierten Formen der Gebietskontrolle – unter anderem Informationsnetzwerke, disziplinarische soziale Kontrolle, die Vermittlung zwischen individuellen und kollektiven Interessen sowie die Kontrolle von Wahlen – finden bislang weder bei Behörden noch in der Sozialanalyse und -forschung hinreichend Beachtung. Eine Reihe politischer Organisationen und alternativer Medien sind verantwortlich für die Verbreitung antidemokratischer Werte und Praktiken. Damit verfolgen sie das Ziel, die unterschwellige konservative Wende im Land zu legitimieren und die Beziehungen zwischen Stadterfahrung und Demokratie zu schwächen., Brazil is currently experiencing a conservative turn, which has found expression not only in Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency (2019–2022) but also in the phenomenon of so-called milícias expanding in low-income neighborhoods as well as in the emergence of anti-social movements that identify themselves as right-wing and conservative. In this context, the paper uses the example of the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Region to discuss the relationship between (i) the emergence of conservative and far-right groups; (ii) the expansion of milícias in the city of Rio de Janeiro; and (iii) their influence on voting behavior in low-income, milícia-dominated neighborhoods in elections between 2018 and 2022. The forms of territorial control practiced by milícias, including information networks, disciplinary social control, mediation between individual and collective interests, and electoral control, have not yet received sufficient attention from authorities or in social analysis and research. A number of political organizations and alternative media are responsible for spreading antidemocratic values and practices. In doing so, they seek to legitimize the undercurrent conservative turn in the country and to weaken the links between urban experience and democracy.

Begreift man Oswald de Andrades "Anthropophagisches Manifest" (1928) nicht nur als literarisches Werk, sondern auch als Beitrag zur postkolonialen Theorie avant la lettre, so ergeben sich neue Perspektiven auf die brasilianische Kultur. Entlang postkolonialer Strategien kultureller Kannibalisierung zeichnet der Autor bisher kaum beachtete Verbindungslinien zwischen dem Modernismo und dem Tropicalismo nach. Vor einem breiten kulturhistorischen Hintergrund stellen Detailanalysen tropikalistischer Werke deren Bedeutung für den Paradigmenwechsel vom antikolonialen zum postkolonialen Diskurs heraus. Ausgezeichnet mit dem Georg-Rudolf-Lind-Förderpreis für Lusitanistik.

In a press conference in Buenos Aires in October 2022, Josep Borrell, the European Union High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, declared that 2023 must be the year of Latin America in Europe and of Europe in Latin America. There is renewed European interest in Latin America as a strategic partner, but many Latin American governments prefer an active non-alignment in international politics. The Spanish EU Council Presidency in the second half of 2023 will open a window of opportunity for deepening EU-Latin American and the Caribbean relations. A summit between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), the first since 2015, is planned to be held from 17-18 July 2023 in Brussels. As the EU is pursuing open strategic autonomy, Latin America is perceived as a possible strategic partner supportive of its agenda in international politics. Strategically important raw materials are imported from Latin America, and the latter's countries have the potential to become important producers and exporters of green hydrogen. While Europe has lost ground as a trading partner with Latin America to China, European companies are still a leading investor in the region, and Europe has still soft power or power of attraction in Latin America. The results of the recent elections in Latin America, especially the victory of Lula da Silva in Brazil, open new possibilities for EU cooperation with the region. It will be easier to find common positions on climate change and the protection of the Amazon rainforest. But Latin American governments will demand more protection for their domestic industries in free trade agreements and expect more European funding for measures against climate change and for environmental protection, and they will not automatically support European positions in international politics. If the EU wants to win over Latin America as a strategic partner, it must also act strategically. The signing of the association agreem

By understanding listening processes in philanthropy and social impact investments as a critical aspect of building a trustworthy philanthropic practice, this paper offers a qualitative review of how foundations and funders in Europe and Brazil listen. To comprehend and to be able to qualify and classify their listening practices, the interview script for this paper built upon the work of the "high-quality feedback loop" organisations that advocate for better listening practices in philanthropy and aid. Thirty interviews offered insights into why organisations listen, the biggest challenges in the process, different project phases where listening occurs, who is listened to, listening methods, space for feedback, reporting back processes, power imbalances and levels of participation.

Why do legislators introduce impeachment resolutions against the president, even though most of these resolutions never succeed? We explore two possible answers to this puzzle, which are linked to the legislative functions of oversight and representation. First, legislators initiate impeachment procedures to expose (real or alleged) presidential misdeeds, an action that may weaken the president's approval rates, even if an impeachment process remains unlikely. Second, legislators introduce impeachment resolutions to express their constituents' outrage in the context of corruption scandals or poor economic performance- that is, in response to an exogenous decline in presidential approval. To test these hypotheses, we analyze 274 impeachment resolutions introduced against the presidents of Argentina and Brazil since the transition to democracy. We estimate models predicting presidential approval and impeachment resolutions using time-series and simultaneous equations estimators. Our results strongly support the representation hypothesis.

Die Autoren nehmen die aktuelle politische Situation in Brasilien in den Blick und berichten über die jüngsten bildungspolitischen Auseinandersetzungen in dem politisch und sozial gespaltenen Land. Im Mittelpunkt steht der Versuch der Regierung Bolsonaro ein Exempel an dem renommierten und weltweit anerkannten Pädagogen Paulo Freire zu statuieren und damit eine neue, neoliberale Ägide in der brasilianischen Bildungspolitik einzuleiten.

This paper explores the variation in intergenerational educational mobility across the Brazilian states based on univariate econometric techniques. The analysis of the national household survey (PNAD-2014) confirms a strong variation in mobility among the 27 federative units in Brazil and demonstrates a significant correlation between mobility and income inequality. In this sense, this work presents empirical evidence for the existence of the "Great Gatsby curve" within a single country: states with greater income disparities present higher levels of persistence in educational levels across generations. Finally, the paper investigates one specific mechanism behind this correlation: whether higher income inequality might lead to lower investment in human capital among children from socially vulnerable households. The paper delivers robust and compelling results showing that children born into families where the parents have not completed primary education have a statistically significant reduction in their chance of completing the educational system if they live in states with a higher level of income inequality.

As global inequality reaches unprecedented levels, social entrepreneurship has emerged as a promising tool for addressing this and fighting some of the most challenging social issues of our time. This thesis seeks to dive into the specific challenges that social entrepreneurs encounter in low-income settings by conducting a case study in the favelas in Brazil, one of the world’s most widely recognized low-income areas. By conducting a comprehensive literature review, the thesis establishes a conceptual framework for the challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings. This is used to guide the analysis for the data collection in a deductive manner. Data is collected using semi-structured interviews with seven social entrepreneurs operating within the favelas. The findings reveal that the interviewed social entrepreneurs in the favelas face significant obstacles across five main areas: financial capital, legal and regulatory environment, infrastructure, human capital, and social capital. These challenges are consistent with the conceptual framework of challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings., I takt med att den globala ojämlikheten når rekordnivåer har socialt entreprenörskap vuxit fram som ett lovande verktyg för att tackla några av vår tids mest utmanande samhällsfrågor. Denna avhandling syftar till att undersöka de specifika utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer möter i låginkomstmiljöer genom att genomföra en fältstudie i favelorna i Brasilien, ett av världens mest kända låginkomstområden. Genom att göra en omfattande litteraturgenomgång etablerar avhandlingen först ett konceptuellt ramverk för de utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer i låginkomstmiljöer står inför. Denna används senare för att vägleda analysen av datainsamlingen på ett deduktivt sätt. Data samlas in med hjälp av semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju sociala entreprenörer verksamma inom dessa områden. Resultaten visar att de intervjuade sociala entreprenörerna möter betydande hinder inom fem huvudområden: finansiellt kapital, lagar och regler, infrastruktur, humankapital och socialt kapital. Dessa utmaningar är i linje med det konceptuella ramverket för utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer står inför i låginkomstområden.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

Under 1960 och 1970-talen grep militären makten i en rad latinamerikanska länder. Uruguays förvandling från ”Sydamerikas Schweiz” till en av de hårdaste diktaturerna i regionen skedde inte i isolering utan under en längre process där utomstående aktörer även spelade en avgörande roll. Denna uppsats använder en rad nyligen offentliggjorda amerikanska och brasilianska dokument för att visa hur dessa två länder, ibland på egen hand och ibland med viss koordinering, påverkade Uruguay under den kritiska perioden då landets militär tog makten i landet., During the 1960s and 1970s, the military seized power in several Latin American countries. Uruguay's transformation from "the Switzerland of South America" to one of the harshest dictatorships in the region did not happen isolation, but during a longer process in which outside actors also played a crucial role. This essay uses a range of recently declassified American and Brazilian documents to demonstrate how these two countries, sometimes independently and sometimes with some coordination, influenced Uruguay during the critical period when the country's military took control of the country.

Under 1960 och 1970-talen grep militären makten i en rad latinamerikanska länder. Uruguays förvandling från ”Sydamerikas Schweiz” till en av de hårdaste diktaturerna i regionen skedde inte i isolering utan under en längre process där utomstående aktörer även spelade en avgörande roll. Denna uppsats använder en rad nyligen offentliggjorda amerikanska och brasilianska dokument för att visa hur dessa två länder, ibland på egen hand och ibland med viss koordinering, påverkade Uruguay under den kritiska perioden då landets militär tog makten i landet., During the 1960s and 1970s, the military seized power in several Latin American countries. Uruguay's transformation from "the Switzerland of South America" to one of the harshest dictatorships in the region did not happen isolation, but during a longer process in which outside actors also played a crucial role. This essay uses a range of recently declassified American and Brazilian documents to demonstrate how these two countries, sometimes independently and sometimes with some coordination, influenced Uruguay during the critical period when the country's military took control of the country.

As global inequality reaches unprecedented levels, social entrepreneurship has emerged as a promising tool for addressing this and fighting some of the most challenging social issues of our time. This thesis seeks to dive into the specific challenges that social entrepreneurs encounter in low-income settings by conducting a case study in the favelas in Brazil, one of the world’s most widely recognized low-income areas. By conducting a comprehensive literature review, the thesis establishes a conceptual framework for the challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings. This is used to guide the analysis for the data collection in a deductive manner. Data is collected using semi-structured interviews with seven social entrepreneurs operating within the favelas. The findings reveal that the interviewed social entrepreneurs in the favelas face significant obstacles across five main areas: financial capital, legal and regulatory environment, infrastructure, human capital, and social capital. These challenges are consistent with the conceptual framework of challenges facing social entrepreneurs in low-income settings., I takt med att den globala ojämlikheten når rekordnivåer har socialt entreprenörskap vuxit fram som ett lovande verktyg för att tackla några av vår tids mest utmanande samhällsfrågor. Denna avhandling syftar till att undersöka de specifika utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer möter i låginkomstmiljöer genom att genomföra en fältstudie i favelorna i Brasilien, ett av världens mest kända låginkomstområden. Genom att göra en omfattande litteraturgenomgång etablerar avhandlingen först ett konceptuellt ramverk för de utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer i låginkomstmiljöer står inför. Denna används senare för att vägleda analysen av datainsamlingen på ett deduktivt sätt. Data samlas in med hjälp av semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju sociala entreprenörer verksamma inom dessa områden. Resultaten visar att de intervjuade sociala entreprenörerna möter betydande hinder inom fem huvudområden: finansiellt kapital, lagar och regler, infrastruktur, humankapital och socialt kapital. Dessa utmaningar är i linje med det konceptuella ramverket för utmaningar som sociala entreprenörer står inför i låginkomstområden.

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

Brasilien erlebt derzeit eine konservative Wende, die ihren Ausdruck nicht nur in der Präsidentschaft Jair Bolsonaros (2019-2022) fand, sondern sich auch in der Ausweitung des Phänomens sogenannter milícias (Parapolizeigruppen) in einkommensschwachen Vierteln manifestiert sowie im Aufkommen antisozialer Bewegungen, die sich selbst als rechtsgerichtet und konservativ verstehen. In diesem Kontext diskutiert der Beitrag am Beispiel der Metropolregion Rio de Janeiro das Wechselverhältnis zwischen (a) der Entstehung konservativer und rechtsextremer Gruppen, (b) der Ausbreitung von milícias im Stadtgebiet Rio de Janeiros und (c) deren Einfluss auf das Wahlverhalten in von ihnen dominierten einkommensschwachen Vierteln bei Wahlen zwischen 2018 und 2022. Die von den milícias praktizierten Formen der Gebietskontrolle – unter anderem Informationsnetzwerke, disziplinarische soziale Kontrolle, die Vermittlung zwischen individuellen und kollektiven Interessen sowie die Kontrolle von Wahlen – finden bislang weder bei Behörden noch in der Sozialanalyse und -forschung hinreichend Beachtung. Eine Reihe politischer Organisationen und alternativer Medien sind verantwortlich für die Verbreitung antidemokratischer Werte und Praktiken. Damit verfolgen sie das Ziel, die unterschwellige konservative Wende im Land zu legitimieren und die Beziehungen zwischen Stadterfahrung und Demokratie zu schwächen., Brazil is currently experiencing a conservative turn, which has found expression not only in Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency (2019–2022) but also in the phenomenon of so-called milícias expanding in low-income neighborhoods as well as in the emergence of anti-social movements that identify themselves as right-wing and conservative. In this context, the paper uses the example of the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Region to discuss the relationship between (i) the emergence of conservative and far-right groups; (ii) the expansion of milícias in the city of Rio de Janeiro; and (iii) their influence on voting behavior in low-income, milícia-dominated neighborhoods in elections between 2018 and 2022. The forms of territorial control practiced by milícias, including information networks, disciplinary social control, mediation between individual and collective interests, and electoral control, have not yet received sufficient attention from authorities or in social analysis and research. A number of political organizations and alternative media are responsible for spreading antidemocratic values and practices. In doing so, they seek to legitimize the undercurrent conservative turn in the country and to weaken the links between urban experience and democracy.

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

Innovation capability refers to the ability to continuously innovate. Firms have recognized this ability as the most critical source of innovation performance, firm performance, and sustained competitiveness. In emerging economies, innovation capability is also noted as a significant source of economic development, which can lead to improvements in education, health, and democracy. It is not easy to build innovation capabilities in emerging economies. Unlike firms in developed economies, emerging economy firms (EEFs) lack resources, competencies, and capabilities. They depend on international clusters of innovative suppliers, as critical resources are not readily available within the firm or with other domestic partners. EEFs also face low-quality education, weak institutions, and financial constraints. Although innovation capability building has attracted the interest of scholars over the last decades, the possibilities for developing better explanations of the concept are far from exhausted. The literature in this field still lacks consistency, a comprehensive viewpoint, and efficient operationalization. Moreover, economic slowdowns in several emerging economies reinforce the need to better understand how EEFs build innovation capability. For this purpose, the case study method was applied in the research papers to investigate firms from Brazil, a recognized emerging economy in Latin America. The research included 13 case studies based on 47 interviews and numerous secondary sources. In addition, different levels of analysis, ranging from project to firm to ecosystem, helped to complement and enrich the findings and conclusions. The research shows that EEFs build innovation capability by first learning and accumulating technological capabilities to approach the forerunners. Once the technological gap has been reduced, EEFs continue building their innovation capabilities by sensing the environment, seizing windows of opportunity, reconfiguring existing tech, Innovationsförmåga avser förmågan till ständig förnyelse. Denna förmåga framhålls ofta som den mest kritiska källan till bibehållen konkurrenskraft hos företag. I tillväxtekonomier leder företagens innovationsförmåga till ekonomisk utveckling, vilket förutom konkurrenskraft också kan medföra förbättringar av utbildning, hälsa och demokrati. Det är svårt att bygga innovationsförmåga i en tillväxtekonomi. Till skillnad från företag i väl utvecklade ekonomier, saknar företag i tillväxtekonomier många resurser och kompetenser. Eftersom de inte har tillgång till kritiska resurser inom företaget eller från inhemska partners är de beroende av internationella kluster av innovativa leverantörer. Företag i tillväxtekonomier verkar också i sammanhang som präglas av lågkvalitativ utbildning, svaga institutioner och ekonomiska begränsningar. Även om byggandet av innovationsförmåga har intresserat forskare under de senaste decennierna, finns det fortfarande utrymme för bättre förklaringar. Litteraturen i detta område behöver mer överensstämmelse, helhetssyn och bättre operationalisering. Dessutom leder ekonomiska nedgångar i flera tillväxtekonomier till ett ännu större behov av att förstå hur förtag kan bygga en innovationsförmåga. Denna avhandling innehåller forskningsartiklar med studier av företag i Brasilien, en välkänd tillväxtekonomi i Latinamerika. Forskningen analyserar 13 fallstudier som bygger på data från 47 intervjuer samt sekundära källor. Olika analysnivåer, från projekt till företag och ekosystem, bidrar till att komplettera och berika resultaten och slutsatserna. Forskningen visar hur företag i tillväxtekonomier bygger innovationsförmåga genom att först utveckla och ta till sig teknisk kunskap så att de närmar sig de ledande företagen i sin bransch. När klyftan har minskat fortsätter de att bygga sin innovationsförmåga genom att känna av miljön, ta tillvara på möjligheter, konfigurera om befintlig kunskap, hantera leverantörer och komplementära organisatio, Funding: This research was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (reference number: 203048/2015-6), and Sweden’s Innovation Agency (Vinnova), Sweden (research grant numbers: 2018-02930 and 2022-00301). Research papers:1. Accumulating technological capabilities through R&D projects: studies on the Brazilian defence industry FundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 2. Strategic alignment of technology: Organising for technology upgrading in emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388CNPq, 203048/2015-6 3. Fostering frugal innovation through computer-aided engineering: benefits and challenges for emerging economy firmsFundersVINNOVA, 2014-03388 and 2018-02930CNPq, 203048/2015-6 4. Dynamics of Innovation Ecosystems: Orchestrating Actors and Interactions in Emerging EconomiesFundersVINNOVA, 2018-02930 and 2021-03523CNPq, 203048/2015-6

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenh, Mellan 1881 och 1914 beräknas mellan 3 000 och 5 000 svenskar ha migrerat tillBrasilien. Trots att det inte handlade om någon massutvandring i jämförelse medutvandringen till Nordamerika fick denna migration stor uppmärksamhet i densamtida svenska pressen. Brasilien framstod som ett exotiskt resmål men emigrationendit hamnade också i en relativt livlig debatt som handlade om det överhuvudtagetvar lämpligt för svenskar att bosätta sig i Brasilien. Denna studie byggerfrämst på publicerade brev och dagboksanteckningar från svenskar som emigrerattill Brasilien och hur de i dessa texter framställt sina migrationsprojekt i det nyalandet.

Brasilien erlebt derzeit eine konservative Wende, die ihren Ausdruck nicht nur in der Präsidentschaft Jair Bolsonaros (2019-2022) fand, sondern sich auch in der Ausweitung des Phänomens sogenannter milícias (Parapolizeigruppen) in einkommensschwachen Vierteln manifestiert sowie im Aufkommen antisozialer Bewegungen, die sich selbst als rechtsgerichtet und konservativ verstehen. In diesem Kontext diskutiert der Beitrag am Beispiel der Metropolregion Rio de Janeiro das Wechselverhältnis zwischen (a) der Entstehung konservativer und rechtsextremer Gruppen, (b) der Ausbreitung von milícias im Stadtgebiet Rio de Janeiros und (c) deren Einfluss auf das Wahlverhalten in von ihnen dominierten einkommensschwachen Vierteln bei Wahlen zwischen 2018 und 2022. Die von den milícias praktizierten Formen der Gebietskontrolle – unter anderem Informationsnetzwerke, disziplinarische soziale Kontrolle, die Vermittlung zwischen individuellen und kollektiven Interessen sowie die Kontrolle von Wahlen – finden bislang weder bei Behörden noch in der Sozialanalyse und -forschung hinreichend Beachtung. Eine Reihe politischer Organisationen und alternativer Medien sind verantwortlich für die Verbreitung antidemokratischer Werte und Praktiken. Damit verfolgen sie das Ziel, die unterschwellige konservative Wende im Land zu legitimieren und die Beziehungen zwischen Stadterfahrung und Demokratie zu schwächen., Brazil is currently experiencing a conservative turn, which has found expression not only in Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency (2019–2022) but also in the phenomenon of so-called milícias expanding in low-income neighborhoods as well as in the emergence of anti-social movements that identify themselves as right-wing and conservative. In this context, the paper uses the example of the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Region to discuss the relationship between (i) the emergence of conservative and far-right groups; (ii) the expansion of milícias in the city of Rio de Janeiro; and (iii) their influence on voting behavior in low-income, milícia-dominated neighborhoods in elections between 2018 and 2022. The forms of territorial control practiced by milícias, including information networks, disciplinary social control, mediation between individual and collective interests, and electoral control, have not yet received sufficient attention from authorities or in social analysis and research. A number of political organizations and alternative media are responsible for spreading antidemocratic values and practices. In doing so, they seek to legitimize the undercurrent conservative turn in the country and to weaken the links between urban experience and democracy.

BRICS is an organisation consisting of the developing countries Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Since its creation it has quickly become a great force of power on the global arena and is expected to encompass 42% of the world’s population after the upcoming membership expansion. This sparks interest in the study of the development of the organisation. Based on the research question “How can the development of BRICS be interpreted based on the theory of offensive realism?” the study explores the field of research using a qualitative case study with theory consuming design. The paper presents the result that the member states use the organisation to ensure the safety of their respective countries. This is being conducted through the increased cooperation among like-minded developing countries and through the establishment of their own institutions. These measures are implemented with the intention of balancing the west and increasing their own power.

During the 1800s until the First World War, the migration to Brazil by Swedish citizens reached several thousands. The majority of these migrants were poor laborers or peasants traveling in the hope of finding a prosperous life in the new country. The Swedish migrants migrated to the new country with minimal economic resources at their disposal and with limited opportunities to decide on their own situation. This article is concerned with the migrants’ representation of their routes in different Swedish newspapers or booklets at the time of their migration. These texts provide insights into the conditions the migrants experienced while traveling to the new country and establishing themselves there, as well as the confinements they experienced when encountering a powerful migration regime linked to the Brazilian government and the migration industry that consisted of agents that organized and administered the travel as well as ex-migrants of Swedish or other Scandinavian origin that offered different kinds of services. The article discusses how the Swedish migrants accounted for their attempts to improve their life-situation while dependent on the migration industry for their survival. However, their strategies also included networking with their friends and neighbors for both community and instrumental reasons. In this perspective, the migrants’ interest in publishing their experiences on the routes fits into their attempts to reclaim social agency and expand their social networks to include the broader Swedish society. One conclusion of the study is that the transatlantic migration of the 1800s seemingly had a resemblance to the current migration from the Global South toward the Global North; the migrants are struggling against exploitation and a powerful migration regime by investing their engagement in a larger social network.

This study compares three cases of Brazilian foreign policy: two administrations under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-04 and 2007-08) and the Jair Messias Bolsonaro administration (2019-20). It offers insight both into the flow of Brazilian grand strategy and into a new method to systematically and consistently analyze grand strategies across the global north and south. To do this, it applies an analytical framework dubbed "grand strategy analysis" (GSA). This approach is actor-centered. It identifies grand strategy in the overlap between leaders' rhetoric and policy decisions; thus, it is sensitive to beliefs and perceptions as well as concrete, "hard power" considerations. This study draws upon contemporary news reports, expert interviews, and academic studies to observe grand strategy across the three cases. It finds that each administration has been constrained or shaped by Brazil's existing economic, diplomatic and military status and investments, yet each president’s domestic political calculations and ideological commitments unfolded in surprising ways. Lula entered office with strong leftist credentials and rhetoric, yet he brought unusual ambition to elevate Brazil's profile. Bolsonaro, by contrast, emulated contemporary nationalist rhetoric prominent in foreign capitals such as Washington D.C. and Ankara. He also elevated support for the military, yet his strategic approach returned to older patterns for Brazil in which the president’s domestic agenda dictates his foreign policy positions.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva won Brazil’s most recent presidential election with a very tight result. Lula will take office in January 2023, and there are many expectations for the upcoming period, including how well the Brazilian society and especially the security forces could react to it.

The War in Ukraine has highlighted the divisions within and between Latin American countries. Although the Russian invasion of Ukraine goes against international norms endorsed by Latin American countries, the conflict seems remote and evokes long-standing rejection of United States policies. Notably, both regional powers, Mexico and Brazil, were reluctant to join the Western condemnation of Russia. Both the left-leaning Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador as well as Brazil's far-right president Jair Bolsonaro have maintained the traditional position of autonomy and neutrality that has characterised their countries' diplomatic histories. The Russian argument that NATO went too far in penetrating its security perimeter finds broad echo in Latin America. Paradoxically, such realist reasoning accepts the old geopolitical theory of great powers' "spheres of influence," which contradicts the autonomist theories historically endorsed by Latin American governments vis-à-vis US power. The war, and especially the sanctions on Russian hydrocarbons, have triggered fuel-price hikes, stimulated a rapprochement of the US with Venezuela, and altered the latter's tense relationship with neighbouring Colombia, easing conditions for the restoration of bilateral relations. Those interested in maintaining relations with Latin America should take note of the divide among the region's governments, many showing only reluctant support for the West's anti-Vladimir Putin policies. The insistence on foreign policy autonomy here cannot be understood as an articulated regional project but rather serves as a discursive framework which allows each government international room for manoeuvre, favouring relations with multiple external actors.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (known broadly as "Lula") has defeated incumbent Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil's presidential election. As the Global South giant emerges from the isolation and loss of influence imposed by Bolsonaro's right-wing anti-globalist agenda, how can Germany and Europe best engage it with a view to resuming a key strategic partnership? Brazil's relations with the EU and Germany are at a historical postwar low. Normative differences with a Bolsonaro government driven by extreme right-wing domestic constituencies have stalled trade and climate negotiations, led to clashes on human rights and deforestation, and caused what were once regular high-level contacts to ebb to a trickle. The election itself was decided by a razor-thin margin and marred by voter suppression, contestations of its legitimacy, and pervasive electoral violations by Bolsonaro. The incumbent has not formally conceded, and his supporters were still in the streets a week after the vote. Assistance in asserting the functioning of the country's democratic institutions is urgently needed. Lula will realign the country with its multilateral diplomatic traditions and seek to reinstate social policies cancelled by Bolsonaro, such as poverty reduction, human rights, and safeguards for minorities, as well as environmental protection and sustainable development. This will align Brazil increasingly with Europe. But today's scenario is different from Lula's first two terms in office between 2003 and 2011: the National Congress is hostile to Lula's agenda, there is no commodity boom, and a polarised and unequal international system has less room for the rise of an emerging power. Germany and Europe should actively and regularly engage Brazil and assist in its moves to consolidate its democracy, combat inequality, protect the rainforest and safeguard minority rights. To do so, it should use trade policy as an incentive, reinforce civilian control over the armed forces, engage subnational partners, an

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

There is a long-standing idea that societies with too many men, particularly young and single men - the so-called "bare branches" - have a tendency for vice, risk-taking and violence, ultimately threatening social order and stability. Marriage is an important marker for adulthood across the globe. Yet, participation in the marriage market - looking for a spouse and forming a union - in sub-Saharan Africa is constrained, and the marriage market is an important institution shaping and maintaining inequality in income and opportunities. Traditional marriage practices, such as that of polygyny, where one man is married to more than one woman at the same time, are still prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa and lead to a situation where some men, particularly the young, struggle to find a wife and start a family. Having more men than women in the marriage market gives rise to competition amongst men, spurring frustration and anger among those that struggle to find a bride. The imbalance between men and women in the marriage market has been associated with increasing rebel attacks and intergroup conflict in the region. Hence, there is a palpable need to pay more attention to the marriage market, particularly in sub-Saharan African countries, many of which are already struggling with political and societal instability. A more complete characterisation of the marriage market and its actors is necessary to better understand the underlying forces that cause young and unmarried men to gravitate towards violence. Governments must begin to recognise the importance of the marriage market as an institution perpetrating injustices and economic grievances. At the same time, targeted strategies need to be developed that recognise and address perceived inequalities and thus pre-empt promises by extremist groups, who exploit the relative dearth of brides as a recruitment strategy. Targeted information campaigns and appeals are only short-term solutions. Direct interventions in the marriage m

Since February 2020, the world has been facing a global pandemic of the SARS-CoV2 virus. All over the world, people have been urged to take protective measures. It is hoped that the implementation of widespread vaccination campaigns will defeat the pandemic in the long term. While many people are eager to be vaccinated against Covid-19, other voices in the population are highly critical of vaccination and protective measures, circulating much misinformation on social media. The movements opposing pandemic response measures are heterogeneous, including right-wing groups, spiritualists who deny science, citizens with existential fears, and those who equate vaccination with a loss of individual freedom. This study aims to map and compare the social media communication of anti-vaccination movements that defy social cohesion and circulate online misinformation in Germany and Brazil. By following a grounded theory approach suggested by Webb and Mallon (2007), we coded content from social media communication of opinion leaders on Twitter with extended narrative analysis methodology finding different narratives that were mapped within the inhomogeneous anti-vaccination movements. The results show that both countries’ main narratives against vaccination are very similar, but the main difference stems from Brazil’s stronger politicization of vaccines.

For over a decade China has supplanted Europe as the principal stimulus for the production and export of soy from Brazil, overwhelmingly in the form of whole beans rather than meal. Medium-term projections, whether from the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) or Brazil’s Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Supply (MAPA), suggest that this dynamic will continue, while China’s Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs (MARA) forecasts are somewhat more modest. In this article, a range of new factors are taken into account, which point to a more uncertain future. These include: Brazil’s alignment in the US-China trade war and the tensions this is creating both diplomatically and within the soy sector itself; the measures China is adopting to diversify its agricultural commodity supply bases; China’s increasing commitment to global climate goals; the impact of food innovation and consumer trends on global meat consumption; and the policies China is putting into place to increase domestic capacity. All these factors, it is argued, may call into question the current dynamism of the Brazil-China soy nexus over the medium term, with the unintended consequence of easing of the pressure on Brazil’s fragile Cerrados and Amazon ecosystems.

In der vorliegenden Studie wird untersucht, welche Faktoren den Deutschlandbezug von PASCH-Alumni beeinflussen. Hierfür wurden eine Fragebogenerhebung und Gruppeninterviews mit PASCH-Alumni aus Bulgarien, Ägypten und Brasilien durchgeführt. Außerdem wurden Expert:innen der entsprechenden Länderkontexte befragt. Zentrale Faktoren für einen nachhaltigen Deutschlandbezug sind demnach einzelne PASCH-Aktivitäten und die Rolle der Lehrkräfte bzw. der schulischen Kontextbedingungen. Für die AKBP bedeutet dies v.a. die Lehrkräfte zu stärken, Alumni-Netzwerke inkl. Aktivitäten auszubauen sowie die einzelnen länderspezifischen Kontexte für den Erfolg der PASCH-Initiative verstehen zu lernen.

Diese Sammlung liefert Geschichte und Hintergrundinformationen zum Verständnis des Autoritarismus in Ländern von Russland bis eSwatini und von Brasilien bis zu den Philippinen sowie konzeptionelle Ansätze zum Verständnis des Autoritarismus und des Widerstands dagegen, spezifische praktische Erfahrungen beim Aufbau internationaler Solidarität und Debatten, die sich aus diesem Gebot ergeben. Die Kapitel befassen sich mit der Konvergenz von Politik und gewerkschaftlicher Organisierung im Autoritarismus, mit dem Einsatz von Arbeitsgesetzen und -institutionen zur Unterdrückung von Arbeit, mit Alternativen zu herkömmlichen Gewerkschaften, wenn diese kooptiert oder verboten sind, und mit der Behandlung von Flüchtlingen auf ungleichen Arbeitsmärkten. Das Buch richtet sich an Gewerkschaftsaktivisten, Wissenschaftler und Arbeitnehmer überall., This collection provides the history and background necessary to understand authoritarianism in countries ranging from Russia to eSwatini and from Brazil to the Philippines, as well as conceptual lenses for understanding authoritarianism and resistance to it, specific practical experiences of establishing international solidarity and debates emerging from that imperative. Its chapters cover the convergence of politics with the organisation of labour under authoritarianism, the use of labour laws and institutions to suppress labour, alternatives to conventional trade unions where unions are co-opted or banned, and the treatment of refugees in unequal labour markets. This book will appeal to labour activists, scholars and workers everywhere.

The article analyzes the experiences of Venezuelan refugees in the city of Boa Vista (Brazil) in exercising their communication rights in the context of social and digital inequalities aggravated by the Covid-19 pandemic. This article outlines a perspective on digital inequalities from a rights-based approach, which focuses on granting the right to communicate to those who lack it rather than providing access to technology without highlighting the structural changes that are needed for promoting representation and participation of marginalized communities. Building on online and face-to-face interviews with 12 Venezuelan refugees, we identified three scenarios where inequalities regarding access and uses of ICTs are materialized: (a) reduction of digital communication interactions and affective networks due to the deterioration of connectivity in Venezuela and the suspension of local communication services provided by humanitarian agencies; (b) barriers to accessing information about rights and basic services, such as education, health, work, and shelter, given the reduction of communication channels and the closure of reference centers supporting refugees; and (c) increased exposure to fake news, scams, and hate speech in social media platforms and message apps, generating disinformation and enhancing risks of exploitation and marginalization of refugees.

Die hohen COVID-19-Inzidenzen unter Beschäftigten in fleischverarbeitenden Betrieben im Süden Brasiliens markieren einen neuen Punkt auf der langen Liste von Problemen der globalen fleischverarbeitenden Industrie. Bereits bekannte Probleme sind Arbeitsunfälle, das Repetitive-Strain-Injury-Syndrom, Arbeit mit kontaminierten Abfällen sowie immunologische und psychiatrische Störungen. Zudem ist die Industrie geprägt von prekärer Arbeit, Rassismus und Speziesismus sowie der Hervorbringung ungesunder Ökologien. Diese nähren entstehende Krankheitserreger und bilden gemeinsam eine Szenerie chronischer Zerstörung, welche Menschen, Tiere und Umwelten ausbeutet und krank macht. In diesem Artikel untersuchen wir, wie in der aktuellen Situation - ausgelöst durch die unheilvolle Aktivität des Agrobusiness - zentrale Themen des Anthropozäns zusammenfallen und sich in neuen Konfigurationen die vernichtenden, historischen, sozialen, gesundheitlichen und ökologischen Bedingungen wiederholen, von denen Brasilien seit der Kolonialzeit betroffen ist., The high incidence of COVID-19 among workers in southern Brazilian slaughterhouses comprises a new facet in the long list of problems facing the global meat processing industry. Known problems include occupational accidents, repetitive strain injury syndrome, working with contaminated waste, and immunological and psychiatric disorders. In addition, the industry is characterised by precarious work, racism, speciesism, and the production of unhealthy ecologies that contribute to emerging pathogens and constitute a scenario of chronic destruction and exploitation that makes people, animals, and environments sick. In this article, we examine how the current situation, caused by the sinister activities of agribusiness, synthesizes central themes in the debate on the Anthropocene and refl ects on new confi gurations in the devastating historical, social, sanitary, and ecological conditions that have aff ected Brazil since colonial times.

This paper explores how different means of citizen participation influence urban policies at the city level. The study considers four case studies in two cities, Berlin, Germany and Sao Paulo, Brazil, covering different stages of the policy cycle. Informed by the assessment of qualitative research conducted during a year-long study, the experiences illustrate that the ability to navigate between streets and institutions in participatory procedures is key to ensuring political embeddedness of citizen contributions while remaining context sensitive. By expanding the concept of participation to incorporate different fields of action, the study provides a lens to inform procedural designs while questioning frameworks that hinder the democratic urban transformation.

As part of the interiorization program of public higher education in Brazil, and following the dismemberment of the Federal University of Pará (UFPA), the Federal University of South and Southeast of Pará (Unifesspa) was created in 2013 in the Eastern Amazon. In 2014, the Araguaia Engineering Institute (IEA) of Unifesspa was set up in the city of Santana of Araguaia, providing a licentiate degree course in Mathematics. The bachelor's degree in civil engineering was added in 2018, and architecture and urbanism in 2019. Santana of Araguaia is a relatively new municipality, located in the state of Pará, away from the main centralities and between the borders of agribusiness and the Amazon. Our research analyzed the evolution of the first years of this university campus in the municipal and regional contexts and reports the development indexes of IEA and Santana do Araguaia. It is observed that there are numerous challenges to improving this asymmetry; however, the interiorization of public higher education does have the potential to overcome some of this inequality, stimulate the development, and guarantee the right to public, free, and quality higher education.

This paper examines the context-dependent role of race as a predictor of non-electoral political participation. Prior country-level studies have documented group-level differences in a variety of forms of participation in South Africa and the United States, but have found few to no differences in Brazil. Why are members of one group more engaged in certain political activities than members of other groups only in specific contexts? Why do members of socioeconomically deprived groups, such as non-Whites, participate more than better-off groups in acts that require group mobilization in South Africa and the United States but not in Brazil? Results from the World Values Survey and the International Social Survey Programme show that Blacks and Coloureds in South Africa and Blacks in the United States participate more than Whites in activities that demand prior organization and mobilization, whereas group differences are negligible in Brazil. I argue that (1) race as a driver of political mobilization is conditional on the existence of politicized racial identities; (2) members of groups that share a strong collective identity participate in direct political action more than predicted by their socioeconomic background; (3) politicization of identities is the product of racial projects that deploy the state apparatus to enforce group boundaries for the implementation of segregationist policies as well as the reactions against them; and (4) by enforcing group boundaries, those systems unintentionally create the conditions for the formation of politicized group identities. In the absence of such requisites, political mobilization along racial lines would be weak or nonexistent.

The system of representative democracy is under considerable strain. Its institutions are struggling to maintain legitimacy, and its elected representatives are failing to keep their monopoly on (formal) political representation. An emerging multitude of (new) claim makers contests the authority of elected representatives as well as the functioning of the existing system of representative democracy by alleging misrepresentation. In this article, we identify a significant shortcoming in Saward's claims-making approach; specifically, we argue that it offers little direction in addressing misrepresentation. We distinguish between claims of representation and claims of misrepresentation, and show how the latter can fulfill one, two or all three of the following functions: (1) they appeal to an enemy/antagonist (strategy), (2) identify causes of misrepresentation related to policies, politics, and polity (persuasion), and (3) claim to create a new linkage to "the people", sometimes present themselves as new representatives (reframing). To test this proposed framework, we compare claims of misrepresentation in Brazil made by civil society groups (before and during the presidential impeachment between 2014 and 2016) and in Germany (focusing on the parliamentarians of the Alternative for Germany during the first six months of mandate). Our results suggest that claims of misrepresentation are not intrinsically democratic or undemocratic, but are instead ambiguous, have different manifestations and disparate impacts on the representative system. Our article contributes to the conceptual development of the claims approach and to further understanding several critical and current challenges to representative democracy.

This article presents an analysis of the use of populist framing mechanisms by grassroots right-wing organizations. It brings together the social movement literature on framing and the populist literature to understand how actors build an emergent field of activism in a highly contentious context. Based on the analysis of a sample of 4,574 Facebook posts published by five civil society organizations during the campaign to oust Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff, it argues that two mechanisms - reductionism and antagonism - enabled actors to focus on similar targets and diagnostics, while maintaining relevant differences when seeking to motivate followers and present prognostic frames. These were key mechanisms used by all the actors, albeit with different contents, depending on the frame task. This article contributes to filling gaps between the framing and populist literature, and in shedding light onto the relevance of populist communication in the rise of right-wing activism.

During the 1800s until the First World War, the migration to Brazil by Swedish citizens reached several thousands. The majority of these migrants were poor laborers or peasants traveling in the hope of finding a prosperous life in the new country. The Swedish migrants migrated to the new country with minimal economic resources at their disposal and with limited opportunities to decide on their own situation. This article is concerned with the migrants’ representation of their routes in different Swedish newspapers or booklets at the time of their migration. These texts provide insights into the conditions the migrants experienced while traveling to the new country and establishing themselves there, as well as the confinements they experienced when encountering a powerful migration regime linked to the Brazilian government and the migration industry that consisted of agents that organized and administered the travel as well as ex-migrants of Swedish or other Scandinavian origin that offered different kinds of services. The article discusses how the Swedish migrants accounted for their attempts to improve their life-situation while dependent on the migration industry for their survival. However, their strategies also included networking with their friends and neighbors for both community and instrumental reasons. In this perspective, the migrants’ interest in publishing their experiences on the routes fits into their attempts to reclaim social agency and expand their social networks to include the broader Swedish society. One conclusion of the study is that the transatlantic migration of the 1800s seemingly had a resemblance to the current migration from the Global South toward the Global North; the migrants are struggling against exploitation and a powerful migration regime by investing their engagement in a larger social network.

During the 1800s until the First World War, the migration to Brazil by Swedish citizens reached several thousands. The majority of these migrants were poor laborers or peasants traveling in the hope of finding a prosperous life in the new country. The Swedish migrants migrated to the new country with minimal economic resources at their disposal and with limited opportunities to decide on their own situation. This article is concerned with the migrants’ representation of their routes in different Swedish newspapers or booklets at the time of their migration. These texts provide insights into the conditions the migrants experienced while traveling to the new country and establishing themselves there, as well as the confinements they experienced when encountering a powerful migration regime linked to the Brazilian government and the migration industry that consisted of agents that organized and administered the travel as well as ex-migrants of Swedish or other Scandinavian origin that offered different kinds of services. The article discusses how the Swedish migrants accounted for their attempts to improve their life-situation while dependent on the migration industry for their survival. However, their strategies also included networking with their friends and neighbors for both community and instrumental reasons. In this perspective, the migrants’ interest in publishing their experiences on the routes fits into their attempts to reclaim social agency and expand their social networks to include the broader Swedish society. One conclusion of the study is that the transatlantic migration of the 1800s seemingly had a resemblance to the current migration from the Global South toward the Global North; the migrants are struggling against exploitation and a powerful migration regime by investing their engagement in a larger social network.

Moving beyond the legal and historical hegemonic definitions of the quilombo, this paper investigates continuities in gendered racial violence in Brazil by evoking the political and poetic of the quilombo. Inspired by the works of the historian and poet Beatriz Nascimento, the multifaceted notion of quilombo is conceptualized as an ongoing praxis of fugitivity and coalition that draws on the interconnectedness of anti-colonial, feminist, and anti-racist struggles. In exploring geopolitical breaks and epistemological ruptures, this paper fosters a necessary conversation between theory and practice by engaging with the living archives of three Afro-Brazilian writers and activists: (i) Beatriz Nascimento’s fundamental contributions on the political, material and symbolic dimensions of quilombo; (ii) the legacy and vision of Marielle Franco focusing on the necessity to ocupar the institutional politics like a growing seed; (iii) the work of Erica Malunguinho and Mandata Quilombo through the praxis of aquilombar the constitutional democracy, based on the alternation in representative power and repossession., Dieser Artikel geht über die hegemonialen rechtlich-historischen Definitionen des Quilombo in Brasilien hinaus und untersucht die Kontinuitäten in der geschlechtsspezifischen rassistischen Gewalt, indem er die politischen und poetischen Genealogien des Quilombo heraufbeschwört. Inspiriert von den Arbeiten der Historikerin und Dichterin Beatriz Nascimento wird der facettenreiche Begriff des Quilombo als eine fortlaufende Praxis von Flucht bzw. Flüchtigkeit und Koalition konzeptualisiert, die sich auf die Verflechtung von antikolonialen, feministischen und antirassistischen Kämpfen stützt. In dem Artikel werden geopolitische und epistemologische Brüche erforscht und ein notwendiges Gespräch zwischen Theorie und Praxis gefördert, das sich mit den lebenden Archiven dreier afro-brasilianischer Schriftsteller und Aktivisten beschäftigt: (i) Beatriz Nascimentos fundamentale Ausarbeitungen zu den symbolischen und materiellen Dimensionen des Quilombo als Territorium; (ii) die Arbeit von Marielle Franco, die sich auf die relationale Ubuntu-Maxime und die Notwendigkeit der Überwindung der institutionellen Politik konzentriert; (iii) die Interventionen von Erica Malunguinho, die den Quilombo durch die Praxis des aquilombar erweitert und die auf dem veränderten repräsentativen Demokratie sowie der Wiederinbesitznahme von Land, Gemeinschaften, Körpern, Erinnerungen, Aufständen, Befreiung beruhen.