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A partir de los años 50, el gobierno español suscribió catorce nuevos convenios de intercambio de películas con distintos países para reducir el elevado coste que suponía la importación de cintas extranjeras y, además, obtener beneficios de la inversión hecha en la producción propia. Estos conciertos facilitaron la distribución del cine español en el mercado internacional. Al abrigo del Acuerdo de Cooperación Económica firmado con Portugal en 1949, y hasta 1974, se exportaron a este último país más de 154 películas de ficción. Como el resto de las películas importadas, fueron sometidas al riguroso dictamen de la censura lusa. En consonancia con el ideario salazarista, 127 de ellas sufrieron cortes de distinta consideración y naturaleza, desde la eliminación de algunos planos o la supresión de ciertas palabras, hasta la definitiva prohibición de proyectar cinco de las propuestas. Las comisiones censoras lusas tenían plenos poderes para rechazar los filmes o aligerar aquellas secuencias y frases que, a su juicio, pudieran socavar los principios morales y políticos del Estado Novo; la propia Constitución incidía en esta misión del Estado de tutelar a la sociedad para alejarla de cualquier influencia considerada nociva. Ya en 1970, durante la denominada «Primavera Marcelista», cuando se esperaba una mayor apertura, se dieron dos fenómenos divergentes que aumentaron el control sobre la producción española. Al tiempo que esta se iba adecuando a los cánones aperturistas occidentales, en Portugal crecía el miedo a las modas e ideas que pudieran cuestionar el régimen. El presente trabajo presenta un análisis de los tres elementos que constituyeron el envío de filmes españoles a Portugal: la estructura censora lusa y su actuación sobre las cintas; el sistema de intercambio de películas establecido entre ambos gobiernos y, por último, el resultado de la aplicación de las normas censoras portuguesas sobre las ya enmascaradas, metafóricas e inhibidas películas españolas, realiza, In the 1950s, the Spanish government signed fourteen new film exchange agreements with different countries to reduce the high cost of importing foreign films and, in addition, obtain benefits from the investment made in its own production. These agreements facilitated the distribution of Spanish cinema in the international market. Under the Economic Cooperation Agreement signed with Portugal in 1949, and until 1974, more than 154 fiction films were exported to that country. Like the rest of the imported films, they were submitted to the rigorous opinion of the Portuguese censorship. In keeping with the Salazarist ideology, 127 of them suffered cuts of different consideration and nature, from the elimination of some shots or the suppression of certain words, to the final ban for five films. The Portuguese Censor Commissions had full powers to reject the films or lighten those sequences and statements that, in their opinion, could undermine the moral and political principles of the New State; The Portuguese Constitution itself considered a mission of the State to protect society in order to keep it away from any considered harmful influence. Already in 1970, during the so-called «Primavera Marcelista», when a greater opening was expected, two divergent phenomena occurred that increased control over Spanish production. While the latter was adapting to the Western opening canons, the fear of fashions and ideas that could question the regime in Portugal increased. This paper presents an analysis of the three elements that made up the distribution of Spanish films to Portugal: the Portuguese censorship structure and its action on the films; the film exchange system established between both governments and, finally, the result of the application of the Portuguese censorship rules on the already masked, metaphorical and inhibited Spanish films, made by directors experienced in circumventing the censorship of their own country.

El Lacio fue el primer territorio en el que la República romana comenzó en el siglo IV a. C. a extender su ciudadanía más allá de los muros de la Urbs y a crear un sistema descentralizado de administración local para las ciudades que iba anexionando, ya que Roma no dejaba de ser una ciudad-estado y, por tanto, su organigrama político no era capaz de asumir el gobierno directo de esas comunidades. Así surgieron los primeros municipia, denominados antiquissima por Cicerón, a los que se les permitió seguir autogobernándose según sus propias leyes e instituciones, lo que explica las diversas magistraturas epicóricas que hubo en esta región. En el presente trabajo se pretende ofrecer una visión de conjunto sobre los tres tipos de magistrados epicóricos existentes en el Lacio: dictator, praetores y aediles. De este modo, se llevará a cabo un estudio de las fuentes literarias y, sobre todo, epigráficas para establecer una relación entre el tipo de ciudadanía concedida (civitas optimo iure o sine suffragio), la etnia (latina, volsca, hérnica) y el régimen de magistrados en vigor en cada comunidad. Asimismo, se analizará el desarrollo y las funciones de estos magistrados epicóricos en cada uno de los antiguos municipios laciales para delimitar su ámbito de competencias y sus relaciones con el resto de los cargos cívicos y religiosos de la ciudad. Finalmente, se llegará a la conclusión de que la dictadura, la pretura y la edilidad epicóricas fueron una declaración orgullosa del pasado y de la antigua posesión de la ciudadanía romana por parte de estos municipia antiquissima frente a los ordenamientos de cuatorviros y duunviros de las comunidades cívicas romanas posteriores al Bellum Sociale, aunque el sistema más eficaz y evolucionado de estas últimas acabó ejerciendo una cierta influencia en el funcionamiento de estas magistraturas epicóricas laciales., Latium was the first region in which the Roman republic began in the fourth century BC to extend its citizenship beyond the Urbs and to create a decentralized system of local administration for the annexed communities, since Rome was still a city-state and, therefore, its political organisation was not able to assume the direct government of these towns. Thus arose the first municipia, called antiquissima by Cicero, which were allowed to continue to rule themselves according to their own laws and institutions. This fact explains the various epicoric magistracies that existed in Latium. This paper aims to provide an overview of the three types of epicoric magistrates in that region: dictator, praetores and aediles. A study of literary and especially epigraphic sources will be carried out in order to establish a relationship between the type of citizenship granted (civitas optimo iure or sine suffragio), the ethnic group (Latins, Volsci, Hernici) and the magisterial structure existing in each community. Furthermore, it will be analysed the development and functions of these epicoric magistrates in each of the ancient municipia from Latium in order to delimit their sphere of competence and their relations with the rest of the civic and religious officials in the town. Finally, it will be concluded that the epicoric dictatorship, praetorship and aedileship were a proud statement of the past and of the ancient possession of Roman citizenship by these municipia antiquissima as opposed to the boards of quattuorviri and duoviri of the Roman towns after the Bellum Sociale, although the more efficient and evolved system of the latter magisterial colleges did exert a certain influence on the functioning of the epicoric magistracies of Latium.

This video essay explores how the film Black bread (2010) by Agustí Villaronga foregrounds the relationship between vulnerability, fear, and rage in the context of economic, political, and sexual repression. It is a film that depicts a world of inequality and homophobia where children learn that violence is not an anomaly but a tool. Through the audiovisual format I argue that the film provokes thought on the complexity of rage and how to either challenge or perpetuate heteropatriarchal norms. The film makes visible the process through which the powerful manipulate the rage of the marginalized by shifting blame for their oppression. When shame and fear fuel rage, it loses its productive potential and becomes destructive. In denying his roots out of fear and rage, the protagonist reconstructs himself in the image of those behind his pain. There is no cinematic vision of a remedy to cruelty, or a productive use of rage. The conclusion suggests that representing that destructive process is enough., Este videoensayo explora cómo la película Pa negre (2010) de Agustí Vilaronga pone en primer plano la relación entre la vulnerabilidad, el miedo y la rabia en un contexto de represión económica, política y sexual. Es una película que describe un mundo de desigualdad y homofobia donde los niños aprenden que la violencia no es una anomalía sino una herramienta. A través del formato audiovisual sostengo que la película provoca una reflexión sobre la complejidad de la rabia y cómo esta puede tanto desafiar como perpetuar las normas heteropatriarcales. La película pone al descubierto el proceso mediante el cual los poderosos manipulan la ira de los marginados culpabilizándolos de su opresión. Cuando la vergüenza y el miedo alimentan la ira, esta pierde su potencial productivo y se vuelve destructiva. Al negar sus raíces por miedo y rabia, el protagonista se reconstruye a imagen de quienes están detrás de su dolor. La película omite mostrar un remedio a la crueldad o un uso productivo de la ira. La conclusión sugiere que es sugerente representar ese proceso destructivo

The exhumation of mass graves in today’s Spain is not a recent event. During the Franco dictatorship, the regime recovered the bodies of their war dead, martyred victims and fallen soldiers for God and Country, and buried them with honor and distinction. But the families of murdered Republicans were not even allowed to reclaim their loved ones’ remains. The battered bodies were abandoned in unmarked mass graves without ceremony; families were not allowed to perform public acts of grief. This article is an ethnographic study of the exhumations of these victims of the 1936 military uprising in the province of Cádiz; it presents a comparative analysis of the evolution of this process during the Franco years, the Transition, and 21st c. democracy, in terms of social and political factors.  For each of the three time periods, the author provides two representative case studies that highlight demands to recover and honor the memory of the dead. This struggle has its origins during the Franco dictatorship but continues today as unfinished business., Las exhumaciones de fosas comunes no es un fenómeno reciente en nuestro país. Mientras el franquismo logró recuperar a sus mártires y caídos por Dios y por España desde justo después de acabada la contienda bélica, homenajeándolos con todo tipo de honores y distinciones, a las familias de los republicanos asesinados no se les concedió el beneplácito de recuperar sus cadáveres. Sus cuerpos dañados, despreciados y abandonados, sin sus exequias y con duelo público prohibido, permanecieron en fosas comunes anónimas. Este artículo, a partir de una etnografía de las exhumaciones del golpe militar de 1936 en la provincia de Cádiz, realiza un análisis comparativo de las mismas durante la dictadura, la transición y la democracia, mostrando sus aspectos comunes, particularidades y diferencias para apreciar la evolución y la influencia de los contextos políticos y sociales en estos procesos. Se han seleccionado dos casos considerados significativos e ilustrativos durante cada uno de estos tres ciclos para una mejor comprensión del significado de las demandas reivindicativas por la recuperación de la memoria, una lucha que tiene su origen durante la propia dictadura y que permanece en la actualidad inacabada.

The dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990) has left a prominent and polarizing mark on the national memory of Chile. Thirty-three years after the return to democracy, the nation has diverging ideas on how to remember this period. In 2023, as I am writing this thesis, an entire generation has grown up in democratic Chile and personal memories of the military government and the violent coup d’état have begun to fade. In this context, the system of national education becomes a key resource for younger generations to develop and understanding of the history that shapes their present-day lives. After Pinochet was removed from power via plebiscite in 1990 and the first civilian-President inherited the administration, the nation underwent a series of changes. Many of these changes focused on the denouncing of human rights violations which took place during the dictatorship and forging a way forward. There was a notable rise in activism and public interest in this period. Chileans were demanding both truth and justice for the abuses committed by the state during the dictatorship. In this atmosphere of activism and openness, a distinct memory movement is born in Chile, echoing similar conversations taking place across Latin America and in other “transitional” states. The memory movement in Chile specifically fights against the objective of oblivion surrounding the Pinochet years. Many of those fighting for the memory are those who will never be able to forget the traumatic cost of dictatorship; they are the family members and loved ones of those who were tortured, disappeared, or exiled during the dictatorship. These familiares-activistas were also incredibly influential in defeating Pinochet in the 1989 plebiscite. After decades of governments from the left (center) political coalition, La Concertación, the Chilean right gained political ground for the first time since the dictatorship with the presidential election of Sebastián Piñera in 2010 and again in 201

This article aims to highlight the career of Bahian activist Dinaelza Coqueiro. Born in 1949 in the city of Vitória da Conquista, Diná, as she was affectionately known, grew up in the midst of political changes in Brazil, culminating in her entry into the student movement during the civil-military coup of 1964. In this way, we will try to highlight the impacts of the military dictatorship on her life and on the state of Bahia, as well as addressing issues related to transitional justice, memory and the importance of her body, still unburied, for her relatives - which intersect present and past. Like other activists from the period, Dinaelza is another of the women who fought against repression, something that we understand requires a look at female protagonism both in Bahia and in other parts of the country. In this sense, our focus is not to think of the military dictatorship in isolation, but rather how many of their actions, such as leaving Salvador, were linked to the growing persecution and repressive structure operating in the state of Bahia., O presente artigo tem como objetivo destacar a trajetória da militante baiana, Dinaelza Coqueiro. Nascida em 1949 na cidade de Vitória da Conquista, Diná como era carinhosamente conhecida foi crescendo em meio as mudanças políticas no Brasil, culminando sua entrada no movimento estudantil, durante o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Dessa forma, buscaremos sublinhar os impactos da ditadura militar em sua vida e no Estado da Bahia, bem como abordaremos questões relacionadas à justiça de transição, memória e a importância de seu corpo, ainda insepulto, para os seus familiares – as quais entrecruzam presente e passado. Assim como outras militantes do período, Dinaelza é mais uma das mulheres que lutaram contra a repressão, algo que compreendemos ser necessário um olhar acerca do protagonismo feminino tanto na Bahia, quanto em outros espaços do país. Nesse sentido, nosso foco não é pensar a ditadura militar de forma isolada, mas, como muitas de suas ações como a saída de Salvador, estiveram ligadas à crescente perseguição e a toda estrutura repressiva atuante no Estado da Bahia., Este artículo pretende destacar la trayectoria de la activista bahiana Dinaelza Coqueiro. Nacida en 1949 en la ciudad de Vitória da Conquista, Diná, como era conocida cariñosamente, creció en medio de los cambios políticos de Brasil, que culminaron con su entrada en el movimiento estudiantil durante el golpe cívico-militar de 1964. De este modo, intentaremos destacar el impacto de la dictadura militar en su vida y en el Estado de Bahía, así como abordar cuestiones relacionadas con la justicia transicional, la memoria y la importancia de su cuerpo, aún insepulto, para sus familiares, que entrelazan presente y pasado. Al igual que otras activistas de la época, Dinaelza es otra de las mujeres que lucharon contra la represión, algo que entendemos requiere una mirada al protagonismo femenino tanto en Bahía como en otras partes del país. En este sentido, nuestro enfoque no es pensar en la dictadura militar de forma aislada, sino en cómo muchas de sus acciones, como la salida de Salvador, estaban vinculadas a la creciente persecución y estructura represiva que operaba en el Estado de Bahía.

Este artículo es resultado de la consulta de datos de material publicado sobre la actuación de los médicos, así como de Consejos profesionales como el Consejo Federal de Medicina y los Consejos Regionales de la profesión médica durante la dictadura militar en Brasil (1964-1985). Los médicos participaron de diversas formas en los mecanismos de tortura y represión: evaluando cuánta tortura podían soportar los presos, emitiendo falsos informes de autopsias, admitiendo a perseguidos políticos en hospitales psiquiátricos, emitiendo certificados médicos con diagnósticos de enfermedades mentales inexistentes. Los consejos de clase dictaron sentencias punitivas contra estos médicos, pero fueron anuladas por el Estado. Pretendemos demostrar que acciones como éstas que contradicen todos los principios éticos y humanitarios y que fueron institucionalizadas por el Estado dictatorial no pueden olvidarse y deben ser denunciadas, analizadas y sancionadas., This article is the result of consulting data from published material regarding the participation of doctors in torture sessions, as well as the actions of class councils such as the Federal Council of Medicine and Regional Councils of the medical profession during the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). Doctors participated in the assessment of how much torture could be endured by prisoners, in the issuance of false expert autopsy reports, in the placement of politically persecuted people into psychiatric hospitals with medical diagnosis of non-existent mental illnesses. The class councils issued punitive sentences against these doctors, but these were nullified by the State. We strive to demonstrate that actions like these, that contradict all ethical and humanitarian principles, and that were institutionalized by the dictatorial State cannot be forgotten thus needing to be reported, analyzed and punished., Este artigo resulta de consulta a dados de material publicado referente à atuação de médicos, bem como dos Conselhos de classe como o Conselho Federal de Medicina e Conselhos Regionais da profissão médica durante a ditadura militar no Brasil (1964-1985). Médicos participaram de várias maneiras dos mecanismos de tortura e repressão: da avaliação do quanto as torturas seriam passíveis de serem suportadas pelos presos (as), na emissão de laudos periciais de necrópsia falsos, em internações de perseguidos políticos em hospitais psiquiátricos, emitindo atestados médicos com diagnóstico de doenças mentais inexistentes. Os conselhos de classe emitiram sentenças punitivas contra esses médicos, mas estas foram anuladas pelo Estado. Objetivamos demonstrar que ações como estas que contrariam todos os princípios éticos e humanitários e que foram institucionalizados pelo Estado ditatorial não podem ficar esquecidas e precisam ser denunciadas, analisadas e punidas.

This article aims to highlight the career of Bahian activist Dinaelza Coqueiro. Born in 1949 in the city of Vitória da Conquista, Diná, as she was affectionately known, grew up in the midst of political changes in Brazil, culminating in her entry into the student movement during the civil-military coup of 1964. In this way, we will try to highlight the impacts of the military dictatorship on her life and on the state of Bahia, as well as addressing issues related to transitional justice, memory and the importance of her body, still unburied, for her relatives - which intersect present and past. Like other activists from the period, Dinaelza is another of the women who fought against repression, something that we understand requires a look at female protagonism both in Bahia and in other parts of the country. In this sense, our focus is not to think of the military dictatorship in isolation, but rather how many of their actions, such as leaving Salvador, were linked to the growing persecution and repressive structure operating in the state of Bahia., O presente artigo tem como objetivo destacar a trajetória da militante baiana, Dinaelza Coqueiro. Nascida em 1949 na cidade de Vitória da Conquista, Diná como era carinhosamente conhecida foi crescendo em meio as mudanças políticas no Brasil, culminando sua entrada no movimento estudantil, durante o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Dessa forma, buscaremos sublinhar os impactos da ditadura militar em sua vida e no Estado da Bahia, bem como abordaremos questões relacionadas à justiça de transição, memória e a importância de seu corpo, ainda insepulto, para os seus familiares – as quais entrecruzam presente e passado. Assim como outras militantes do período, Dinaelza é mais uma das mulheres que lutaram contra a repressão, algo que compreendemos ser necessário um olhar acerca do protagonismo feminino tanto na Bahia, quanto em outros espaços do país. Nesse sentido, nosso foco não é pensar a ditadura militar de forma isolada, mas, como muitas de suas ações como a saída de Salvador, estiveram ligadas à crescente perseguição e a toda estrutura repressiva atuante no Estado da Bahia., Este artículo pretende destacar la trayectoria de la activista bahiana Dinaelza Coqueiro. Nacida en 1949 en la ciudad de Vitória da Conquista, Diná, como era conocida cariñosamente, creció en medio de los cambios políticos de Brasil, que culminaron con su entrada en el movimiento estudiantil durante el golpe cívico-militar de 1964. De este modo, intentaremos destacar el impacto de la dictadura militar en su vida y en el Estado de Bahía, así como abordar cuestiones relacionadas con la justicia transicional, la memoria y la importancia de su cuerpo, aún insepulto, para sus familiares, que entrelazan presente y pasado. Al igual que otras activistas de la época, Dinaelza es otra de las mujeres que lucharon contra la represión, algo que entendemos requiere una mirada al protagonismo femenino tanto en Bahía como en otras partes del país. En este sentido, nuestro enfoque no es pensar en la dictadura militar de forma aislada, sino en cómo muchas de sus acciones, como la salida de Salvador, estaban vinculadas a la creciente persecución y estructura represiva que operaba en el Estado de Bahía.

Este artículo es resultado de la consulta de datos de material publicado sobre la actuación de los médicos, así como de Consejos profesionales como el Consejo Federal de Medicina y los Consejos Regionales de la profesión médica durante la dictadura militar en Brasil (1964-1985). Los médicos participaron de diversas formas en los mecanismos de tortura y represión: evaluando cuánta tortura podían soportar los presos, emitiendo falsos informes de autopsias, admitiendo a perseguidos políticos en hospitales psiquiátricos, emitiendo certificados médicos con diagnósticos de enfermedades mentales inexistentes. Los consejos de clase dictaron sentencias punitivas contra estos médicos, pero fueron anuladas por el Estado. Pretendemos demostrar que acciones como éstas que contradicen todos los principios éticos y humanitarios y que fueron institucionalizadas por el Estado dictatorial no pueden olvidarse y deben ser denunciadas, analizadas y sancionadas., This article is the result of consulting data from published material regarding the participation of doctors in torture sessions, as well as the actions of class councils such as the Federal Council of Medicine and Regional Councils of the medical profession during the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). Doctors participated in the assessment of how much torture could be endured by prisoners, in the issuance of false expert autopsy reports, in the placement of politically persecuted people into psychiatric hospitals with medical diagnosis of non-existent mental illnesses. The class councils issued punitive sentences against these doctors, but these were nullified by the State. We strive to demonstrate that actions like these, that contradict all ethical and humanitarian principles, and that were institutionalized by the dictatorial State cannot be forgotten thus needing to be reported, analyzed and punished., Este artigo resulta de consulta a dados de material publicado referente à atuação de médicos, bem como dos Conselhos de classe como o Conselho Federal de Medicina e Conselhos Regionais da profissão médica durante a ditadura militar no Brasil (1964-1985). Médicos participaram de várias maneiras dos mecanismos de tortura e repressão: da avaliação do quanto as torturas seriam passíveis de serem suportadas pelos presos (as), na emissão de laudos periciais de necrópsia falsos, em internações de perseguidos políticos em hospitais psiquiátricos, emitindo atestados médicos com diagnóstico de doenças mentais inexistentes. Os conselhos de classe emitiram sentenças punitivas contra esses médicos, mas estas foram anuladas pelo Estado. Objetivamos demonstrar que ações como estas que contrariam todos os princípios éticos e humanitários e que foram institucionalizados pelo Estado ditatorial não podem ficar esquecidas e precisam ser denunciadas, analisadas e punidas.

In the 1960s the Spanish foreign service monitored and persecuted the film To die in Madrid across the world. The present work reconstructs and analyzes this experience of diplomatic censorship, with data extracted from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Information and Tourism of the Spanish administration. The article describes the complex negotiations and conflicts that the Spanish diplomats had with politicians and the Armed Forces, film businessmen and cinematographic critics from different countries. The film was interpreted by the Franco regime as an anti-Hispanic affront that was part of a historical series of events intended to damage the nation’s prestige. However, the persecution ended when the foreign service itself concluded that diplomatic pressures had given rise to public scandals that were damaging the image that the dictatorship was trying to build abroad., En la década de 1960 el servicio exterior español vigiló y persiguió a la película Morir en Madrid alrededor del mundo. Este trabajo reconstruye y analiza esta experiencia de censura diplomática a partir del relevamiento de la documentación existente en los archivos del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y del Ministerio de Información y Turismo del Estado español. El artículo describe las complejas negociaciones y enfrentamientos que diplomáticos españoles desplegaron con políticos y militares, empresarios cinematográficos y críticos de diferentes países. La película fue interpretada por el franquismo como una afrenta antihispánica que se inscribía en una serie histórica de hechos destinados a dañar el prestigio de la nación. Sin embargo, la persecución se agotó cuando el propio servicio exterior concluyó que los escándalos públicos que provocaban las presiones diplomáticas para que las censuras locales prohibieran el filme dañaban la imagen que la dictadura intentaba construir en el exterior.

After the trials for crimes against humanity began and in the context of a political polarization between Kirchnerism and the rising right wing in Argentina, a memorial reconfiguration of the disputes about the dictatorial past has taken place since 2008. In those years, a heterogeneous set of discourses, actors and practices emerged questioning the memorial narrative about the recent past that was sustained by human rights organizations and was part of state policy during the Kirchnerist administrations (2003-2015). During the government of the Alianza Cambiemos (2015-2019), these discourses, actors and practices acquired greater visibility and projection in the public space through government initiatives and public statements by some of its officials. The interest of this article is to analyze reconfiguration of the disputes of memories focusing on the appearance of a new memorial plot that questions and strains the meanings and representations of the dictatorial past. Indeed, the aim is to understand what is remembered of the past and what modes of elaboration it proposes, how it redefines the limits of what can be said and made visible in a given relationship of forces, and what are the continuities and ruptures with respect to previous moments. The interweaving of these elements will allow us, in short, to understand the complex dynamics of the construction of memories of state terrorism between 2008-2019 in the context of the rise of right-wing political forces in Argentina., En Argentina, tras la reapertura de los juicios por delitos de lesa humanidad y en el marco de una creciente polarización política entre el kirchnerismo y el antikirchnerismo se produjo, desde 2008 en adelante, una reconfiguración de las disputas en el campo de las memorias sobre el pasado dictatorial. En esos años comenzó a emerger un conjunto heterogéneo de discursos, actores y prácticas que confluyó en el cuestionamiento de la narrativa memorial sobre el pasado reciente sostenida por los organismos de derechos humanos y elevada a política de estado durante los gobiernos kirchneristas (2003-2015). Durante el gobierno de la Alianza Cambiemos (2015-2019), estos discursos, actores y prácticas adquirieron mayor visibilidad y proyección en el espacio público a través de declaraciones públicas e iniciativas gubernamentales impulsadas por algunos de sus funcionarios. El interés de este artículo es dar cuenta de una reconfiguración en el escenario de disputas a partir de la conformación de una nueva trama memorial que cuestiona y tensiona los sentidos y representaciones sobre el pasado dictatorial. En efecto, el objetivo es comprender qué rememora del pasado y qué modos de elaboración propone, cómo redefine los límites de lo que puede ser dicho y visibilizado en una determinada relación de fuerzas, y cuáles son las continuidades y rupturas respecto de momentos anteriores. El entrecruzamiento de estos elementos permitirá, en suma, comprender la dinámica compleja de construcción de memorias sobre el terrorismo de Estado entre 2008-2019 en el marco del ascenso de fuerzas políticas de derechas en Argentina.

This video essay explores how the film Black bread (2010) by Agustí Villaronga foregrounds the relationship between vulnerability, fear, and rage in the context of economic, political, and sexual repression. It is a film that depicts a world of inequality and homophobia where children learn that violence is not an anomaly but a tool. Through the audiovisual format I argue that the film provokes thought on the complexity of rage and how to either challenge or perpetuate heteropatriarchal norms. The film makes visible the process through which the powerful manipulate the rage of the marginalized by shifting blame for their oppression. When shame and fear fuel rage, it loses its productive potential and becomes destructive. In denying his roots out of fear and rage, the protagonist reconstructs himself in the image of those behind his pain. There is no cinematic vision of a remedy to cruelty, or a productive use of rage. The conclusion suggests that representing that destructive process is enough., Este videoensayo explora cómo la película Pa negre (2010) de Agustí Vilaronga pone en primer plano la relación entre la vulnerabilidad, el miedo y la rabia en un contexto de represión económica, política y sexual. Es una película que describe un mundo de desigualdad y homofobia donde los niños aprenden que la violencia no es una anomalía sino una herramienta. A través del formato audiovisual sostengo que la película provoca una reflexión sobre la complejidad de la rabia y cómo esta puede tanto desafiar como perpetuar las normas heteropatriarcales. La película pone al descubierto el proceso mediante el cual los poderosos manipulan la ira de los marginados culpabilizándolos de su opresión. Cuando la vergüenza y el miedo alimentan la ira, esta pierde su potencial productivo y se vuelve destructiva. Al negar sus raíces por miedo y rabia, el protagonista se reconstruye a imagen de quienes están detrás de su dolor. La película omite mostrar un remedio a la crueldad o un uso productivo de la ira. La conclusión sugiere que es sugerente representar ese proceso destructivo

In this thesis, I analyze three novels from different authors and countries. The common ground between them is that they are all non-Portuguese writers (hence, strangers) who set their fictional plots during the period of the Portuguese dictatorship. This right-wing extremism was Europe's most long-lasting dictatorship and extended to the country's overseas colonies. In this context, foreign writers are important since the view of a stranger, free from local constraints and mores, can offer distinct and relevant insights. This notion of the Stranger is not only authorial but also reveals itself in the novels' characters, which are active and reflexive agents interpreting a foreign culture while strangers to the society they come into. As such, they bring questioning and innovation into that same structure. My research uses novels as lenses for cross-cultural sociological analysis to explore society's historical, cross-cultural and memorialist tensions, as well as unsolved traumas concerning identity and (not) belonging. [...], Thesis (PhD Doctorate), Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), School of Hum, Lang & Soc Sc, Arts, Education and Law, Full Text

The objective of this article is to analyze advertising directed at women in the context of the dictatorship in Chile (1973-1990). In retrospect, advertising constitutes a valuable testimonial resource and is an eloquent expression of the transformations that Chile underwent during the authoritarian regime before neoliberalism expanded to other regions. Using a mixed methodology that combined content analysis and semiotics, the results reveal a modernizing emphasis within the female consumer imaginary, associated with the values of the imposed neoliberal order that positioned consumption as one of the main drivers of social relations. However, this proposal did not significantly alter the roles that advertising has traditionally assigned to women. The conclusion drawn is that advertising reflects both the modernizing dynamics of the time as well as the contradictions and conflicts inherent in the stereotypical representation of women in the media., Este artículo analiza la publicidad dirigida a la mujer en el contexto de la dictadura en Chile (1973-1990). La publicidad, vista retrospectivamente, constituye un recurso testimonial de gran importancia y es una expresión elocuente de las transformaciones que experimentó Chile en el contexto autoritario. A partir de una metodología mixta, que integró el análisis de contenido y la semiótica, se advierte en los resultados un énfasis modernizador en el imaginario femenino de consumo, asociado a valores propios del orden neoliberal impuesto que instaló discursivamente al consumo como uno de los principales articuladores de las relaciones sociales. Sin embargo, esta propuesta modernizadora no alteró significativamente los roles que tradicionalmente la publicidad ha asignado a la mujer.

The coup d'état of 1930 implied an important transformation for the argentine political system, with transcendent consequences for society in the short and long term. The labor movement and left-wing sectors saw their development particularly compromised by the restriction of political life and civil liberties, along with the application of selective repressive measures.This article investigates the implications that the military uprising had for a particular sociopolitical actor, the anarchists. The study focuses on the analysis of the positions assumed during the political change and on evaluating the consequences that occurred within the libertarian current after the establishment of the military dictatorship on September 6. To carry out this objective, the work addresses different binding aspects, such as the different readings made by the anarchists before the outbreak of the coup, the strategies adopted to combat the restrictive measures of the government, the solidarity networks and the exiles carried out to avoid arrests, the transformation of the alliances operated within that movement based on the debates formulated in the new situation, as well as the repressive policies implemented to eliminate the social influence of the acrats., El golpe de Estado de 1930 implicó una importante transformación para el sistema político argentino, con trascendentales consecuencias para el conjunto de la sociedad en el corto y largo plazo. El movimiento obrero y los sectores de izquierda vieron particularmente comprometido su desarrollo a partir de la restricción de la vida política y de las libertades civiles, junto con la aplicación de medidas represivas selectivas. Este artículo indaga en las implicancias que tuvo el alzamiento militar para un actor sociopolítico en particular, los anarquistas. El estudio se centra en el análisis de las posiciones asumidas ante el cambo político, las acciones emprendidas para combatir o eludir la persecución, la alianzas y debates formulados ante la nueva coyuntura. En definitiva, en evaluar las consecuencias operadas dentro de la corriente libertaria a partir de la instauración de la dictadura militar del 6 de septiembre.

This video essay explores how the film Black bread (2010) by Agustí Villaronga foregrounds the relationship between vulnerability, fear, and rage in the context of economic, political, and sexual repression. It is a film that depicts a world of inequality and homophobia where children learn that violence is not an anomaly but a tool. Through the audiovisual format I argue that the film provokes thought on the complexity of rage and how to either challenge or perpetuate heteropatriarchal norms. The film makes visible the process through which the powerful manipulate the rage of the marginalized by shifting blame for their oppression. When shame and fear fuel rage, it loses its productive potential and becomes destructive. In denying his roots out of fear and rage, the protagonist reconstructs himself in the image of those behind his pain. There is no cinematic vision of a remedy to cruelty, or a productive use of rage. The conclusion suggests that representing that destructive process is enough., Este videoensayo explora cómo la película Pa negre (2010) de Agustí Vilaronga pone en primer plano la relación entre la vulnerabilidad, el miedo y la rabia en un contexto de represión económica, política y sexual. Es una película que describe un mundo de desigualdad y homofobia donde los niños aprenden que la violencia no es una anomalía sino una herramienta. A través del formato audiovisual sostengo que la película provoca una reflexión sobre la complejidad de la rabia y cómo esta puede tanto desafiar como perpetuar las normas heteropatriarcales. La película pone al descubierto el proceso mediante el cual los poderosos manipulan la ira de los marginados culpabilizándolos de su opresión. Cuando la vergüenza y el miedo alimentan la ira, esta pierde su potencial productivo y se vuelve destructiva. Al negar sus raíces por miedo y rabia, el protagonista se reconstruye a imagen de quienes están detrás de su dolor. La película omite mostrar un remedio a la crueldad o un uso productivo de la ira. La conclusión sugiere que es sugerente representar ese proceso destructivo

Despite making headlines in the global media in August 2020, Belarus still remains one of the least-known countries in the west. Belarus had not existed as an independent political entity prior to 1991 and had hardly any sovereignty historically; this however does not mean that the Belarusians lack a tradition of statehood and their own political history. The primary purpose of this chapter is to provide a brief analysis of different and sometimes confronting concepts of Belarusian statehood, as well as the political symbols, from a long-term historical perspective, to understand the country's unilinear path towards sovereignty and independence. The results obtained in the present study could provide a better understanding of the ongoing political crisis, especially since the 2020 presidential election, and the challenges Belarus continues to face today.

Doctrinal approaches to Roman law are currently often supplemented by contextual legal-historical scholarship that aims to expose Roman law’s connections with its socio-political, religious and broader intellectual environment. This article draws attention to the relevance of such contextual research for modern legal problems. An analysis of the Roman dictatorship and its reception history in legal and constitutional scholarship serves as a case in point. Contrary to common belief, the far-reaching powers of the Roman dictator – acting to save the Roman Republic in times of great peril – were controlled by informal rather than formal legal restraints. A corrected understanding of the Roman dictatorship is arguably not only important for an appropriate assessment of the Roman constitution itself, but also for current debates on the limits of legality in times of emergency.

This article explores the contribution of Enrique Alvear Urrutia, famously known as the “Bishop of the poor” and vicar of the Catholic Church, in advocating for human rights and leading the resistance against the dictatorship in collaboration with the social collective movement of the time. Based on historical literature and testimonies that have come to light. The priest was known for promoting relationships between Catholic institutions and various organizations that emerged in Chilean society. Historical sources provide a collective memory that aids in analyzing his commitment to defending human rights and the lives of the people he fought alongside and organized., Este artículo tiene como objetivo investigar acerca del papel que le cupo al conocido “obispo de los pobres” y vicario de la Iglesia católica, Enrique Alvear Urrutia, en defensa de los derechos humanos y la resistencia a la dictadura junto al movimiento popular. La investigación está sustentada en los trabajos historiográficos y testimonios que han surgido del contexto histórico de la época y de la labor del sacerdote. Esta se caracterizó por tender puentes entre el mundo institucional católico y las diversas organizaciones populares que surgieron en la sociedad chilena. La memoria popular que reside en las fuentes históricas nos permite estudiar su compromiso por la defensa de la vida y los derechos humanos del pueblo con el que luchó y se organizó.

This article reviews the agrarian policy reform of the Chilean military dictatorship (1973-1990). It argues that it configured a comprehensive and systematic program to damage farmers using “accumulation by land dispossession” mechanisms. Based on the bibliographic review and analysis, an interpretation of farmer dispossession is proposed based on neoliberalism’s creative destruction cycle. It suggests that the Chilean State neglected its commitments during the agrarian reform. The consequences of orthodox neoliberal measures on agriculture and repression against farmer organizations constitute a destructive and disciplinary blow to farmers. Since the end of the seventies, the implementation of authoritarian policies promoted the liberalization of agricultural land, water resources, and the labor market, allowing the legal institutional foundations for launching a new agro export model to be laid., El artículo realiza un balance de la política agraria de la dictadura cívico-militar chilena (1973-1990), sosteniendo que configuró un programa integral y sistemático de perjuicio al campesinado por medio de mecanismos de “acumulación por desposesión”. A partir de la revisión y el análisis bibliográfico, se propone una interpretación de la desposesión campesina en torno al ciclo de destrucción creativa del neoliberalismo, planteando que la represión contra las organizaciones campesinas, el abandono los compromisos que el Estado había asumido en el proceso de reforma agraria y las consecuencias de las medidas neoliberales ortodoxas sobre la agricultura, constituyen un shock destructivo y disciplinar que hace posible, desde fines de los setenta, la implementación autoritaria de políticas que promueven la liberalización de los mercados de tierra, agua y trabajo en el agro, permitiendo sentar las bases jurídico-institucionales para el despegue de un nuevo modelo agroexportador.

This article analyzes three art works which explores blurs and erasures to elaborate the memory of the Brazilian civil-military dic-tatorship, understood as ways to referenc-ing forgetfulness. Three works, that were part of the MemoriAntonia exhibition, cu-rated by Márcio Seligmann-Silva and Di-ego Matos in 2021, are examined: Recon-stituição, by Lais Myrrha; and Decreto and Pesquisa escolar, by Leila Danziger. Here, it is investigated how the produc-tions subsidize the remembrance of the dic-tatorial period from a perspective that, per-meated by discontinuities, points out both the power and the fragility of memory. It is perceived, therefore, that the art works also mark the need to reformulate what is (dis)remembered about the dictatorship, driven by a will to knowledge., Este artigo analisa obras de arte que recorrem a borrões e apagamentos para elaborar a memória da ditadura civil-militar brasileira, entendidos como modos de referenciar esqueci-mentos. São examinados três traba-lhos que integraram a exposição Me-moriAntonia, montada em 2021 com curadoria de Márcio Seligmann-Silva e Diego Matos: Reconstituição, de Lais Myrrha; e Decreto e Pesquisa escolar, de Leila Danziger. Aqui, interessa inves-tigar de que forma as produções sub-sidiam a rememoração do período di-tatorial a partir de uma perspectiva que, permeada por descontinuidades, sugere tanto a potência quanto a fragi-lidade da memória. Percebe-se, com isso, que as obras também marcam a necessidade de reformular o que se (des)lembra acerca da ditadura, im-pulsionada por um querer saber.

The American group Living Theatre, a ref- erence in off-Broadway theater and an icon of the counterculture, had its passage through Brazil marked by arrest and ex- pulsion from the country. In 1971, they were arrested by the Department of Politi- cal and Social Order (Dops) in Ouro Preto, Minas Gerais, accused of possession of narcotics in a context where a growing repression was being undertaken against countercultural practices seen as subver- sive, such as drug use. This article aims to narrate Living Theatre's passage through Brazil, with special focus on the group's imprisonment, inserting it in the dicta- torial context. In this sense, we will dis- cuss both the trajectory of the troupe and its connection with the protest move- ments, as well as the performance of the artists in the face of incarceration and press coverage, O grupo norte-americano Living The- atre, referência no teatro off-Broadway e ícone da contracultura, teve sua pas- sagem pelo Brasil marcada pela deten- ção e expulsão do país. Seus integran- tes foram presos pelo Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (Dops) na cidade mineira de Ouro Preto, em 1971, acusados de posse de entorpe- centes, num momento no qual se em- preendia uma crescente repressão às práticas contraculturais, como o uso de drogas, vistas como subversivas. Este artigo visa narrar a passagem do Living Theatre pelo Brasil, com espe- cial foco na prisão do grupo, inse- rindo-a no contexto ditatorial. Nesse sentido, discutiremos tanto a trajetória da trupe e sua ligação com os movi- mentos de contestação, quanto a atua- ção performática dos artistas diante do encarceramento e da cobertura da im- prensa.

This thesis explores how Chile’s truth commissions – the 1990-1991 National Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the 2003-2004 National Commission for Political Imprisonment and Torture – were experienced by testifiers and staff members. Both commissions sought to investigate human rights abuses committed during the Augusto Pinochet Dictatorship, which ruled Chile from 1973-1990. In this exploration, it asks three key questions. First, how did the individuals who survived and/or witnessed human rights abuses, and testified to the truth commissions regarding these horrors, experience their time participating in the truth commissions’ investigations? Second, how did commission employees experience their time working for these organisations? Third, were the experiences of staff and testifiers connected and, if so, how? Truth commissions generally aim to deliver reconciliation and/or healing to the national community and to testifying individuals – and Chile’s truth commissions were no exception – and this research seeks to evaluate this mission. As such, this research is particularly interested in locating moments of redemption and repair or, conversely, abrasive or upsetting moments for both staff and testifiers. In addressing these questions, this research finds two recurring themes. The first is that, during their investigations, Chile’s truth commissions repeatedly encountered the dictatorial past still lingering in the present. In both tangible and intangible ways – within and outside the commissions’ offices – truth commission staff and testifiers were forced to confront the enduring legacies of the Pinochet dictatorship. The second theme is that the choices made by institutions and individuals in the face of these lingering dictatorial legacies and circumstantial constraints, shaped each commission’s effect on staff and testifiers. Sometimes, when encountering the lingering dictatorial past, the commissions and/or truth commission staff created opportunities

Ohne Rosi Wolfstein und Paul Frölich wäre unser Bild von Rosa Luxemburg heute ein völlig anderes. Gemeinsam arbeitete das Paar in den 1920er Jahren am Nachlass der ermordeten Politikerin, wodurch die erste Werkausgabe entstehen konnte. Später, als Frölich und Wolfstein vor den Nationalsozialisten ins französische Exil geflüchtet waren, entstand 1939 durch beide eine der frühesten und zugleich authentischsten Biografien Luxemburgs (Rosa Luxemburg. Gedanke und Tat) unter Frölichs Namen, die aus diesem reichen Wissensschatz gespeist wurde. Doch wer waren Rosi Wolfstein und Paul Frölich, die heute nahezu vergessen scheinen? Ihre eigene Politikkarriere startete jeweils in der SPD vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, führte sie durch das Lager der Kriegsgegnerschaft zum Gründungsparteitag der KPD (Kommunistische Partei). Während Frölich in den Reichstag gewählt wurde, saß Wolfstein im Preußischen Landtag. Aus antistalinistischer Überzeugung verließen sie die KPD und wurden letztlich Mitbegründer der SAP (Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei), an deren Spitze sie standen, bevor sie fliehen mussten. Doch sie kehrten nach Deutschland zurück. Der Autor veranschaulicht in sehr lesenswerter Weise das Resultat seiner mehrjährigen Forschung zu einer Doppelbiografie unter netzwerkhistorischen Gesichtspunkten. Nur durch die Hinzuziehung von internationalen Quellen aus dem Netzwerk Wolfsteins und Frölichs konnte die Studie überhaupt entstehen, hatten die Protagonisten doch aufgrund der Verfolgung in der NS-Zeit keinen geschlossenen Nachlass hinterlassen.

Women in Central and Eastern Europe have made gains as presidents and prime ministers. A notable exception to this is Belarus, where President Alyaksandr Lukashenka, the longest dictator in Europe, has tightly clung to power since 1994. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya surprised many when she threw her hat in the ring for the 2020 presidential election. This article asks how Tsikhanouskaya arose as the 2020 opposition candidate and how gender shaped the campaign. Gender played a central role in her being able to stand in the election. Her husband had been a leading presidential candidate but was imprisoned by the regime. Like women who rose to executive leadership positions, Tsikhanouskaya ran in her husband’s place. Lukashenka permitted her candidacy because he did not see her as a political threat. Lukashenka regularly diminished her candidacy using sexist rhetoric. Tsikhanouskaya's own campaign highlighted more traditionally feminine traits such as being a nurturer, unifier, and non-power seeking, and only being in politics by chance. Referring to herself as an "accidental candidate," she made it clear that she sought to unify the Belarussian people against the dictatorship and would step aside after this was accomplished. As de facto opposition leader, she continues to highlight these more feminine qualities and craft a less threatening image.

Eine besondere Chance, bottom-up-Einblicke in die Alltagsgeschichte von Menschen mit Behinderungen in der DDR und ihre Agency zu erhalten, bieten Eingaben: Bitt- und Beschwerdebriefe, die die Bürger:innen der DDR zu Hunderttausenden jährlich an staatliche Organe richteten, um Probleme im Alltagsleben und Konflikte mit Staat und Verwaltung zu lösen. Zunächst werden in diesem Beitrag die Besonderheiten solcher Eingaben in der DDR skizziert. Sodann wird erörtert, inwiefern die Analyse der Eingaben von Menschen mit Behinderungen und ihren Angehörigen eine wertvolle Perspektive auf ihr Alltagsleben und ihre Interaktionen mit Staat und Expert:in­nen ermöglicht und wo dabei Grenzen der Aussagekraft liegen. Dies wird anhand von Einzelfällen exemplarisch veranschaulicht.

The declaration of a public health emergency for COVID-19 forced the traditional March of Silence, one of the largest marches in Uruguay, to move completely online. In this unusual context, the article examines how public memories are developed through a quantitative analysis of Twitter activity that analyzed the struggle over memories of Uruguay’s recent past. As with the results of other research, this paper demonstrates that there are at least two opposing public memories: the predominant one which has state terrorism as its central concept and is linked to the political left; and an alternative memory which follows the theory of the two demons. For each of the memories in this virtual battle, the article describes the associated actors and their social ties, including the participation of political parties, legislators, and state ministers., El estado de emergencia sanitaria decretado por la pandemia de COVID-19 obligó a que la Marcha del Silencio, una de las marchas tradicionales más multitudinarias del Uruguay, se trasladase por completo al ámbito virtual. En este inédito contexto, el presente artículo innova en el campo de los estudios de memoria pública al utilizar un análisis cuantitativo de la actividad en Twitter para analizar la batalla de memorias sobre el pasado reciente uruguayo. En línea con la literatura existente, se prueba la existencia de al menos dos memorias confrontadas, una predominante, que tiene al terrorismo de Estado como su concepto principal y con fuertes vínculos con la izquierda política, y otra memoria alternativa, que se articula según la ‘teoría de los dos demonios’. Para cada una de estas memorias se caracterizan los actores más relevantes y sus vínculos incluyendo la participación de los partidos políticos, legisladores y ministros.

This work deals with objects suppressed by individual people after the 1973 coup in Chile, due to the repression exerted by the installed civic-military dictatorship. It collects the memories of those who had to get rid of compromising objects to save their lives, pointing out the strategies chosen for this purpose, as well as the places to carry them out. It shows that the strategies varied and depended on different cicumstances. This work is also about the values given to objects and the way in which the function of objects change according to political circumstances. It highlights the memory created in contrast to the discourses of official history and to forced oblivion., Detta arbete handlar om de föremål som förtrycktes av enskilda människor efter statskuppen i Chile 1973, på grund av förtrycket som den installerade civil-militära diktaturen utövade. Det samlar in minnen av dem som var tvungna att göra sig av med kompromissande föremål för att rädda sina liv, och pekar ut de strategier som valdes för detta ändamål, såväl som platserna för att utföra dem. Det visar att strategierna varierade och berodde på olika omständigheter. Det här arbetet handlar även om de värderingar som ges till föremål och hur föremålens funktioner förändras beroende på politiska omständigheter. Det lyfter fram minnet som skapats i kontrast till den officiella historiens diskurser och till påtvingad glömska.

This work deals with objects suppressed by individual people after the 1973 coup in Chile, due to the repression exerted by the installed civic-military dictatorship. It collects the memories of those who had to get rid of compromising objects to save their lives, pointing out the strategies chosen for this purpose, as well as the places to carry them out. It shows that the strategies varied and depended on different cicumstances. This work is also about the values given to objects and the way in which the function of objects change according to political circumstances. It highlights the memory created in contrast to the discourses of official history and to forced oblivion., Detta arbete handlar om de föremål som förtrycktes av enskilda människor efter statskuppen i Chile 1973, på grund av förtrycket som den installerade civil-militära diktaturen utövade. Det samlar in minnen av dem som var tvungna att göra sig av med kompromissande föremål för att rädda sina liv, och pekar ut de strategier som valdes för detta ändamål, såväl som platserna för att utföra dem. Det visar att strategierna varierade och berodde på olika omständigheter. Det här arbetet handlar även om de värderingar som ges till föremål och hur föremålens funktioner förändras beroende på politiska omständigheter. Det lyfter fram minnet som skapats i kontrast till den officiella historiens diskurser och till påtvingad glömska.

This work deals with objects suppressed by individual people after the 1973 coup in Chile, due to the repression exerted by the installed civic-military dictatorship. It collects the memories of those who had to get rid of compromising objects to save their lives, pointing out the strategies chosen for this purpose, as well as the places to carry them out. It shows that the strategies varied and depended on different circumstances. This work is also about the value given to objects and the way in which the functions of objects change according to political circumstances. It highlights the memories created in contrast to the discourses of official history and to forced oblivion., Detta arbete handlar om de föremål som förtrycktes av enskilda människor efter statskuppen i Chile 1973, på grund av förtrycket som den installerade civil-militära diktaturen utövade. Det samlar in minnen av de som var tvungna att göra sig av med kmpromissande föremål för att rädda sina liv, och pekar ut de strategier som valdes för detta ändamål, såväl som platserna för att utföra dem. Det visar att strategierna varierade och berodde på olika omständigheter. Dat här arbetet handlar även om de värderingar som ges till föremål och hur föremålens funktioner förändras beroende på politiska omständigheter. Det lyfter fram minnet som skapats i kontrast till den officiella historiens diskurser och till påtvingad glömska.

In this dissertation, I examine how laughter functioned as a feature of and response to theatrical performance in mid-twentieth-century Portugal and Brazil, especially during periods of dictatorial rule. Underlying my approach is the idea that repressive regimes—such as the Estado Novo in Portugal and the 1964-1985 military dictatorship in Brazil—perpetrate violence beyond the damage they inflict on the body: they also attack subjectivity, creativity, the senses, and modes of expression. In the face of this violence, Brazilian and Portuguese theater practitioners actively sought to elicit laughter from their audiences. My main argument is that one cannot understand the development of modern Portuguese and Brazilian theater in the twentieth century without understanding their turn to popular musical theater (particularly revue) in relation to laughter and mechanisms of state repression. As a corollary of this argument, I push against the common binary distinction between “serious” and “light” theater in Lusophone theater studies. I argue that the theoretical and aesthetic connections between popular revue and revolutionary drama in Portugal and Brazil are analogous to those between German cabaret/revue and Bertolt Brecht’s epic theater. In the end, the plays I analyze develop local epic theatricalities that break down distinctions between “popular” and “serious” theater. I employ interdisciplinary research methods throughout this dissertation. Beyond close readings of primary sources and the development of a theoretical framework through which to present those readings, I also analyze historical texts in order to situate the works and authors under review. In Chapter 1, I argue that Teatro de Revista à Portuguesa and its complex relation with laughter are central to any adequate understanding of modern Portuguese theater. Throughout the twentieth century, revue provided an embodied experience that challenged decorum. For this and other reasons, Portugal’s dictatorshi

This work deals with objects suppressed by individual people after the 1973 coup in Chile, due to the repression exerted by the installed civic-military dictatorship. It collects the memories of those who had to get rid of compromising objects to save their lives, pointing out the strategies chosen for this purpose, as well as the places to carry them out. It shows that the strategies varied and depended on different circumstances. This work is also about the value given to objects and the way in which the functions of objects change according to political circumstances. It highlights the memories created in contrast to the discourses of official history and to forced oblivion., Detta arbete handlar om de föremål som förtrycktes av enskilda människor efter statskuppen i Chile 1973, på grund av förtrycket som den installerade civil-militära diktaturen utövade. Det samlar in minnen av de som var tvungna att göra sig av med kmpromissande föremål för att rädda sina liv, och pekar ut de strategier som valdes för detta ändamål, såväl som platserna för att utföra dem. Det visar att strategierna varierade och berodde på olika omständigheter. Dat här arbetet handlar även om de värderingar som ges till föremål och hur föremålens funktioner förändras beroende på politiska omständigheter. Det lyfter fram minnet som skapats i kontrast till den officiella historiens diskurser och till påtvingad glömska.

During the wars of independence of Venezuela and New Granada (1808-1831), several military leaders such as Francisco de Miranda and Simón Bolívar were granted exceptional powers. This measure was guided by the principles of ancient or Enlightenment authors, which were then also revisited. During the independence wars, "absolute" or "dictatorship-like" powers were granted as a rule in critical moments such as military defeats or natural disasters. The main goal was to protect the homeland from its enemies by suspending legal norms recently included in the republican constitutions of Venezuela and New Granada. However, such decisions also sparked numerous debates among republican officials. From their supporters' perspective, these powers had showed their potential to safeguard the Republic back in Cincinnatus' or George Washington's day. This was precisely Francisco de Miranda's argument to justify his extraordinary powers as Supreme Chief in 1812, which eventually would not prevent his defeat by the loyalist troops later that year. As war commander, Simón Bolívar argued that his extraordinary powers were a strategic necessity in order to organise the army and achieve a final victory. However, other eminent figures such as José Cortés de Madariaga in 1817 argued that a constitutional order based on the separation of powers should be maintained at all times. Those against exceptional powers feared the concentration of power in the hands of a single man, recalling the examples of Julius Caesar and Napoleon Bonaparte. These debates became even fiercer when dictatorial powers were granted to Simón Bolívar upon Spain's defeat on the grounds of both Republics' need for stability., Durante las guerras de Independencia de Nueva Granada y Venezuela (1808-1831), se otorgaron poderes de excepción a varios líderes militares como Francisco de Miranda o Simón Bolívar. Estas medidas estaban inspirabas por principios de autores de la Antigüedad o de la Ilustración, pero también se reinventaban durante las Independencias. Por lo general, las “facultadas absolutas” o la “dictadura” estaban atribuidas en momentos críticos, causados por derrotas militares o a desastres naturales. El objetivo era salvar la patria de sus enemigos, suspendiendo las normas legales que acaban de establecerse en las constituciones republicanas de Nueva Granada y Venezuela. Sin embargo, estas decisiones provocaban también numerosos debates en las filas republicanas. Para sus partidarios, estas facultades habían demostrado su capacidad para salvar la República en tiempos de Cincinato o de George Washington. Así fue la argumentación de Francisco de Miranda para justificar sus atributos extraordinarios de jefe supremo en 1812, que finalmente no impidieron su derrota frente a las tropas leales a la Corona en 1812. Como jefe de guerra, Simón Bolívar argumentó que los poderes extraordinarios eran una necesidad estratégica para organizar el Ejército y conseguir la victoria. Sin embargo, otros como José Cortés de Madariaga en 1817, opinaban que se debía mantener un orden constitucional basado en la separación de los poderes. Además, los detractores de los poderes de excepción temían la concentración de poder en las manos de un solo hombre, recordando a los ejemplos de Julio César y de Napoleón Bonaparte. Estos debates se volvieron aún más fuertes cuando poderes dictatoriales fueron atribuidos a Simón Bolívar después de la derrota de los españoles, justificados por la búsqueda de estabilidad de las Repúblicas.

Through a historiographic revision of controversial Bolivian president Mariano Melgarejo's government, this paper delves into the protocols and underlying meaning of revolutionary movements in a dynamic, contextual and historical manner to shed light on the articulation of their civil and military components and the complex relationship between politics, violence and legislation. Not only are revolutionary movements explored in two of their potential modalities -the coup d'état and partisan insurgency-, but the provisional authoritarian or dictatorial government that might precede them is also interpreted as a means to consolidate revolutionary achievements. From this critical perspective, the stigmatizing view of 20th-21st century coup d'états and dictatorships is put into question, with a new interpretation being offered for comparable events in the 19th century. The text is divided into three parts. The first one, focused on the Melgarejista coup d'état, shows both its initial public support and acceptance and the unconstitutionality of the first opposition uprisings. The second part briefly describes the internal organization, mobilizing strategies, leaderships, main actors and rebel partisan rivalries, underlying how the successive insurrections from 1865 up to the campaigns of 1870-1871 were all parts of a single six-year revolutionary process period. Finally, the third part revolves around the rhetorical transmutation of Melgarejo from “American hero” dictator to tyrant so as to reflect, via the construction of the adversary's otherness, on the discursive fixation of the legal and legitimate dimensions in the exercise of governmental authority. The three components underline the public appreciation of republican institutions and the importance of making them known through the armed defense of the Constitution. To support this, various sources were consulted, such as press clippings, popular acts, proclamations, government messages, leaflets, memoirs, judicial, A través de una relectura historiográfica del gobierno del polémico presidente boliviano Mariano Melgarejo, este texto ahonda de modo dinámico y contextual, luego histórico, en el protocolo y el sentido de una revolución para incidir en la articulación de los ámbitos civil y militar y en la compleja relación entre política, violencia y derecho. No sólo el hecho revolucionario se plantea desde dos de sus modalidades –el golpe de Estado y la insurgencia partidaria–, sino que también se interpreta al provisorio gobierno autoritario o dictatorial que podía precederles como el medio de asentar los logros rebeldes. Con esa perspectiva crítica se cuestiona la proyección estigmatizadora del golpe de Estado y la dictadura de los siglos XX-XXI y se ofrece otra comprensión de éstos para el siglo XIX. El texto se divide en tres partes. La primera se centra en el golpe de Estado melgarejista para mostrar tanto sus iniciales apoyos y aceptación públicos, como la inconstitucionalidad de las primeras sublevaciones opositoras. La segunda narra someramente la organización, estrategias movilizadoras, liderazgos, actores y rivalidades partidarias rebeldes, incidiendo en que la concatenación de insurrecciones sucedidas desde 1865 hasta las campañas de 1870-1871 formaron parte de un único proceso o sexenio revolucionario. Y la tercera trata la trasmutación retórica de Melgarejo de dictador “héroe americano” a tirano para reflexionar, a través de la construcción de la alteridad del adversario, sobre la fijación discursiva de los componentes legales y legítimos en el ejercicio de la autoridad por parte de un gobierno. Las tres temáticas inciden en la puesta en valor público de las instituciones republicanas y de su aprendizaje gracias a la defensa armada de la Constitución. Para argumentarlo se ha recurrido a fuentes variadas: prensa, actas populares, proclamas, mensajes de gobierno, folletería, memorias, expedientes judiciales o redactores del Congreso.

In this article we seek to demonstrate that, in Chile, during the Pinochet dictatorship there was a “charitable turn” in disability policies and that the emergence of the Telethon is a symptom and paradigmatic expression of them. The support of the Military Junta contributes to the success of the Teletón televised campaign. In return, the broadcast fits perfectly into the dictatorship’s propaganda strategy, naturalizing its economic options and building political legitimacy in its favor. The support of the de facto government is inserted in a neoliberal strategy that dismantles and reduces direct public action in the disability sector and that encourages the development of private associations. In order to achieve our purpose, we start from the analysis of a corpus of primary sources that we collected in the Archive of the International Labor Organization, the National Archive of the Administration, as well as documents belonging to the Sociedad Pro-Ayuda al Niño Lisiado and to other associations in the National Library of Chile. We have also consulted press releases that cover the broadcasts of the first five Telethons, which took place between 1978-1982, and the videos available on YouTube of them., En este artículo buscamos demostrar que, en Chile, en la dictadura pinochetista se da un “giro caritativo” en las políticas de discapacidad y que la emergencia de la Teletón es síntoma y expresión paradigmática de estas. El apoyo de la Junta Militar contribuye al éxito de la campaña televisada Teletón. En afinidad de sentido, la emisión se ajusta a la estrategia de propaganda de la dictadura, naturalizando sus opciones económicas y construyendo legitimidad política a su favor. El respaldo del gobierno de facto se inserta en una estrategia neoliberal que desmantela y reduce la acción pública directa en el sector de la discapacidad y que fomenta el desarrollo de las asociaciones privadas. Con el fin de alcanzar nuestro propósito partimos del análisis de un corpus de fuentes primarias que recogimos en el Archivo de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo, el Archivo Nacional de la Administración, así como de documentos pertenecientes a la Sociedad Pro-Ayuda al Niño Lisiado y a otras asociaciones en la Biblioteca Nacional de Chile. Hemos también consultado notas de prensa que cubren las emisiones de las cinco primeras Teletones, acontecidas entre 1978-1982, y videos disponibles en Youtube.

During the 20th century, Portugal alternated phases of relative social peace with periods of unrest, and naturally these circumstances affected its security forces. Apparently one of the most pronounced changes of the police paradigm occurred with the fall of the dictatorship and the passage through the revolutionary process that preceded the advent of democracy in the country, in the mid-1970s. But the truth is that the Estado Novo had already been enacting a correction of the police doctrine and resources since 1960. However, such changes would not serve the forces of order to save a crisis of legitimacy and authority after the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974. In this article we will analyze that period through the Polícia de Segurança Pública (PSP), while trying to identify ruptures, transformations and permanencies throughout those 15 years in the Portuguese police model., Portugal alternó durante el siglo XX fases de relativa paz social con periodos de conflictividad, y, naturalmente, esas circunstancias tuvieron reflejo en sus fuerzas del orden y de seguridad. Aparentemente una de las inversiones más acusada del paradigma policial se produjo con la caída de la dictadura y el paso por el proceso revolucionario que precedió al asentamiento de la democracia en el país, a mediados los años setenta. Pero lo cierto es que desde 1960 el Estado Novo ya venía apadrinando una rectificación de la doctrina y de los medios policiales. Sin embargo, esos cambios no servirían a las fuerzas del orden para salvar una crisis de legitimidad y de autoridad después del 25 de abril de 1974. En este artículo analizaremos ese periodo a través de la Polícia de Segurança Pública (PSP), procurando identificar las rupturas, transformaciones y continuidades en el modelo policial a lo largo de esos 15 años.

This article explores the experience of political clandestine in Uruguay during the years of the dictatorship (1973-1985), placing it within the phenomenon of insilement or internal exile, understanding that it is an expression of the consequences linked to social control, surveillance and the production of terror by the of the State. Its inclusion makes it possible to expand and conceptually complicate the experiences of the insilios in the understanding that it represented, for those who lived it and their families, another form of exile without leaving the territory of origin. It is structured based on testimonial sources and interviews conducted by the authors, as a way of accessing the complex network of emotions and sensations that unfold as you go through memory. In this way, the article aims to account for the profound transformations in the lives of the militants who went underground from the ruptures with the places of belonging (both real and symbolic), the interruption of affective ties, fear as a permanent companion, the difficulty of shaping the story and the strong presence of silence as well as the constructions of meaning around clandestine militancy that allowed them to go through this traumatic experience., Este artículo explora la experiencia de la clandestinidad política en Uruguay durante los años de dictadura (1973-1985) ubicándola dentro del fenómeno del insilio o exilio interior entendiendo que configura una expresión de las consecuencias vinculadas al control social, vigilancias y producción del terror por parte del Estado. Su inclusión permite ampliar y complejizar conceptualmente las experiencias de los insilios en el entendido de que representó, para quienes la vivieron y sus familias, otra forma de destierro sin salir del territorio de origen. El mismo se estructura en base a fuentes testimoniales y entrevistas realizadas por las autoras, como forma de acceder al complejo entramado de emociones y sensaciones que se van desplegando al recorrer la memoria. De esta manera el artículo pretende dar cuenta de las transformaciones profundas en la vida de los militantes que ingresaron a la clandestinidad a partir de las rupturas con los lugares de pertenencia (tanto reales como simbólicos), la interrupción de los vínculos afectivos, el miedo como compañía permanente, la dificultad de dar forma al relato y la fuerte presencia del silencio así como también las construcciones de sentido en torno a la militancia clandestina que permitieron atravesar esta experiencia traumática.

This article addressed how the Theory of the Two Demons is represented in secondary school history manuals in Argentina between 2010 -2020. To carry out the research, manual sources of secondary history were used from different publishers widely disseminated in the country such as Aique, AZ, Estrada, Kapelusz, Maipue, Mandioca and Santillana. The time cut responds to the fact that we sought to identify how the object of study analyzed was represented in the last decade. Despite being a discussion raised decades ago, the proposed topic is extremely relevant because it continues to be central in relation to the study of recent Argentine history and the perspective that one has towards the historical processes of the last decades. In the following investigation, it is argued that the Theory of the Two Demons has been questioned in the historical analyzes of secondary school History textbooks in Argentina during the period 2010-2020, although still maintaining some omissions, which motivate the development of this work., En el presente artículo se abordó cómo se representa la Teoría de los Dos Demonios en los manuales de Historia de secundaria en la Argentina entre los años 2010 - 2020. Para la realización de la investigación se utilizaron como fuentes manuales de Historia de secundaria de distintas editoriales ampliamente difundidas en el país como Aique, AZ, Estrada, Kapelusz, Maipue, Mandioca, Santillana y ediciones del Ministerio de Educación. El recorte temporal responde a que se buscó identificar en la última década cómo es representado el objeto de estudio analizado. La propuesta tiene suma relevancia ya que, a pesar de ser una discusión planteada décadas atrás, continúa teniendo centralidad en nuestra actualidad en relación con el estudio de la historia reciente argentina y la óptica que se tiene hacia los procesos históricos de las últimas décadas. En la siguiente investigación se sostiene que la Teoría de los Dos Demonios es cuestionada en los análisis históricos de los textos escolares de Historia de secundaria en Argentina en el periodo 2010 – 2020 manteniendo aun ciertas omisiones que motivan la existencia de esta.

Die Arbeit von Harald Bodenschatz (2011) und seinen Mitautor:innen zum Städtebau im faschistischen Italien hat vor zehn Jahren Wegweisendes in der Städtebauhistoriographie geleistet. Nun wurde das seit Jahren vergriffene Buch neu aufgelegt und behutsam erweitert. Es hat viele Folgestudien inspiriert. Eine davon ist die Arbeit der Denkmalpflegerin Birgit Knauer (2022), die sich mit der „Assanierung“ der Stadt Wien im Austrofaschismus auseinandersetzt. Die Werke zeigen, wie Städtebau durch diktatorische Regime benutzt wurde, um Repression auszuüben oder Konsens herzustellen, und als wirtschaftspolitisches Programm der beschleunigten industriellen Entwicklung sowie zur volkswirtschaftlichen Erholung in und nach Krisenzeiten diente. Dabei spielen Propaganda, Geschichtsbilder, Zukunftsverheißungen und nicht zuletzt europäische Netzwerke eine Rolle.

The survival of Francoism continues in the political, social and media debate in Spain. The study shows the importance that the younger generations attach to the dictatorship, but at the same time they recognize that their training is deficient. In this methodologically quantitative research, the level of knowledge of first-year students about the dictatorship, the training received and the interest of this group regarding the Franco regime are correlated, based on the popularity that the subject acquires in the political-social debate today.

In the framework of the authoritarian heritage re-elaboration in Latin America, this essay analyses the representation of the Guatemalan civil war and dictatorship trauma in El material humano by Rodrigo Rey Rosa, where he rescues the monumental data on violence from the National Police Historical Archive. We focus on the aesthetic strategies through which the author discusses the attempt to find a synthesis between the persistent duty of memory and the absence of the traces of the bodies that the archive (does not) return. By not showing the violence and forcing the reader to see how far their imagination can go, the author creates an ethical short circuit that reads the trauma through its (un)writing.

La memoria de los escolares de posguerra guarda el recuerdo de una infancia marcada por la huella del nacionalcatolicismo. La estrecha vinculación entre la Iglesia y el Estado, tras el fin de las hostilidades, sentó los cimientos para la construcción de la identidad nacional en los estudiantes. En el artículo que presentamos, analizamos la narración de las vivencias infantiles del grupo de población nacido durante la guerra, para recomponer cómo fue transmitido ese ideario, a través de la interacción entre el estudiante y su contexto más próximo. A partir de la metodología biográfico-narrativa, –centrada en cuatro relatos de vida realizados a dos hombres y dos mujeres de clases populares, cuya infancia se enmarca en los años cuarenta– profundizamos en la consolidación del ideario político, religioso y moral franquista, a través de las enseñanzas que los niños y las niñas recibían en la escuela y se potenciaban a partir de otros conocimientos no formales, aprendidos desde las relaciones familiares y sociales. Constatamos que el uso de las fuentes orales desvela la conformación de elementos muy relevantes de la construcción de la identidad nacional, en especial los más propiamente subjetivos, como los procesos de naturalización de la discriminación, la asunción de la arbitrariedad del poder o el valor de las rutinas, los símbolos y las celebraciones religiosas o patrióticas., The memory of the post-war schoolchildren keeps the memory of a childhood marked by the imprint of national-catholicism. The close link between Church and State after the end of hostilities laid the foundation for the construction of national identity in students. In this article that we present, the narrative of children’s experiences of the population group born during the war, allows us to recompose how this idea was transmitted through the interaction between the student and his closest context. Through the biographical - narrative methodology, centered on four life stories made up of two men and two women from the popular classes whose childhood was framed in the 1940s, we deepened the consolidation of Franco’s political, religious and moral ideology through teachings that boys and girls received in school and were strengthened from other non-formal learning, learned from family and social relationships. We found that the use of oral sources reveals the formation of very relevant elements of the construction of national identity, especially the most properly subjective ones, such as the naturalization processes of discrimination, the assumption of arbitrariness of power or value of routines, symbols and religious or patriotic celebrations., Depto. de Estudios Educativos, Fac. de Educación, TRUE, pub

En el año 2003, Cristina Peri Rossi se alza con el Premio de Poesía Rafael Alberti con Estado de exilio. En estas páginas indagaremos sobre este libro extemporáneo –en cuanto a su publicación, pero no en cuanto a su escritura– desde varias perspectivas. Primeramente, nos centramos en por qué es extemporáneo y lo relacionamos con otros poemarios de autores latinoamericanos exiliados en los que se trata la misma temática y cuya publicación coincide temporalmente con la escritura del libro de la uruguaya. A continuación, analizamos las diversas versiones que del libro conocemos y las consecuencias que de ello se derivan: la publicación de algunos poemas en el periódico Triunfo (1978), los incluidos en la antología Las voces distantes (1985), la primera publicación del libro, en la editorial Visor (2003), y la edición en Poesía reunida (2005). Por último, profundizaremos en la forma en la que a través del verso la autora uruguaya recrea la angustia del destierro, cuáles son las temáticas más recurrentes y de qué modo son desarrolladas por Cristina Peri Rossi para recalar finalmente en una de las cuestiones en las que la crítica ha abundado al referirse a este poemario, y que anuncia su título: el estado de exilio., In 2003, Cristina Peri Rossi won the Rafael Alberti Poetry Prize with Estado de exilio. In these pages we will try to investigate this extemporaneous book –in terms of its publication, but not in terms of its writing– from various perspectives. Firstly, we focus on why it is extemporaneous, and we relate it to other collections of poems by exiled Latin American authors that deal with the same theme and whose publication coincides temporarily with the writing of the Uruguayan book. Next, we analyze the various versions that we know of the book and the consequences that derive from it: the publication of some poems in the newspaper Triunfo (1978), those included in the anthology Las voces distantes (1985), the first publication of the book, in the editorial Visor (2003), and the edition in Poesía reunida (2005). Finally, we will delve into the way in which the Uruguayan author recreates the anguish of exile through verse, what are the most recurrent themes and how they are developed by Cristina Peri Rossi to finally address one of the issues in which critics has abounded when referring to this collection of poems, and announces its title, the state of exile.

En el siguiente artículo se intentará abordar los planteamientos ideológicos que vertió el diario gubernamental La Nación. Se trata de un intento de articular un nuevo ideal nacional por parte del régimen de Miguel Primo de Rivera enmarcado en su intento de institucionalización tras la victoria del desembarco de Alhucemas ocurrido en 1925, en el centenario del inicio de tal acontecimiento histórico. Para este objetivo se observará los diferentes artículos de opinión que expresaba la editorial del diario durante el periodo dictatorial en un intento de poder configurar un discurso en torno a la dictadura, así de una mayoría social afín., In the following article we will try to approach the ideological approaches that the governmental newspaper La Nación expressed in an attempt to articulate a new national ideal by the regime of Miguel Primo de Rivera, in the centenary of the beginning of such historical event, framed in its attempt of institutionalization after the victory of the Alhucemas landing that took place in 1925. For this purpose, the different opinion articles expressed by the newspaper’s editorial during the dictatorial period will be observed to configure a discourse around the dictatorship, as well as a similar social majority.

For the vast majority of agricultural workers in the tenant peasantry class, the direct relation to a landscape valorized by a plantation economy is simultaneously a constantly mediated, ever-precarious economic relation to global capital. Since 1945, discourses of development have only deepened extractive and deeply unequal modes of governance and sociality in this context and across the Global South*. It is in this context that I aim to assess the politicized technics of precarity, weather prediction, and economics of agriculture in the Philippines under the authoritarian rule of Ferdinand Marcos. In studying the Philippines during its violent neoliberal transformation period, I hope to extract an ideal portrait of the environmental, technological, and economic logics of postcolonial globalization. To do so, I will assess a subtle yet crucial point in the Philippines’ history of science, technology, and the environment: the implementation of a meteorological telecommunications network and Marcos’s reordering of these stations as the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration, or PAGASA (meaning “hope” in Tagalog). By understanding the several scales of political economy at work in direct relation to such a network, this paper seeks to illuminate the multiple dimensions of social instability rooted in the Philippine government’s neoliberal conflation of environment and economy. The architectures and technologies of network, then, highlight the numerous ways in which weather forecasting, agricultural production, and political control intersect in infrastructural development.

For the vast majority of agricultural workers in the tenant peasantry class, the direct relation to a landscape valorized by a plantation economy is simultaneously a constantly mediated, ever-precarious economic relation to global capital. Since 1945, discourses of development have only deepened extractive and deeply unequal modes of governance and sociality in this context and across the Global South*. It is in this context that I aim to assess the politicized technics of precarity, weather prediction, and economics of agriculture in the Philippines under the authoritarian rule of Ferdinand Marcos. In studying the Philippines during its violent neoliberal transformation period, I hope to extract an ideal portrait of the environmental, technological, and economic logics of postcolonial globalization. To do so, I will assess a subtle yet crucial point in the Philippines’ history of science, technology, and the environment: the implementation of a meteorological telecommunications network and Marcos’s reordering of these stations as the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration, or PAGASA (meaning “hope” in Tagalog). By understanding the several scales of political economy at work in direct relation to such a network, this paper seeks to illuminate the multiple dimensions of social instability rooted in the Philippine government’s neoliberal conflation of environment and economy. The architectures and technologies of network, then, highlight the numerous ways in which weather forecasting, agricultural production, and political control intersect in infrastructural development.