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2024 has been a year of elections around the world, including the developed nations—the USA, the UK, the European Union and the Russian Federation alongside countries like India, Mexico, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran (the Islamic Republic of), South Africa, Republic of Korea (South Korea), Algeria, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Ghana, Mozambique, Madagascar, Venezuela, (the Bolivarian Republic of), Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), Taiwan, Syrian Arab Republic, Mali, Sri Lanka, Romania, Chad, Senegal, Cambodia, Rwanda, Tunisia, Belgium, Dominic Republic, Jordan, South Sudan, Czechia (Czech Republic), Azerbaijan, Portugal, Belarus, Togo, Austria, El Salvador, Slovakia, Finland, Mauritania, Panama, Croatia, Georgia, Mongolia, Uruguay, Republic of Moldova, Lithuania Botswana, Namibia, Guinea Bissau and North Macedonia. This editorial is devoted to the verdict of India’s General Election 2024. The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections have trickled in by defying most of the expectations of the exit polls. The graph of the results projected a different picture, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) grabbing 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament. At the same time, the coalition of opposition parties, collectively known as the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), accomplished 234, which is 38 less than the required majority. As a twist in the election results, the regional parties made significant gains in many states. Congress bagged a strong revival, which was hugely attributed to the Bharat Jodo Yatra and Nyay Yatra under the architect of Mr Rahul Gandhi. Nevertheless, with its allies, BJP-led NDA is on board as Modi 3.0 leads the largest democracy.

Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction is applied to interpret the structural conditions and experiences of citizens in ‘left behind’ places (LBP) along the Cumbrian coastline (UK). The findings from a longitudinal participatory study imply a ‘left behind’ habitus where citizens disengage with local and national politics. This suggests that place-based initiatives aimed at reducing spatial inequalities, such as Levelling Up and the current devolution agenda, will be ineffective without considering the subjective, physical, distance LBP feel from political institutions. Future research needs to explore relational strategies which align the local democratic field with local civic habitus to foster liberal democracy.

2024 has been a year of elections around the world, including the developed nations—the USA, the UK, the European Union and the Russian Federation alongside countries like India, Mexico, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran (the Islamic Republic of), South Africa, Republic of Korea (South Korea), Algeria, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Ghana, Mozambique, Madagascar, Venezuela, (the Bolivarian Republic of), Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), Taiwan, Syrian Arab Republic, Mali, Sri Lanka, Romania, Chad, Senegal, Cambodia, Rwanda, Tunisia, Belgium, Dominic Republic, Jordan, South Sudan, Czechia (Czech Republic), Azerbaijan, Portugal, Belarus, Togo, Austria, El Salvador, Slovakia, Finland, Mauritania, Panama, Croatia, Georgia, Mongolia, Uruguay, Republic of Moldova, Lithuania Botswana, Namibia, Guinea Bissau and North Macedonia. This editorial is devoted to the verdict of India’s General Election 2024. The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections have trickled in by defying most of the expectations of the exit polls. The graph of the results projected a different picture, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) grabbing 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament. At the same time, the coalition of opposition parties, collectively known as the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), accomplished 234, which is 38 less than the required majority. As a twist in the election results, the regional parties made significant gains in many states. Congress bagged a strong revival, which was hugely attributed to the Bharat Jodo Yatra and Nyay Yatra under the architect of Mr Rahul Gandhi. Nevertheless, with its allies, BJP-led NDA is on board as Modi 3.0 leads the largest democracy.

En la España entre los años de 1859 y 1936, numerosos militares españoles publicaron obras dedicadas al estudio de la Geografía militar, cuyos fundamentos se asentaban en las Geografías física y política, y en la Historia militar. Con ello se pretendía reunir todo el conocimiento indispensable para la planificación y dirección de la guerra; no solo en el nivel de Estado Mayor o altos mandos de las Fuerzas Armadas sino también para formar a oficiales y soldados con la finalidad de que pudieran desempeñarse mejor en combate al elevar su instrucción teórica. También se recibieron influencias del exterior, principalmente a través de obras francesas, alemanas e italianas, leídas por los militares en sus idiomas originales o bien en español gracias a oportunas traducciones. Se trató de una ciencia aplicada que se formó a partir de un gran conocimiento teórico geográfico, histórico, cartográfico y estadístico. Fue una enorme aportación en favor de la Defensa de España pero que, actualmente se halla en un inmerecido estado de olvido casi absoluto. En esta obra se muestra todo lo que fue la Geografía militar de España y todo lo que puede ayudarnos a entender la situación actual en la España de hoy y su contexto internacional., In Spain between 1859 and 1936, many Spanish military published works dedicated to the study of Military Geography, whose foundations were based on physical and political geography and military history. The aim was to gather all the indispensable knowledge for the planning and leading of the war; not only at the level of the General Staff or high commands of the Armed Forces, but also to train officers and soldiers so that they could perform better in combat by improving their theoretical instruction. Influences were also received from abroad, mainly through French, German and Italian works, read by the military in their original languages or in Spanish thanks to timely translations. It was an applied science that was formed from a great theoretical, geographical, historical, cartographic, and statistical knowledge. It was an enormous contribution in favor of the Defense of Spain but that, now it is in an undeserved state of almost absolute oblivion. This work shows everything that was the Military Geography of Spain and everything that can help us to understand the current situation in Spain today and its international context.

Recientes investigaciones sobre las sociedades mesoamericanas durante y después de la «conquista» española han revelado de manera pormenorizada cómo los indígenas actuaron por su propia iniciativa obedeciendo a sus intereses particulares ante una realidad literalmente cambiante. Estos estudios exigen reconsiderar nuestro paradigma conceptual sobre la historia de dicho periodo, en la que como agentes activos mantuvieron su sociedad sin ruptura alguna, es decir una historia de larga duración o la longue durée. Esta nueva perspectiva analítica y metodológica, no obstante, aún no alcanza al estudio de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán y la única excepción sigue siendo el modelo que he venido planteando desde hace tres décadas. En este trabajo, por ende, demostraré las características de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán desde el Posclásico hasta el siglo XIX e indicaré la importancia de estudiarla con base en la «lógica» o perspectiva indígena. Luego, discutiré lo que puede implicar el notorio contraste que existe entre mi modelo y los demás como una dicotomía conceptual inconsciente que persiste entre los investigadores, lo cual se puede esquematizar como una dicotomía proveniente de dos saberes asimétricos: lo indígena y lo nuestro académico. Al término de este trabajo resaltaré mi esperanza en los jóvenes estudiosos indígenas que intentan buscar otra forma de hablar de su historia ancestral. Palabras claveGeografía política, mayas, Yucatán, perspectiva indígena, larga duración

Recientes investigaciones sobre las sociedades mesoamericanas durante y después de la «conquista» española han revelado de manera pormenorizada cómo los indígenas actuaron por su propia iniciativa obedeciendo a sus intereses particulares ante una realidad literalmente cambiante. Estos estudios exigen reconsiderar nuestro paradigma conceptual sobre la historia de dicho periodo, en la que como agentes activos mantuvieron su sociedad sin ruptura alguna, es decir una historia de larga duración o la longue durée. Esta nueva perspectiva analítica y metodológica, no obstante, aún no alcanza al estudio de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán y la única excepción sigue siendo el modelo que he venido planteando desde hace tres décadas. En este trabajo, por ende, demostraré las características de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán desde el Posclásico hasta el siglo XIX e indicaré la importancia de estudiarla con base en la «lógica» o perspectiva indígena. Luego, discutiré lo que puede implicar el notorio contraste que existe entre mi modelo y los demás como una dicotomía conceptual inconsciente que persiste entre los investigadores, lo cual se puede esquematizar como una dicotomía proveniente de dos saberes asimétricos: lo indígena y lo nuestro académico. Al término de este trabajo resaltaré mi esperanza en los jóvenes estudiosos indígenas que intentan buscar otra forma de hablar de su historia ancestral. Palabras claveGeografía política, mayas, Yucatán, perspectiva indígena, larga duración

Recientes investigaciones sobre las sociedades mesoamericanas durante y después de la «conquista» española han revelado de manera pormenorizada cómo los indígenas actuaron por su propia iniciativa obedeciendo a sus intereses particulares ante una realidad literalmente cambiante. Estos estudios exigen reconsiderar nuestro paradigma conceptual sobre la historia de dicho periodo, en la que como agentes activos mantuvieron su sociedad sin ruptura alguna, es decir una historia de larga duración o la longue durée. Esta nueva perspectiva analítica y metodológica, no obstante, aún no alcanza al estudio de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán y la única excepción sigue siendo el modelo que he venido planteando desde hace tres décadas. En este trabajo, por ende, demostraré las características de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán desde el Posclásico hasta el siglo XIX e indicaré la importancia de estudiarla con base en la «lógica» o perspectiva indígena. Luego, discutiré lo que puede implicar el notorio contraste que existe entre mi modelo y los demás como una dicotomía conceptual inconsciente que persiste entre los investigadores, lo cual se puede esquematizar como una dicotomía proveniente de dos saberes asimétricos: lo indígena y lo nuestro académico. Al término de este trabajo resaltaré mi esperanza en los jóvenes estudiosos indígenas que intentan buscar otra forma de hablar de su historia ancestral. Palabras claveGeografía política, mayas, Yucatán, perspectiva indígena, larga duración

Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction is applied to interpret the structural conditions and experiences of citizens in ‘left behind’ places (LBP) along the Cumbrian coastline (UK). The findings from a longitudinal participatory study imply a ‘left behind’ habitus where citizens disengage with local and national politics. This suggests that place-based initiatives aimed at reducing spatial inequalities, such as Levelling Up and the current devolution agenda, will be ineffective without considering the subjective, physical, distance LBP feel from political institutions. Future research needs to explore relational strategies which align the local democratic field with local civic habitus to foster liberal democracy.

Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction is applied to interpret the structural conditions and experiences of citizens in ‘left behind’ places (LBP) along the Cumbrian coastline (UK). The findings from a longitudinal participatory study imply a ‘left behind’ habitus where citizens disengage with local and national politics. This suggests that place-based initiatives aimed at reducing spatial inequalities, such as Levelling Up and the current devolution agenda, will be ineffective without considering the subjective, physical, distance LBP feel from political institutions. Future research needs to explore relational strategies which align the local democratic field with local civic habitus to foster liberal democracy.

Orlando Fals Borda is the most recognized Colombian sociologist, both for his status as founder of national sociology, and for his projection in global academic networks regarding Participatory Action Research. These notions about his legacy seem to cloud another (geo)political and cultural contribution to the Colombian nation and to social science, such as his understanding of the limitations of the prevailing forms of administrative organization to respond to the policies of the space produced and lived from the various territorialities subsumed in the secular idea of ​​the centralist state. In this work we will analyze the approaches of his article Territory as social construction (2000), against the light of the journeys through moors and wetlands that allowed Fals to establish a vision of space as variable and subject to transformation dynamics. His sociological understanding of the territory, or other spatial categories such as the region and the province, was characterized by a decolonial position and contrary to the republican order instituted since the 19th century, which led Fals Borda to controversial positions on territorial planning that still exist. They deserve debate, both because of their disruptive geopolitical positioning, and because of their relevance in the current transition from armed conflict to peace in Colombia., Orlando Fals Borda es el sociólogo colombiano de mayor reconocimiento, tanto por su condición de fundador de la sociología nacional, como por su proyección en redes académicas globales a propósito de la Investigación Acción Participativa -IAP-. Estas nociones sobre su legado, parecen obnubilar otro aporte (geo)político y cultural a la nación colombiana y a la ciencia social, como es el de su comprensión de las limitaciones de las formas de organización administrativa imperantes para responder a las políticas del espacio producido y vivido desde las diversas territorialidades subsumidas en la idea secular del estado centralista. En este trabajo analizaremos los planteamientos de su artículo El Territorio como construcción social (2000), a contraluz de las travesías por páramos y humedales que le permitieron a Fals sedimentar una visión del espacio como variable y sujeto a dinámicas de transformación. Su comprensión sociológica del territorio, o de otras categorías espaciales como la región y la provincia, estuvo caracterizada por una postura decolonial y a contravía del orden republicano instituido desde el siglo XIX, lo cual llevó a Fals Borda a posiciones polémicas sobre el ordenamiento territorial que aún ameritan debatirse, tanto por su posicionamiento geopolítico disruptivo, como por su pertinencia en la actual transición del conflicto armado a la paz en Colombia., Orlando Fals Borda é o sociólogo colombiano mais reconhecido, tanto pela sua condição de fundador da sociologia nacional, como pela sua projeção nas redes acadêmicas globais no que diz respeito à Pesquisa-Ação Participativa. Estas noções sobre o seu legado parecem obscurecer outra contribuição (geo)política e cultural para a nação colombiana e para as ciências sociais, como a sua compreensão das limitações das formas predominantes de organização administrativa para responder às políticas do espaço produzido e vivido das diversas territorialidades subsumidas na ideia secular de Estado centralista. Neste trabalho analisaremos as abordagens do seu artigo Território como construção social (2000), à luz das viagens por charnecas e zonas húmidas que permitiram a Fals estabelecer uma visão do espaço como variável e sujeito a dinâmicas de transformação. A sua compreensão sociológica do território, ou de outras categorias espaciais como a região e a província, caracterizou-se por uma posição descolonial e foi contra a ordem republicana instituída desde o século XIX, o que levou Fals Borda a posições controversas sobre o planeamento territorial que ainda existem Merecem debate, tanto pelo seu posicionamento geopolítico disruptivo, como pela sua relevância na actual transição do conflito armado para a paz na Colômbia.

Recientes investigaciones sobre las sociedades mesoamericanas durante y después de la «conquista» española han revelado de manera pormenorizada cómo los indígenas actuaron por su propia iniciativa obedeciendo a sus intereses particulares ante una realidad literalmente cambiante. Estos estudios exigen reconsiderar nuestro paradigma conceptual sobre la historia de dicho periodo, en la que como agentes activos mantuvieron su sociedad sin ruptura alguna, es decir una historia de larga duración o la longue durée. Esta nueva perspectiva analítica y metodológica, no obstante, aún no alcanza al estudio de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán y la única excepción sigue siendo el modelo que he venido planteando desde hace tres décadas. En este trabajo, por ende, demostraré las características de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán desde el Posclásico hasta el siglo XIX e indicaré la importancia de estudiarla con base en la «lógica» o perspectiva indígena. Luego, discutiré lo que puede implicar el notorio contraste que existe entre mi modelo y los demás como una dicotomía conceptual inconsciente que persiste entre los investigadores, lo cual se puede esquematizar como una dicotomía proveniente de dos saberes asimétricos: lo indígena y lo nuestro académico. Al término de este trabajo resaltaré mi esperanza en los jóvenes estudiosos indígenas que intentan buscar otra forma de hablar de su historia ancestral. Palabras claveGeografía política, mayas, Yucatán, perspectiva indígena, larga duración

Recientes investigaciones sobre las sociedades mesoamericanas durante y después de la «conquista» española han revelado de manera pormenorizada cómo los indígenas actuaron por su propia iniciativa obedeciendo a sus intereses particulares ante una realidad literalmente cambiante. Estos estudios exigen reconsiderar nuestro paradigma conceptual sobre la historia de dicho periodo, en la que como agentes activos mantuvieron su sociedad sin ruptura alguna, es decir una historia de larga duración o la longue durée. Esta nueva perspectiva analítica y metodológica, no obstante, aún no alcanza al estudio de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán y la única excepción sigue siendo el modelo que he venido planteando desde hace tres décadas. En este trabajo, por ende, demostraré las características de la geografía política de los mayas de Yucatán desde el Posclásico hasta el siglo XIX e indicaré la importancia de estudiarla con base en la «lógica» o perspectiva indígena. Luego, discutiré lo que puede implicar el notorio contraste que existe entre mi modelo y los demás como una dicotomía conceptual inconsciente que persiste entre los investigadores, lo cual se puede esquematizar como una dicotomía proveniente de dos saberes asimétricos: lo indígena y lo nuestro académico. Al término de este trabajo resaltaré mi esperanza en los jóvenes estudiosos indígenas que intentan buscar otra forma de hablar de su historia ancestral. Palabras claveGeografía política, mayas, Yucatán, perspectiva indígena, larga duración

2024 has been a year of elections around the world, including the developed nations—the USA, the UK, the European Union and the Russian Federation alongside countries like India, Mexico, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran (the Islamic Republic of), South Africa, Republic of Korea (South Korea), Algeria, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Ghana, Mozambique, Madagascar, Venezuela, (the Bolivarian Republic of), Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), Taiwan, Syrian Arab Republic, Mali, Sri Lanka, Romania, Chad, Senegal, Cambodia, Rwanda, Tunisia, Belgium, Dominic Republic, Jordan, South Sudan, Czechia (Czech Republic), Azerbaijan, Portugal, Belarus, Togo, Austria, El Salvador, Slovakia, Finland, Mauritania, Panama, Croatia, Georgia, Mongolia, Uruguay, Republic of Moldova, Lithuania Botswana, Namibia, Guinea Bissau and North Macedonia. This editorial is devoted to the verdict of India’s General Election 2024. The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections have trickled in by defying most of the expectations of the exit polls. The graph of the results projected a different picture, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) grabbing 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament. At the same time, the coalition of opposition parties, collectively known as the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), accomplished 234, which is 38 less than the required majority. As a twist in the election results, the regional parties made significant gains in many states. Congress bagged a strong revival, which was hugely attributed to the Bharat Jodo Yatra and Nyay Yatra under the architect of Mr Rahul Gandhi. Nevertheless, with its allies, BJP-led NDA is on board as Modi 3.0 leads the largest democracy.

This article studies the political economy of local politicians’ residential neighborhoods. We use Swedish data on the location of all politicians’ and citizens’ homes and their socioeconomic traits. A descriptive analysis shows that politicians live in neighborhoods with more socioeconomically advantaged residents and more of their own party’s voters. Next, we analyze whether having politicians in a neighborhood reduces the likelihood that new buildings are placed there, since these projects often generate local opposition. This analysis compares the neighborhoods of politicians with different degrees of political power and is restricted to close elections. We find that the presence of more politicians with governing power reduces the neighborhood’s proportion of new approved building permits for multifamily homes but not for single-family homes. The result is most likely explained by undue favoritism. We conclude that spatial political representation matters and that unequal spatial representation can increase geographic economic inequality.

Right-wing populism has become increasingly embedded in contemporary political systems. It poses challenges not only for societies but also for geographical analysis. This review article develops a fresh perspective through examining how right-wing populists are engaging with urban infrastructure. Examining the literature on populism and urban infrastructure we outline ‘infrastructural populism’, a general heuristic to understand an emerging agenda of right-wing politics. Four political fields are identified: (i) urban infrastructure as a field of morals to frame the ‘people’ and the ‘elite’, (ii) urban infrastructure as a field of ideological struggle, (iii) urban infrastructure as a field of national statecraft and (iv) urban infrastructure as a field of everyday practices and politics. The review throws new light on right-wing populism by showing how central infrastructure is becoming to its contemporary articulations, and how the inherently elusive and extensive qualities of populism result in often contradictory political agendas that are both aligned with and articulated against existing politics of urban infrastructure.

Regionalisation processes and regionalist contestation have been the subjects of long-standing debates on state rescaling and political geographies of discontent. Similar dynamics are also present in Norway, where a recent regional reform has faced opposition along centre-periphery lines. These phenomena raise questions about how different actors discursively enact the institutionalisation and/or counter-institutionalisation of regions. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores the contested merger between Troms and Finnmark counties in North Norway and its related political geographies, and further develops the notion of region work; that is, the discursive representations and practices involved in regionalisation processes. To do this, the thesis empirically analyses four organisational actors – the Solberg Government and the interest groups For Finnmark, Pasientfokus, and Kystopprøret – using a critical discourse analysis approach. It does so in order to examine region work central to the implementation of the regional reform, organised resistance to it among regional elites, and regional contestation beyond the reform. In advancing the notion of region work, the thesis develops a conceptual typology for analysing the discursive enactment of regions through institutional activism, institutional advocacy, systematic activism, and everyday practice. The thesis also provides insight into how political struggles over regions may come about and unfold by highlighting how regions, beyond their symbolic nature, offer political, institutional, and material stakes of contestation and resources for articulating counter-discourses. Emerging from this analysis, the thesis proposes that the notion of regional counter-institutionalisation, denoting region work in opposition to dominant or hegemonic representations of a region, can have wider theoretical and conceptual significance for how regionalisation processes and the political struggle over regions are approached analyt

The present article approaches, from an electoralist point of view, an issue in full swing: the emptied Spain. We took Teruel Existe! and Soria Ya! as a case selection, being these the only candidacies of the Plataforma de la España Vaciada (Emptied Spain Platform) that have achieved parliamentary representation. Adopting an exploratory perspective, we try to find out what were the factors at the municipal level that influenced the success of the Candidatures of Empty Spain (CEV). To address this question, we adopted a combined methodology. First, we performed a cluster analysis that allows us to classify the municipalities according to their nature. Secondly, using a linear regression model we explore which of these characteristics influenced the electoral performance of the CEVs. The results show that the success of these formations is found in municipalities close to provincial capitals, with a larger than average size and with a reduced presence of unemployed. However, the factor that shows to have the greatest weight in all the work was the holding of political events at the time of the electoral campaign., Este artículo aborda, desde un punto de vista electoralista, un tema en pleno auge: la España vaciada. Tomamos Teruel Existe! y Soria ¡Ya! como selección de caso, al ser estas las únicas candidaturas de la Plataforma de la España Vaciada que han conseguido representación parlamentaria. Adoptando una perspectiva exploratoria, tratamos de conocer cuáles fueron los factores que a nivel municipal influyeron sobre el éxito de las Candidaturas de la España Vaciada (CEV). Para abordar esta cuestión empleamos una metodología combinada. Primero, realizamos un análisis clúster que nos permite clasificar los municipios en función de su naturaleza. Seguidamente, mediante un modelo de regresión lineal exploramos cuáles de estas características influyeron en el rendimiento electoral de las CEV. Los resultados muestran que estas formaciones cosechan el éxito en municipios cercanos a las capitales de provincia, con un tamaño superior a la media y con una reducida presencia de desempleados. No obstante, el factor que muestra tener un mayor peso en todo el trabajo fue la realización de actos políticos durante la campaña electoral.

Urban segregation is not a new practice, nor are its divisive strategies. And although teicho-politics is, urban design has a long history of creating isolation, which finds its essence in walled medieval cities. Private neighborhoods, country clubs and other forms of isolation that are still prevalent and easily identifiable throughout the last half of the 20th century, are a teicho-polis contemporary example. However, with the beginning of this century there is an inverse phenomenon: the protected are no longer inside the walls, but outside. This new phenomenon, which extends over the poor neighborhoods of Latin America, is reminiscent of the European ghettos, the conventillos of the Río de la Plata and the brazilian leprosarians of the 20th century. Thus, urban walls take on a new metaphorical value, going from granting the privilege of protection, to the action -at best- of separation, and at worst of the invisibility of a disadvantaged urban reality, A segregação urbana não é uma prática nova, nem são suas estratégias de divisão. E embora a teicho-política seja, o design urbano tem uma longa história de criação de isolamento, que encontra sua essência nas cidades medievais muradas. Bairros privados, clubes de campo e outras formas de isolamento que ainda prevalecem e são facilmente identificáveis durante a última metade do século XX, são um exemplo contemporâneo da teicho-polis. No entanto, com o início deste século, há um fenômeno inverso: os protegidos não estão mais dentro das paredes, mas fora. Esse novo fenômeno, que se estende pelos bairros pobres da América Latina, lembra os guetos europeus, os cortiços do Rio da Prata e os leprosários do Brasil, do século XX. Assim, os muros urbanos assumem um novo valor metafórico, passando de conceder o privilégio de proteção, à ação -no melhor dos casosde separação, e no pior da invisibilidade de uma realidade urbana desfavorecida., La segregación urbana no es una práctica nueva, así como tampoco sus estrategias divisorias. Y aunque la teicho-política sí lo es, el diseño urbano tiene un largo prontuario en creaciones de forma de aislamiento que encuentra su quintaescencia en las ciudades medievales amuralladas. Los barrios privados, clubes de campo y otras formas de aislamiento aún vigentes y fácilmente identificables durante toda la última mitad del Siglo XX, son un ejemplo contemporáneo de la teicho-polis. Sin embargo, con el inicio de este siglo se da un fenómeno inverso: los protegidos ya no están adentro de los muros, sino afuera. Este nuevo fenómeno, que se extiende sobre los barrios pobres de América Latina, tiene reminiscencias de los guetos europeos, los conventillos del Río de la Plata y los leprosarios de Brasil del siglo XX. Así, los muros urbanos cobran un nuevo valor metafórico, pasando de otorgar el privilegio de la protección, a la acción -en el mejor de los casos- de separar, y en el peor de invisibilizar de una realidad urbana desfavorecida.

This dissertation explores the dynamic relationship between natural African hair and identity through physical and digital spaces African American women have created. Through a journey spanning the historical roots of hair texture transformation due to coerced liaisons during slavery to the present-day digital placemaking on platforms like YouTube, this work illuminates the complex dynamics of race, gender, beauty standards, and societal expectations as they intersect with women’s natural African hair. Chapter 1 establishes a foundational understanding of natural African hair within geographical research, using a postcolonial lens to address a scholarly gap. This gap emphasizes the significance of natural African hair among African American as a crucial aspect of African American culture and identity, proposing the development of an area of geographic inquiry situating natural African hair within the larger discussions of identity, intersectionality, and place. This opening chapter seeks to position natural African hair within academic discourse, advocating for its recognition as both a women's issue and a pivotal element of African American identity. Chapter 2 delves into the historical evolution of women’s natural African hair, tracing its trajectory through the lens of respectability politics through the Black Power Movement. It highlights how these movements have shaped the perception and representation of women’s natural African hair, transitioning from a symbol of resistance to an emblem of cultural pride and identity. This historical analysis underscores the role of cultural geography and Black feminist geography in exploring the empirical place of women’s natural African hair in the United States. Chapters 4 and 5 shift the focus to the digital realm, employing netnography to examine how African American women use YouTube as a place for cultural expression, community building, and resistance against mainstream beauty ideals. These chapters reveal how content

For decades, the Mediterranean Sea has been the site of intense political struggles over the governance of human mobility. In recent years, aerial infrastructure has played an increasingly important role in attempts to secure the border and apprehend unauthorised movement. Taking this tactical shift in bordering practices as a prompt for a deeper investigation of the aerial, this interdisciplinary thesis critically examines the role of civil aviation in the governance and contestation of the Mediterranean borderzone between North Africa and Europe. Through undertaking a genealogy of aerial practices across multiple sites, this thesis explores the boundary-making power of civil aviation. This analysis is both historical and contemporary. I draw upon archival material from the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) to trace the evolution of global aviation security in the context of postcolonial struggles. Examining contemporary practices, I turn to data from interviews with pilots and activists currently engaged in contesting border politics through civil aerial surveillance operations. I also analyse European state behaviour using documents obtained through Freedom of Information (FoI) requests. By looking across these multiple historical and contemporary sites of governance and contestation, this thesis shows how the ‘air power’ of civil aviation is constituted in practice. To describe the role of the plane, and the forms of power that cohere around it, this thesis introduces the concept of ‘jurisdictional infrastructure’ to demonstrate how political authority is produced through civil aviation infrastructure. Drawing on historical and contemporary examples, this thesis shows that civil aviation is not simply a vessel through which political or legal decisions are enacted or translated, but rather, that mobility infrastructure itself exerts, confers, and authorises power. Furthermore, the thesis argues that civil aviation shapes the governance and contest

Dr Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya breathed his last on 29 January 2023. This historical article charts to pay tribute to his professional career and contributions, who worked silently towards laying the foundation and building the geography of North East India.

The agricultural sector plays a crucial role in securing a more sustainable livelihood for the world's growing population. An expanded cultivation of multifunctional and environmentally smart crops like industrial hemp (Cannabis sativa L.) can thus be part of the solution in meeting the increasingly high demands of sustainable development. However, earlier research indicates that the global cultivation of industrial hemp is hindered, and that hemp is an underutilized resource relative to its potential benefits. During the 20th century hemp cultivation was banned in large parts of the world. Sweden lifted the ban in 2003, later than most other European countries. In 2017, Swedish hemp cultivation was by far one of the smallest in the European Union. This study thus aims to analyze the position of industrial hemp in Sweden – by using the theoretical framework of political ecology – to investigate which social and societal structures and processes that dictates the access to and the control of industrial hemp in Sweden today. A historical analysis of power relations as well as ideological and cultural contexts – with significance for the cultivation of hemp – is done to make the relationship between Cannabis sativa L. and Swedish society appear more clearly. The material for the analysis has been collected through a literature search and qualitative method using in-depth interviews with Swedish authorities and a national hemp association. The study discusses the relationship between hemp and human society, which is found to be characterized by a complex interconnectedness. Furthermore, the study shows that Swedish industrial hemp production is negatively affected by, among other things, cultivation bans, strict regulations, government controls, drug conservatism, and group as well as state conformity. Through a more progressive policy, industrial hemp is expected to become a positive contributing factor to reduced greenhouse gas emissions and to a growing fossil-free

Dr Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya breathed his last on 29 January 2023. This historical article charts to pay tribute to his professional career and contributions, who worked silently towards laying the foundation and building the geography of North East India.

The “Transboundary Aquifer” concept envisaged in the United Nations Resolution 63/has had a significant impact on the evaluation of transboundary aquifers. In the Mexico-U.S.A. case, it has not been possible to officially determine the total number of shared aquifers, therefore, the evaluation of groundwater is to be settled; it represents an lack of conceptual clarity on the subject. This contribution from an interdisciplinary approach (political geography and hydrogeology) carries out an analysis based on scientific evidence and legal documents to determine the nature of the current conceptual discrepancies between the scientific definitions of “Transboundary Aquifer” and “Transboundary Groundwater”. Results suggest the need to incorporate a systemic vision on the transboundary groundwater management, as well as the scientific homologation of concepts and methodologies applied for both countries guarantee an integrated transboundary water management., Le concept d'aquifère transfrontière envisagé dans la résolution 63/124 des Nations Unies a eu un impact significatif sur l'évaluation des aquifères transfrontières. Dans le cas du Mexique-États-Unis, il n'a pas été possible de déterminer officiellement le nombre total d'aquifères partagés, et encore moins d'évaluer le fonctionnement systémique des eaux souterraines, en raison d'un manque de clarté conceptuelle sur le sujet. Cette contribution fait une analyse basée sur l'examen critique des preuves scientifiques et juridiques pour déterminer la nature des divergences conceptuelles entre les définitions scientifiques de l'aquifère transfrontière et des eaux souterraines transfrontières, dans une approche interdisciplinaire (géographie politique et hydrogéologie). Les résultats suggèrent la nécessité d'intégrer une vision systémique et sociale pour parvenir à une gestion partagée des eaux souterraines, ainsi que la standardisation des méthodologies entre les deux pays., Il concetto di acquifero transfrontaliero previsto nella risoluzione delle Nazioni Unite 63/124 ha avuto un impatto significativo sulla valutazione degli acquiferi transfrontalieri. Nel caso del Messico-Stati Uniti non è stato possibile determinare ufficialmente il numero totale di acquifere condivise, tanto meno è stato possibile valutare il funzionamento sistemico delle acque sotterranee, per mancanza di chiarezza concettuale sull'argomento. Questo contributo fa un'analisi basata sulla revisione critica delle prove scientifiche e legali per determinare la natura delle discrepanze concettuali tra le definizioni scientifiche di acquifero transfrontaliero e acque sotterranee transfrontaliere, da un approccio interdisciplinare (geografia politica e idrogeologia). I risultati suggeriscono la necessità di incorporare una visione sistemica e sociale per ottenere una gestione condivisa delle acque sotterranee, nonché la standardizzazione delle metodologie tra i due paesi., O conceito de aquífero transfronteiriço previsto na Resolução 63/124 das Nações Unidas teve um impacto significativo na avaliação dos aquíferos transfronteiriços. No caso México-Estados Unidos, ainda não foi possível determinar oficialmente o número total de aquíferos compartilhados, nem avaliar o funcionamento sistêmico das águas subterrâneas, devido à falta de clareza conceitual sobre o assunto. Esta contribuição faz uma análise baseada na revisão crítica de evidências científicas e jurídicas para determinar a natureza das discrepâncias conceituais entre as definições científicas de aquífero transfronteiriço e águas subterrâneas transfronteiriças, a partir de uma abordagem interdisciplinar (geografia política e hidrogeologia). Os resultados sugerem a necessidade de incorporar uma visão sistêmica e social para alcançar a gestão compartilhada das águas subterrâneas, bem como a padronização de metodologias entre os dois países., El concepto "acuífero transfronterizo" previsto en la Resolución de Naciones Unidas 63/124 ha tenido un impacto significativo en la evaluación de los acuíferos transfronterizos. En el caso México-Estados Unidos, no ha sido posible determinar oficialmente el número total de acuíferos compartidos, mucho menos se ha podido evaluar el funcionamiento sistémico del agua subterránea, debido a una falta de claridad conceptual en el tema. Esta contribución efectúa un análisis basado en la revisión crítica de evidencia científica y legal para determinar la naturaleza de las discrepancias conceptuales entre las definiciones científicas de "Acuífero Transfronterizo" y "Agua Subterránea Transfronteriza", desde un enfoque interdisciplinario (geografía política e hidrogeología). Los resultados sugieren la necesidad de incorporar una visión sistémica en la gestión de las aguas subterráneas compartidas, así como la homologación de metodologías para garantizar una gestión integrada de las aguas transfronterizas entre ambos países.

The authors are testing the patterns of geographical representation in single nationwide district closed-list PR systems, in the framework of an earlier study made by Latner and McGann (2005), who suggested that MPs mostly reside in central metropolitan areas, as well as in distant regions, to the detriment of descriptive representation of areas adjacent to the capital. In this way, spatial distance serves as an incentive for parties to nominate lists comprised mostly of candidates from metropolitan urban centres who can easily reach the mid-distance municipalities for campaigning and constituency service, but also of those candidates residing in peripheral regions in which there is some sort of political or ethno-cultural saliency, prompting the voters to prefer their local candidates over capital city politicians. Authors are offering a novel approach of measuring and comparing spatial distance to the data on representation of local administrative units and regional subdivisions of four countries (Montenegro, Netherlands, Serbia and Slovakia). While the findings indeed indicate overrepresentation of capital cities and underrepresentation of neighbouring areas, the representation of peripheral areas is not significantly pronounced and seemingly depends more on a contextual case-to-case basis than on a general pattern related to spatial distance producing political or ethno-cultural saliency.

Northeast India, home to diverse ethnic communities, has often been described as the cauldron of ethnic violence and insurgencies. The ongoing crisis in Manipur (in the form of a fratricidal war between the Meiteis and Kukis) and the State’s failure to contain it calls for deeper scrutiny of the geopolitics of the region. Whereas the region was once a crossroad that facilitated the movement of these ethnic groups, its transformation into a frontier area during colonial times and as a borderland after India’s partition turned it into a contested space. Further, with the introduction of colonial modernity, the old socio-cultural and economic structures have radically altered the relationship among the communities giving space to necropolitics. In this context, by referring to Rituparna Bhattacharyya’s edited volume Northeast India through the Ages: A Transdisciplinary Perspective on Prehistory, History, and Oral History and other research works, this commentary maps the transformation of the territory into a necrospace. In doing so, this study argues that while much of the complications had been foisted due to the colonial map-making process and immigration, an ethnic resurgence had further facilitated the growth of necropolitics in the region. Additionally, the study will focus on the representations of socio-cultural history and politics by relating those to the multifaceted aspect of necropolitics and its entangled colonial history.

The agricultural sector plays a crucial role in securing a more sustainable livelihood for the world's growing population. An expanded cultivation of multifunctional and environmentally smart crops like industrial hemp (Cannabis sativa L.) can thus be part of the solution in meeting the increasingly high demands of sustainable development. However, earlier research indicates that the global cultivation of industrial hemp is hindered, and that hemp is an underutilized resource relative to its potential benefits. During the 20th century hemp cultivation was banned in large parts of the world. Sweden lifted the ban in 2003, later than most other European countries. In 2017, Swedish hemp cultivation was by far one of the smallest in the European Union. This study thus aims to analyze the position of industrial hemp in Sweden – by using the theoretical framework of political ecology – to investigate which social and societal structures and processes that dictates the access to and the control of industrial hemp in Sweden today. A historical analysis of power relations as well as ideological and cultural contexts – with significance for the cultivation of hemp – is done to make the relationship between Cannabis sativa L. and Swedish society appear more clearly. The material for the analysis has been collected through a literature search and qualitative method using in-depth interviews with Swedish authorities and a national hemp association. The study discusses the relationship between hemp and human society, which is found to be characterized by a complex interconnectedness. Furthermore, the study shows that Swedish industrial hemp production is negatively affected by, among other things, cultivation bans, strict regulations, government controls, drug conservatism, and group as well as state conformity. Through a more progressive policy, industrial hemp is expected to become a positive contributing factor to reduced greenhouse gas emissions and to a growing fossil-free

The focus of the article is to evaluate the current shape of the Polish-Ukrainian border and aftermaths connected to its modern-day shape. The main goal is to answer the question how significant were the alterations in mentality and thinking regarding Polish-Ukrainian relations among the people of both nationalities and the impact of the Polish-Ukrainian border on those alterations. The empirical part of this article is based on two polls conducted among both Polish and Ukrainian society members, respectively in the Polish and the Russian language. Both quantitative and qualitative methods help to understand that both communities had tightened their relations which significantly flourished in the past few decades. Polish-Ukrainian border had a noteworthy influence on the relationship of the two nations through the centuries., Tematem powyższego artykułu jest ocena obecnego stanu i istoty granicy Polsko-Ukraińskiej oraz następstw związanych z jej dzisiejszym kształtem. Głównym celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie jak znaczne na przestrzeni lat były przemiany w postrzeganiu relacji Polsko-Ukraińskich pośród przedstawicieli obydwu narodowości, uwzględniając rolę granicy Polsko-Ukraińskiej w tych przemianach. Badania przeprowadzone na potrzeby pracy, to dwie ankiety wypełniane przez Polaków i Ukraińców odpowiednio w języku polskim i rosyjskim. Użyte metody pozwalają zrozumieć w jakim stopniu polepszyły się relacje Polsko-Ukraińskie, szczególnie przez ostatnie kilka dekad.

The authors are testing the patterns of geographical representation in single nationwide district closed-list PR systems, in the framework of an earlier study made by Latner and McGann (2005), who suggested that MPs mostly reside in central metropolitan areas, as well as in distant regions, to the detriment of descriptive representation of areas adjacent to the capital. In this way, spatial distance serves as an incentive for parties to nominate lists comprised mostly of candidates from metropolitan urban centres who can easily reach the mid-distance municipalities for campaigning and constituency service, but also of those candidates residing in peripheral regions in which there is some sort of political or ethno-cultural saliency, prompting the voters to prefer their local candidates over capital city politicians. Authors are offering a novel approach of measuring and comparing spatial distance to the data on representation of local administrative units and regional subdivisions of four countries (Montenegro, Netherlands, Serbia and Slovakia). While the findings indeed indicate overrepresentation of capital cities and underrepresentation of neighbouring areas, the representation of peripheral areas is not significantly pronounced and seemingly depends more on a contextual case-to-case basis than on a general pattern related to spatial distance producing political or ethno-cultural saliency.

Over the last years, political parties have increased their efforts to garner electoral support in the so-called ‘empty Spain’. A part of Spain, where recent depopulation dynamics have been intense, allocates 79 parliamentary seats in the Spanish Congress of Deputies and it has emerged as an important electoral asset. Yet, what is the relationship between depopulation and political behaviour? Has the decrease in population benefited or damaged certain parties? As a result of it, has electoral participation increased or decreased? Using a new dataset that includes the share of the votes of different parties and the depopulation dynamics between 2008 and 2019, this article aims at contributing to the existing literature by analysing a phenomenon which we still know little about. To do so, we use the five regions that, according to Sergio del Molino (2016), make up Empty Spain. The analyses indicate that depopulation is related to a significant increase of mobilization and vote for the conservative parties, an effect that is fundamentally driven by demographic compositional changes triggered by young people, who are more likely to be left-wing, but also more likely to move out to urban areas., En los últimos años, los partidos políticos se han lanzado a por el voto de la llamada España vacía. Una parte de España, donde la despoblación reciente ha sido acusada, reparte como mínimo 79 escaños en el Congreso de los Diputados y se ha convertido en un gran activo electoral. ¿Pero cuál es la relación entre la despoblación y el voto? ¿La pérdida de población ha conllevado que algunos partidos hayan ganado o perdido votos? ¿O la abstención ha subido/bajado? Utilizando una nueva base de datos que tiene en cuenta los patrones de voto y las dinámicas de despoblación entre 2008 y 2019, este artículo pretende contribuir a la literatura existente analizando ambos fenómenos y dando respuesta a una relación que todavía no conocemos. Para ello utilizamos las cinco comunidades autónomas que según Sergio del Molino (2016) integran la España vacía. Los análisis estadísticos indican que la despoblación está relacionada con un aumento significativo de la movilización y del voto a partidos conservadores, un efecto fundamentalmente debido a cambios composicionales demográficos, esto es, a que los jóvenes, más de izquierdas de media, son los más propensos a irse a vivir a zonas urbanas.

The objective of this article is to explore the implications that the global strategic competition between the United States and China can have –and is already having– in Latin America and the Caribbean, a region that is in the middle of this great power competition, for economic, trade, political-diplomatic or technological reasons. From an integrative, transdisciplinary and strategic approach, the ramifications of the rivalry between the United States and China in the Western Hemisphere are analyzed. The methodology is based on case studies that make visible the implications of this phenomenon while contributing to the construction of generalizable knowledge and the identification of patterns in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is concluded that the global strategic competition between Washington and Beijing is feeding, voluntarily or involuntarily, pre-existing dynamics of political instability, social conflict and armed violence in Latin American countries., El objetivo del presente artículo es explorar las implicaciones que la competencia estratégica global entre Estados Unidos y China puede tener –y ya está teniendo– en América Latina y el Caribe, región que, por razones económico-comerciales, político-diplomáticas y tecnológicas se encuentra en medio de un gran pulso por el poder global. Desde un enfoque integrador, transdisciplinario y estratégico, se analizan las ramificaciones de la rivalidad entre Estados Unidos y China en el hemisferio occidental. Se presentan casos de estudio que permiten visibilizar las implicaciones de dicho fenómeno, lo que abona a la producción de conocimiento generalizable y a la identificación de patrones en la región de América Latina y el Caribe. Se concluye que la competencia estratégica global entre Washington y Beijing está alimentando, voluntaria o involuntariamente, dinámicas preexistentes de inestabilidad política, conflictividad social y violencia armada en países de América Latina y el Caribe.

Within the framework of the governmentality idea, the territorial identity consists of a group of symbols and procedures that are expressed in a particular period of history and given precedence over other symbols. According to this perspective, the national identity is not just a natural phenomenon but rather something that the political establishment builds over time and stabilizes as a communal memory, with the possibility that it will be rebuilt in the future. The goal of the current research is to examine how Iranian territorial identity developed during the First Pahlavi era, from 1925 to 1941, using the theoretical framework of the discourse of governmentality. The findings indicate that the construction of the national identity in the First Pahlavi era has been based on the unifying interpretation of the history of ancient Iran in the direction of solidarity of ethnic groups and social classes. According to this supposition, charismatic leadership was the only thing that could ensure spatial justice between the various ethnic and social groups. Through the nation’s and the territory’s adaptation to space, this element could also stabilize the Iranian people’s territorial identity., En el marco de la idea de gubernamentalidad, la identidad territorial consiste en un conjunto de símbolos y procedimientos que se expresan en un determinado período de la historia y se les da precedencia sobre otros símbolos. Según esta perspectiva, la identidad nacional no es solo un fenómeno natural sino algo que el estamento político construye a lo largo del tiempo y se estabiliza como una memoria comunitaria, con la posibilidad de que sea reconstruida en el futuro. El objetivo de la investigación actual es examinar cómo se desarrolló la identidad territorial iraní durante la era del primer Pahlavi, de 1925 a 1941, utilizando el marco teórico del discurso de la gubernamentalidad. Los hallazgos indican que la construcción de la identidad nacional en la era del primer Pahlavi se ha basado en la interpretación unificadora de la historia del antiguo Irán en la dirección de la solidaridad de los grupos étnicos y las clases sociales. Según este supuesto, el liderazgo carismático era lo único que podía garantizar la justicia espacial entre los diversos grupos étnicos y sociales. A través de la adaptación al espacio de la nación y del territorio, este elemento también podría estabilizar la identidad territorial del pueblo iraní., No quadro da ideia de governamentalidade, a identidade territorial consiste emum conjunto de símbolos e procedimentos que se expressam em um determinado período da história e têm precedência sobre outros símbolos. Nessa perspetiva, a identidade nacional não é apenas um fenômeno natural, mas algo que o establishment político constrói ao longo do tempo e se estabiliza como memória comunitária, com possibilidade de ser reconstruída no futuro. O objetivo da presente pesquisa é examinar como a identidade territorial iraniana se desenvolveu durante a primeira era Pahlavi, de 1925 a 1941, usando o referencial teórico do discurso da go-vernamentalidade. Os resultados indicam que a construção da identidade nacional na primeira era Pahlavi baseou-se na interpretação unificadora da história do Irã antigo na direção da solidariedade de grupos étnicos e classes sociais. De acordo com essa suposição, a liderança carismática era a única coisa que poderia garantir a justiça espacial entre os vários grupos étnicos e sociais. Através da adaptação da nação e do território ao espaço, este elemento poderia também estabilizar a identidade territorial do povo iraniano.

Over the last years, political parties have increased their efforts to garner electoral support in the so-called ‘empty Spain’. A part of Spain, where recent depopulation dynamics have been intense, allocates 79 parliamentary seats in the Spanish Congress of Deputies and it has emerged as an important electoral asset. Yet, what is the relationship between depopulation and political behaviour? Has the decrease in population benefited or damaged certain parties? As a result of it, has electoral participation increased or decreased? Using a new dataset that includes the share of the votes of different parties and the depopulation dynamics between 2008 and 2019, this article aims at contributing to the existing literature by analysing a phenomenon which we still know little about. To do so, we use the five regions that, according to Sergio del Molino (2016), make up Empty Spain. The analyses indicate that depopulation is related to a significant increase of mobilization and vote for the conservative parties, an effect that is fundamentally driven by demographic compositional changes triggered by young people, who are more likely to be left-wing, but also more likely to move out to urban areas., En los últimos años, los partidos políticos se han lanzado a por el voto de la llamada España vacía. Una parte de España, donde la despoblación reciente ha sido acusada, reparte como mínimo 79 escaños en el Congreso de los Diputados y se ha convertido en un gran activo electoral. ¿Pero cuál es la relación entre la despoblación y el voto? ¿La pérdida de población ha conllevado que algunos partidos hayan ganado o perdido votos? ¿O la abstención ha subido/bajado? Utilizando una nueva base de datos que tiene en cuenta los patrones de voto y las dinámicas de despoblación entre 2008 y 2019, este artículo pretende contribuir a la literatura existente analizando ambos fenómenos y dando respuesta a una relación que todavía no conocemos. Para ello utilizamos las cinco comunidades autónomas que según Sergio del Molino (2016) integran la España vacía. Los análisis estadísticos indican que la despoblación está relacionada con un aumento significativo de la movilización y del voto a partidos conservadores, un efecto fundamentalmente debido a cambios composicionales demográficos, esto es, a que los jóvenes, más de izquierdas de media, son los más propensos a irse a vivir a zonas urbanas.

Dr Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya breathed his last on 29 January 2023. This historical article charts to pay tribute to his professional career and contributions, who worked silently towards laying the foundation and building the geography of North East India.

The “Transboundary Aquifer” concept envisaged in the United Nations Resolution 63/has had a significant impact on the evaluation of transboundary aquifers. In the Mexico-U.S.A. case, it has not been possible to officially determine the total number of shared aquifers, therefore, the evaluation of groundwater is to be settled; it represents an lack of conceptual clarity on the subject. This contribution from an interdisciplinary approach (political geography and hydrogeology) carries out an analysis based on scientific evidence and legal documents to determine the nature of the current conceptual discrepancies between the scientific definitions of “Transboundary Aquifer” and “Transboundary Groundwater”. Results suggest the need to incorporate a systemic vision on the transboundary groundwater management, as well as the scientific homologation of concepts and methodologies applied for both countries guarantee an integrated transboundary water management., Le concept d'aquifère transfrontière envisagé dans la résolution 63/124 des Nations Unies a eu un impact significatif sur l'évaluation des aquifères transfrontières. Dans le cas du Mexique-États-Unis, il n'a pas été possible de déterminer officiellement le nombre total d'aquifères partagés, et encore moins d'évaluer le fonctionnement systémique des eaux souterraines, en raison d'un manque de clarté conceptuelle sur le sujet. Cette contribution fait une analyse basée sur l'examen critique des preuves scientifiques et juridiques pour déterminer la nature des divergences conceptuelles entre les définitions scientifiques de l'aquifère transfrontière et des eaux souterraines transfrontières, dans une approche interdisciplinaire (géographie politique et hydrogéologie). Les résultats suggèrent la nécessité d'intégrer une vision systémique et sociale pour parvenir à une gestion partagée des eaux souterraines, ainsi que la standardisation des méthodologies entre les deux pays., Il concetto di acquifero transfrontaliero previsto nella risoluzione delle Nazioni Unite 63/124 ha avuto un impatto significativo sulla valutazione degli acquiferi transfrontalieri. Nel caso del Messico-Stati Uniti non è stato possibile determinare ufficialmente il numero totale di acquifere condivise, tanto meno è stato possibile valutare il funzionamento sistemico delle acque sotterranee, per mancanza di chiarezza concettuale sull'argomento. Questo contributo fa un'analisi basata sulla revisione critica delle prove scientifiche e legali per determinare la natura delle discrepanze concettuali tra le definizioni scientifiche di acquifero transfrontaliero e acque sotterranee transfrontaliere, da un approccio interdisciplinare (geografia politica e idrogeologia). I risultati suggeriscono la necessità di incorporare una visione sistemica e sociale per ottenere una gestione condivisa delle acque sotterranee, nonché la standardizzazione delle metodologie tra i due paesi., O conceito de aquífero transfronteiriço previsto na Resolução 63/124 das Nações Unidas teve um impacto significativo na avaliação dos aquíferos transfronteiriços. No caso México-Estados Unidos, ainda não foi possível determinar oficialmente o número total de aquíferos compartilhados, nem avaliar o funcionamento sistêmico das águas subterrâneas, devido à falta de clareza conceitual sobre o assunto. Esta contribuição faz uma análise baseada na revisão crítica de evidências científicas e jurídicas para determinar a natureza das discrepâncias conceituais entre as definições científicas de aquífero transfronteiriço e águas subterrâneas transfronteiriças, a partir de uma abordagem interdisciplinar (geografia política e hidrogeologia). Os resultados sugerem a necessidade de incorporar uma visão sistêmica e social para alcançar a gestão compartilhada das águas subterrâneas, bem como a padronização de metodologias entre os dois países., El concepto "acuífero transfronterizo" previsto en la Resolución de Naciones Unidas 63/124 ha tenido un impacto significativo en la evaluación de los acuíferos transfronterizos. En el caso México-Estados Unidos, no ha sido posible determinar oficialmente el número total de acuíferos compartidos, mucho menos se ha podido evaluar el funcionamiento sistémico del agua subterránea, debido a una falta de claridad conceptual en el tema. Esta contribución efectúa un análisis basado en la revisión crítica de evidencia científica y legal para determinar la naturaleza de las discrepancias conceptuales entre las definiciones científicas de "Acuífero Transfronterizo" y "Agua Subterránea Transfronteriza", desde un enfoque interdisciplinario (geografía política e hidrogeología). Los resultados sugieren la necesidad de incorporar una visión sistémica en la gestión de las aguas subterráneas compartidas, así como la homologación de metodologías para garantizar una gestión integrada de las aguas transfronterizas entre ambos países.

El análisis espacial de la violencia ha ganado peso específico en la investigación para la paz y la resolución de conflictos en los últimos años, lo cual ha permitido arrojar luz sobre cómo surgen los conflictos armados, cómo evolucionan y qué factores afectan a su transformación. En lo que respecta al caso colombiano en particular, tal posibilidad está por desarrollar y mayoritariamente se ha centrado en la relación espacial de los grupos armados con sus principales fuentes de financiación, desatendiendo distintas posibilidades como la disputa por el territorio frente a otros grupos armados o frente al Estado. Teniendo en cuenta este vacío en la literatura, se intenta dar aquí respuesta a un aspecto todavía por profundizar en el conflicto colombiano: ¿qué sucedió cuando paramilitares y guerrillas coincidieron en tiempo y lugar? La respuesta predominante atribuye al paramilitarismo una victoria allí donde disputó el poder local sobre las guerrillas. Sin embargo, tomando como referencia dos enclaves como son el noreste y el suroeste de Colombia, de notable arraigo de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) y del Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), el artículo trata de refutar el supuesto efecto de expulsión que se atribuye al paramilitarismo. Ello se hace analizando los datos facilitados por el Observatorio de Derechos Humanos y Derecho Internacional Humanitario (ODHDIH) adscrito a la Vicepresidencia de la República, y examinando las dinámicas de activismo guerrillero que, precisamente, muestran que el paramilitarismo no resultó suficiente para expulsar a las guerrillas de sus enclaves de mayor arraigo y control., The spatial analysis of violence has gained specific relevance in peace and conflict resolution research in recent years, what has shed light on how armed conflicts arise, how they evolve and what factors affect their transformation. Regarding the Colombian case more in particular, this possibility is still to be developed and has mainly focused on the spatial relationship of armed groups with their main sources of funding, disregarding different possibilities such as the dispute over territory with other armed groups or against the State. Taking into consideration this gap in the literature, this article addresses an aspect of the Colombian conflict that has been scarcely studied so far, namely, what happened when paramilitaries and guerrillas coincided in time and place? The predominant response attributed to paramilitarism a victory wherever it disputed the local power to the guerrilla. However, taking as a reference two enclaves such as the north-east and south-west of Colombia, where the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) are deeply rooted, the article tries to refute the alleged displacement effect attributed to paramilitarism. This is done by analyzing the data provided by the Observatory on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (ODHDIH) attached to the Vice-Presidency of the Republic, and examining the dynamics of guerrilla activism, which show how paramilitarism was not enough to displace the guerrillas from the tenclaves of their deepest roots and control., Depto. de Historia, Teorías y Geografías Políticas, Fac. de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología, TRUE, pub

The confrontation of the capital status between La Paz and Sucre, although little known internationally, was about to prevent the approval of the Constitution of 2009. In this paper, a theoretical review of the geographical and political studies on the capitals of the States is carried out, with a separate section for the typology elaborated from the world-systems approach. Following these works, the Bolivian conflict is analyzed through a review of its history, paying special attention to the period of the Asamblea Constituyente between 2006 and 2009, and then the arguments that support the positions of both candidate cities are presented. Based on the academic literature, the case of Bolivia could be considered that of an asymmetric shared capital, with La Paz predominating. However, in the absence of an undisputed capital, it is an issue that can be reopened at any time. Starting from the Bolivian experience, conclusions are alsodrawn that may be useful for other countries experiencing a similar situation., El enfrentamiento por la capitalidad entre La Paz y Sucre, aunque poco conocido internacionalmente, estuvo a punto de impedir la aprobación de la Constitución de 2009. En este artículo se realiza una revisión teórica de los estudios geográficos y politológicos sobre las capitales de los Estados, con un apartado propio para la tipología elaborada a partir de la teoría de los sistemas-mundo. Siguiendo estos trabajos, se analiza el conflicto boliviano a través de un repaso de su historia, prestando una atención especial al período de la Asamblea Constituyente entre 2006 y 2009, y a continuación se presentan los argumentos que sustentan las posiciones de ambas ciudades candidatas. En base a la literatura académica, el caso de Bolivia podría considerarse el de una capital compartida asimétrica, con preminencia de La Paz. No obstante, a falta de una capital indiscutible, se trata de una cuestión que puede reabrirse en cualquier momento. Partiendo de la experiencia boliviana, también se extraen conclusiones que pueden ser útiles para otros países que experimenten una situación similar.

Since the discovery and surge of the COVID-19 virus in the early days of 2020, we saw the creepy crawl of accusations and counteraccusations, the divisions between the scientific communities, the lack of exemplary conduct by the political elites, the lack of transparency in the reporting of death statistics, and the increasing lack of confidence and support for people. Amidst all this was a burgeoning of defensive and, on many occasions, offensive nationalism. A stage that mirrored resounding the amended final command from the 1924 George Orwell’s Animal farms, wherein the Pigs, the more intelligent of the manor farm animals, proclaim that some animals are more equal than others.

Provides detailed coverage of information resources produced by the U.S. Department of Transportation's Maritime Administration (MARAD). This organization is responsible for regulating U.S. waterborne transportation including ships and shipping, port and vessel operations, the environment, safety, the U.S. Merchant Marine, and national security including the need to enhance national surge capability in wartime of time of national emergency. Presentation includes coverage of this organization's history, current congressional oversight, and the roles played in maritime shipping by other U.S. Government agencies, and non-governmental professional organizations.

Provides detailed coverage of information resources produced by the U.S. Department of Transportation's Maritime Administration (MARAD). This organization is responsible for regulating U.S. waterborne transportation including ships and shipping, port and vessel operations, the environment, safety, the U.S. Merchant Marine, and national security including the need to enhance national surge capability in wartime of time of national emergency. Presentation includes coverage of this organization's history, current congressional oversight, and the roles played in maritime shipping by other U.S. Government agencies, and non-governmental professional organizations.

On the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), this principal supra-national institution remains paramount to the project of planetary climate planning and governance. Yet, despite praise among climate leaders, reflections on this anniversary should serve to recall the contestations through which this foundational institution was formed, and the normative geographical assumptions that continue to be reproduced in its wake. The debates and political dynamics that afflicted the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) tasked with crafting the Framework Convention on Climate Change, as well as dissension in the periphery, remain as relevant today as they were three decades ago. Yet, few works have pieced together the antecedent conditions that formed a cleavage in the world system and sparked the elusive committee and the tedious negotiating process that yielded today’s enduring institution of planetary governance. This archival analysis seeks to reprise the critical juncture that informed the institutional innovation of the INC, probing mechanisms of frame alignment with a truth regime of global kinds of knowledge and path dependence on geographical governance norms. Considering the legacy of this enduring institution, I seek to render visible actors and proposals peripheralized in the formation of planetary climate governance to extrapolate normative boundaries and proffer heterodox lessons from the margins.

Brazil’s border with Bolivia is the longest among other countries, at 3,423 kilometers. This article aims to approach the formation of the northern part of the Brazil-Bolivia border, highlighting the main historical events, materialized in treaties and agreements that left marks in this particular border. The research was structured in four moments: bibliographical surveys about territorial formation; history of the analyzed frontier; field work; construction of maps based on geo-historical information. During Imperial Brazil (1822-1889) the first agreements to establish the limits occurred. In the early 20th century Bolivia and Brazil signed the Treaties of Petropolis and Palmas, resulting in Bolivia’s territorial loss, and as part of the agreement Brazil built the Madeira-Mamoré railroad (1907-1912) that allowed Bolivia an exit to the sea. The formation of this particular frontier was the result of a process of state intervention with the advance of settlement and the construction of fortifications for the purpose of territorial control. There was an interest in circulating the production of wild rubber and, to overcome a watery stretch of the Madeira River., La frontera de Brasil con Bolivia es la más extensa entre los demás países con 3.423 kilómetros. Este artículo pretende abordar la formación de la parte norte de la frontera entre Brasil y Bolivia, destacando los principales acontecimientos históricos, materializados en tratados y acuerdos que dejaron huellas en esta frontera particular. La investigación se estructuró en cuatro momentos: estudios bibliográficos sobre la formación del territorio; historia de la frontera analizada; trabajo de campo; construcción de mapas basados en información geohistórica. Durante el Brasil Imperial (1822-1889) se produjeron los primeros acuerdos para establecer los límites. A principios del siglo xx, Bolivia y Brasil firmaron los Tratados de Petrópolis y Palmas, que supusieron la pérdida territorial de Bolivia, y como parte del acuerdo Brasil construyó el ferrocarril Madeira-Mamoré (1907-1912) que permitió a Bolivia una salida al mar. La formación de esta frontera en particular fue el resultado de un proceso de intervención estatal con el avance de los asentamientos y la construcción de fortificaciones con el fin de controlar el territorio. Había un interés en hacer circular la producción de caucho salvaje, y en superar un tramo del río Madeira que era demasiado escarpado., A fronteira do Brasil com a Bolívia é a mais extensa entre outros países com 3.423 quilômetros. Este artigo aborda a formação da parte norte da fronteira Brasil-Bolívia, destacando os principais eventos históricos, materializados em tratados e acordos que deixaram marcas nessa fronteira em particular. A pesquisa esteve estruturada em quatro momentos: levantamentos bibliográficos sobre formação territorial; histórico da fronteira analisada; trabalho de campo; construção de mapas com bases em informações geo-históricas. Durante o Brasil Imperial (1822-1889) ocorreram os primeiros acordos para estabelecer os limites. No início do século xx, a Bolívia e o Brasil assinaram os Tratados de Petrópolis e de Palmas, resultando na perda territorial por parte da Bolívia, e como parte do acordo o Brasil construiu a ferrovia Madeira-Mamoré (1907-1912) que permitiu à Bolívia uma saída para o mar. A formação dessa fronteira em particular foi resultante de um processo de intervenção do Estado com o avanço do povoamento e de construção de fortificações para fins de controle territorial. Havia o interesse em fazer circular a produção de borracha silvestre e, para vencer um trecho encachoeirado do rio madeira

Brazil’s border with Bolivia is the longest among other countries, at 3,423 kilometers. This article aims to approach the formation of the northern part of the Brazil-Bolivia border, highlighting the main historical events, materialized in treaties and agreements that left marks in this particular border. The research was structured in four moments: bibliographical surveys about territorial formation; history of the analyzed frontier; field work; construction of maps based on geo-historical information. During Imperial Brazil (1822-1889) the first agreements to establish the limits occurred. In the early 20th century Bolivia and Brazil signed the Treaties of Petropolis and Palmas, resulting in Bolivia’s territorial loss, and as part of the agreement Brazil built the Madeira-Mamoré railroad (1907-1912) that allowed Bolivia an exit to the sea. The formation of this particular frontier was the result of a process of state intervention with the advance of settlement and the construction of fortifications for the purpose of territorial control. There was an interest in circulating the production of wild rubber and, to overcome a watery stretch of the Madeira River., La frontera de Brasil con Bolivia es la más extensa entre los demás países con 3.423 kilómetros. Este artículo pretende abordar la formación de la parte norte de la frontera entre Brasil y Bolivia, destacando los principales acontecimientos históricos, materializados en tratados y acuerdos que dejaron huellas en esta frontera particular. La investigación se estructuró en cuatro momentos: estudios bibliográficos sobre la formación del territorio; historia de la frontera analizada; trabajo de campo; construcción de mapas basados en información geohistórica. Durante el Brasil Imperial (1822-1889) se produjeron los primeros acuerdos para establecer los límites. A principios del siglo xx, Bolivia y Brasil firmaron los Tratados de Petrópolis y Palmas, que supusieron la pérdida territorial de Bolivia, y como parte del acuerdo Brasil construyó el ferrocarril Madeira-Mamoré (1907-1912) que permitió a Bolivia una salida al mar. La formación de esta frontera en particular fue el resultado de un proceso de intervención estatal con el avance de los asentamientos y la construcción de fortificaciones con el fin de controlar el territorio. Había un interés en hacer circular la producción de caucho salvaje, y en superar un tramo del río Madeira que era demasiado escarpado., A fronteira do Brasil com a Bolívia é a mais extensa entre outros países com 3.423 quilômetros. Este artigo aborda a formação da parte norte da fronteira Brasil-Bolívia, destacando os principais eventos históricos, materializados em tratados e acordos que deixaram marcas nessa fronteira em particular. A pesquisa esteve estruturada em quatro momentos: levantamentos bibliográficos sobre formação territorial; histórico da fronteira analisada; trabalho de campo; construção de mapas com bases em informações geo-históricas. Durante o Brasil Imperial (1822-1889) ocorreram os primeiros acordos para estabelecer os limites. No início do século xx, a Bolívia e o Brasil assinaram os Tratados de Petrópolis e de Palmas, resultando na perda territorial por parte da Bolívia, e como parte do acordo o Brasil construiu a ferrovia Madeira-Mamoré (1907-1912) que permitiu à Bolívia uma saída para o mar. A formação dessa fronteira em particular foi resultante de um processo de intervenção do Estado com o avanço do povoamento e de construção de fortificações para fins de controle territorial. Havia o interesse em fazer circular a produção de borracha silvestre e, para vencer um trecho encachoeirado do rio madeira

The paper discusses a series of intellectual straitjackets that have impeded our reconstructions of political geographies of Bronze Age Crete, advocating a bottom-up approach that leaves sufficient space for temporal and regional variation. It also offers a brief overview of past research and literature on Cretan political geography and pinpoints some remaining issues

Even though the demise of the Minoan and Mycenaean palaces happened more than three millennia ago, opinions on the political geography of the Aegean during the Bronze Age (2500-1100 BC) have seen remarkable changes over the last century and discussions continue. Since the Early Bronze Age, both Crete and the Helladic Mainland witnessed the development of complex societies. The ways in which these were structured and how power was executed, however, remain debated. In this volume, which represents the proceedings of a three-day workshop that took place in Athens from May 29 to 31, 2018, leading scholars in the field of Aegean Archaeology continue these debates on the basis of theoretically informed views that incorporate the latest archaeological developments, derived from both surveys and excavations. The volume is structured around three themes: 1. Territories. Can political or other meaningful spatial organisations be recognised in our data? And how did territories relate to one another? What about boundaries? How can we integrate our data into a discussion of intra-and inter-territorial relationships. 2. Authority display. Can we recognise different levels or scales in visual representation of authority? Were Aegean societies faceless? 3. Forms of power. How was power exercised and how can we recognise this? What types of control (military, economic, religious, social, technological…) can be distinguished and to what extent was power individualised, concentrated, hereditary, institutionalised, corporate…?