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Le Commentaire sur les évangiles de Fortunatien, évêque d’Aquilée au milieu du ive siècle, a été redécouvert et publié il y a quelques années seulement. Le présent article présente cette « nouvelle » source patristique et son auteur et offre pour la première fois une traduction française de certains passages. The Commentary on the Gospels by Fortunatianus, bishop of Aquileia in the middle of the 4th century, was rediscovered and published only a few years ago. This article presents this “new” patristic source and its author, and offers for the first time a translation of some passages into French.

According to Socrates, as he is described in Plato’s Phaedo, the definition of a true philosopher is a wise man who is continuously practicing dying and being dead. Already in this life, the philosopher tries to free his soul from the body in order to acquire true knowledge as the soul is progressively becoming detached from the body. Centuries after it was written, Plato’s Phaedo continued to play a role for some early Christian authors, and this article focuses on three instances where Christian women mirror Socrates and/or his definition of philosophy. We find these instances in hagiographical literature from the fourth and fifth centuries at different locations in the Roman Empire – in the Lives of Macrina, Marcella and Syncletica. These texts are all to varying degrees impacted by Platonic philosophy and by the ideal of the male philosopher Socrates. As women mastering philosophy, they widened common cultural expectations for women, revealing how Christian authors in certain contexts ascribed authority to female figures. Prema Sokratu, opisanog u Platonovom Fedonu, definicija pravog filozofa je mudar čovek koji kontinuirano vežba umiranje i smrt. Već u ovom životu filozof pokušava da oslobodi svoju dušu od tela, kako bi stekao istinsko znanje kako se duša progresivno odvaja od tela. Veko-vima nakon što je napisan, Platonov Fedon nije prestao da igra značajnu ulogu za neke ra-nohrišćanske autore, a ovaj članak se fokusira na tri slučaja u kojima hrišćanske žene opo-našalje Sokrata i / ili njegovu definiciju filozofije. Ove slučajeve nalazimo u hagiografskoj literaturi iz četvrtog i petog veka na različitim lokacijama u Rimskom carstvu - u žitijima Ma-krine, Markele i Sinkletike. Sve ove žene su, na manje ili više direktne načine i prema različi-tim strategijama u vezi sa uticajem paganske filozofije na hrišćanstvo, pod uticajem platon-ske filosofije i muškog filozofa Sokrata. Kao žene koje se usavršavaju u filozofiji, one šire zajednička kulturna očekivanja ostalim ženama i otkrivaju kako su hrišćanski autori u odre-đenim kontekstima pripisivali autoritet ženskim figurama.

My dissertation, The Strongest Seed: Jerome’s Fashioning of an Ascetic Masculinity, flips the script on typical discussions about asceticism and sexuality in early Christianity by putting male virginity under the microscope. My lens for this project is the corpus of one particularly prolific, yet infamous, fourth century “Father of the Church,” Jerome of Stridon. Jerome was a Latin theologian, writer, and monastic leader. In both monastic and public life, he championed Christian asceticism, a way of life intended to bring adherents closer to God by limiting their interaction with “material life.” While asceticism included a simple diet, avoidance of decadence, and charity, the aspect Jerome most advocated was sexual abstinence. While Jerome is (in)famous for his policing of femininity, relatively little work has been done on his view of masculinity. In this dissertation, I argue that Jerome carefully cultivates an image of male sexual chastity and virginity that fits nicely within the existing framework of classical “manliness.” In his vision for monks, the priesthood, and lay masculinity sexual restraint (at the very least) is at the core of what it means to be a Christian man. This idea both subverts and borrows from Greco-Roman masculine ideals. On the one hand, men were expected to be potent and exhibit a great deal of sexual control over their wives and slaves. At the same time, along with this expectation was the idea that men who were too sexual were effeminate due to their lack of restraint and self-control. Yet nowhere in a pre-Christian framework masculinity is there an expectation for a man to be a lifelong virgin. In fact, that expectation was exceedingly rare even for women in the Greco-Roman world. Jerome understands this complicated cultural stew and uses it to his benefit. He artfully appropriates the existing cultural cache of masculine self-restraint and takes it to its (il)logical conclusion that the manliest men are those who do not have sex at all. In lifelong virginity, Jerome argues that men can be like him and even have seed that “produces 100-fold fruit.” The chapters of this project are grouped largely along generic lines looking at letters, narrative work, and finally polemical treatises. Chapter one, “Cato in the Streets, Nero in the Sheets,” explores the boundary marking and policing of “manly” behavior in Jerome’s epistolary record. Chapter two, “Chastity’s Martyrdom,” focuses on two of Jerome’s hagiographies, the Life of Paul the First Hermit and the Life of Malchus, the Captive Monk. These lives each contain potent depictions of male sexual agency as under threat – there is attempted rape, murder, and forced marriage. Yet Jerome uses his holy heroes to show the sheer power available to me who commit themselves to Christian chastity. The final chapter, “Bitten by a Mad Dog,” revolves around the late fourth century Jovinian controversy and Jerome’s treatise, Against Jovinian. Jerome uses this controversy which, on the surface, is about female virginity and uses it as an opportunity to articulate the superiority of male continence. In doing so, Jerome unwittingly crafts the model of the “virile virgin,” a man whose ultimate claim to masculinity rests on his lifelong chastity.

A segunda metade do século IV, na região da bacia do Mar Mediterrâneo, se configurou como um momento particularmente marcado por profundas transformações e conflitos. Dentre as mudanças e enfrentamentos destacamos, por um lado, a ascensão do movimento monástico no seio da comunidade cristã e, por outro, as disputas entres as intelligentsias cristã e pagã em torno do domínio da paideia. Tais questões serão discutidas tendo como ponto de partida e elemento aglutinador a experiência monástica vivenciada por Jerônimo no deserto de Cálcis entre os anos 374 e 377. The second half of the fourth century in the region of the Mediterranean Sea Basin was a time particularly marked by profound transformations and conflicts. Among the changes and confrontations, we highlight on the one hand the rise of the monastic movement within the Christian community and on the other the disputes between the Christian and pagan intelligentsia around the control of the Paideia. These questions will be discussed based on the monastic experience experienced by Jerome in the desert of Chalcis between 374 and 377.

Pierwsze próby lokalizacji Strydonu Hieronima w XVII wieku oparte były na podobieństwach w brzmieniu nazw niektórych dzisiejszych miejscowości z antycznym Strydonem oraz uwarunkowane bardziej lokalnym patriotyzmem niż rygorem naukowym. W ten sposób utożsamiano Strydon ze Zdrinja/Sdringa w Istrii, z Zrin w Medumurje w Panonii albo ze Strigovo w Dalmacji. Frane Bulić opierając się na opisie Hieronima z De viris illustribus zaproponował Grahovo, ale ta hipoteza została przez większość badaczy odrzucona. Najbardziej przekonująca okazała się hipoteza Mate Suića, według której Strydon leżał w Dalmacji, a konkretnie w Liburni, zaś w sensie administracji państwowej i kościelnej przynależał do miasta Tarsatica, dzisiejsza Rjeka w Chorwacji. Najnowsza hipoteza Lujo Magnetića, który proponuje postrzegać pogranicze, o którym wspomina Hieronim jako pogranicze między Dalmacją a Panonia Secunda, czyli na terenie dzisiejszej Bośni-Hercegowiny, na linii powyżej Bania-Luka – Doboj nie przekonuje. The first attempts to locate Jerome’s Stidon Hieronim in the 17th century were based on similarities in the sound of the names of some of today's cities with ancient Stridon and conditioned more by local patriotism than by scientific rigor. In this way Stridon was identified with Zdrinja/Sdringa in Istria, with Zrin in Medumurje in Pannonia or with Strigovo in Dalmatia. Based on the description of Jerome of De viris illustribus, Frane Bulić proposed Grahovo, but this hypothesis was rejected by most researchers. The most convincing proved to be the hypothesis of Mate Suić, according to which Stridon was in Dalmatia, specifically in Liburni, while in the sense of state and church administration it belonged to the city of Tarsatica, today's Rjeka in Croatia. The latest hypothesis of Lujo Magnetić, who proposes to perceive the borderland mentioned by Jerome as a border between Dalmatia and Panonia Secunda, i.e. on today's Bosnia-Herzegovina, on the line above Bania-Luka - Doboj is not convincing.

Autor opracowania wybiera z wielu zagadnień poruszanych w Liście 22 św. Hieronima temat dziewictwa rozumianego jako ustawiczna walka dla Pana i analizuje fundamenty biblijne tej idei. Próbuje najpierw ustalić cel, jaki przyświecał św. Hieronimowi, piszącemu ten list, czyli ukazanie, w świetle Biblii, z jednej strony racji i piękna życia w dziewictwie, z drugiej zaś trudów i wyrzeczeń, które trzeba nieustannie podejmować, aby wytrwać w tym stanie. Zajmuje się następnie odnośnymi tekstami biblijnymi, pochodzącymi głównie z Nowego Testamentu, zwłaszcza z Ewangelii i z listów św. Pawła apostoła; analizuje ich użycie, wybrane zwroty i wyrażenia (pochodzące niekiedy ze świata sportowców i żołnierzy) oraz ich kontekst literacki i doktrynalny. Podaje następnie konkretne elementy duchowej walki podejmowanej przez dziewicę dla Chrystusa (modlitwa, rozważanie Pisma świętego, milczenie, post, pozostawanie w domu, różne umartwienia dotyczące ciała i ducha), który osobiście dał nam dowody najwyższej miłości, ubóstwa i wytrwałości w znoszeniu cierpień. Pyta na zakończenie, w kontekście ciągle aktualnej debaty dotyczącej dziewictwa i małżeństwa, o znaczenie omawianego Listu 22 św. Hieronima dla tego tematu w perspektywie biblijnej, chrystologicznej, eklezjologicznej i eschatologicznej. St. Jerome deals with many themes in his Letter 22 to Eustochium, but the author focuses on virginity interpreted as a constant struggle for the Lord, and he analyses the Biblical foundations of this exposition. He first tries to clarify St. Jerome’s purpose as he wrote this letter, that is, the articulation, in the light of the Bible, on the one hand of the reason and beauty of life in virginity, and on the other hand the difficulties and renunciations that have to be constantly undertaken so as to persevere in this state. He then discusses the pertinent Biblical references, primarily from the New Testament and in particular from the Gospels and the letters of the apostle St. Paul. He analyses their use, the chosen expressions and terms (sometimes taken from the vocabulary of sportsmen and soldiers) and their literary and doctrinal context. He then lists concrete elements of the spiritual struggle undertaken by the virgin for Christ (prayer, meditating of the Sacred Scriptures, silence, fasting, remaining at home, various mortifications pertaining to the body and spirit), as the Lord has personally given us proofs of supreme love, poverty and perseverance in the withstanding of sufferings. Finally, in the context of the continuously actual debate about virginity and marriage, he questions the value of the discussed Letter 22 of St. Jerome for this theme within a Biblical, Christological, ecclesiological and eschatological perspective.

A diagram in the first quire of the Codex Amiatinus features five textual captions arranged in cruciform formation, one for each book of the Pentateuch. These are taken from Jerome's first letter to Paulinus of Nola (Epistle 53) which was written in 394 AD. This essay examines the diagram's colours, geometric structure, manuscript location and script. It suggests that the Pentateuch diagram should be regarded as a highly original piece of visual exegesis which is designed to celebrate the contribution made by Jerome to the transmission of the Latin Bible and point the viewer towards typological interpretations of Old Testament figures and events.

L'exposé montre comment Eucher de Lyon a utilisé le Liber Interpretationis Hebraicorum de Jérôme dans le livre II de ses Instructiones, rédigés en 430 ou peu après.

Jerome was an ironic writer and in his works he framed deacons as not always capable of becoming real clerics. Jerome valued monks far more than clerics and he presents his thesis in his writings quite often.

In the monograph under review, a revised version of a dissertation submitted at the University of Konstanz in 2019, Polcar sets out to provide a full-scale commentary on a single letter of Jerome’s correspondence such as will be familiar to those who have read the work of Scourfield, Adkin, and Cain. The letter under investigation, epistula 79, is addressed to the newly widowed Salvina, containing both consolation for the loss of her husband, Nebridius, and exhortation to chaste widowhood. After a brief introduction to Jerome and the letter’s place in the ancient epistolographic tradition (pp. 11–19) and a survey of the edition and the manuscripts consulted (21–24), there follows a Latin text with a facing translation (pp. 24–45).

The paper presents a preliminary study on the linguistic elements and the diversity of Jerome’s Latin, with examples taken from some of his most notable works, his letters, biblical translations, Vita Malchi, and De viris illustribus, to demonstrate his particular contribution to the oft-discussed and problematized domain, namely the Latinitas Christianorum. The article offers a general overview of Jerome’s literary formation, discussing the influence by classical Latin writers. To illustrate the kaleidoscope of Jerome’s writing style, the analysis presents various genres of his writings, ranging from his biblical to non-biblical translation, from reference books and dictionaries to letters and biographies. The conclusion presents some of the linguistic characteristics of his writings to show the nuance in his mastery of Latin.

Works concerning the history of the Hungarian Reform had been almost absent until the second half of the seventeenth century. The relatively peaceful process of the Hungarian Reform, the lack of armed conflicts, and the tragic memory of the battle of Mohács made the appearance of self-justifying religious narratives in Hungarian historiography seem unnecessary. On the other hand, the changes caused by the Tridentine Catholic renewal movement and the deterioration of the religious and political condition of the Protestant confession culminated in punishing actions. This brought the polemical and self-justifying narratives to the forefront in both literature and historiography. First signs of interest regarding the history of Protestantism appeared on the Catholic side, but they emerged under the pressure of the circumstances. On the other hand, a growing foreign interest gradually appeared on the Protestant side, making way to historiographical works. An example of such an opus is the Historia Ecclesiae Reformatae in Hungaria et Transilvania (1706) by Pál Debreceni Ember. The author presents the history of the Reformed Church in Hungary. He also tries to present the origins of Hungarian Christianity, projecting it onto the Apostolic Period. Finally, he turns to the early Christian writers such as Jerome to prove his theory. The paper aims to present this chapter in Jerome’s reception and its religious background.

One of the common methods for side-lining women in literature is to leave them nameless. This is the case with the woman in Jerome’s Vita Malchi. However, this woman is also vital to the narrative and the progression of the title character, Malchus. The aim of this study was to assist in giving this important character an identity by examining the many ways in which she is actually named, firstly in terms of the roles assigned to her, and then in terms of the associations that can be made between her and other people and characters from Jerome’s experience. Using a variety of literary techniques, including close-text, intra- and intertextual readings, it was possible to make many such identifications, turning the nameless woman into the nameful woman.

The purpose of this article was to compare Jerome’s and Augustine’s sermons on the fifth book of the Psalms with regard to their views on the rich and the poor. After a brief consideration of he different audiences of Jerome and Augustine, we focused on their attitudes to wealth and poverty, and almsgiving and its relationship to eschatology. In both Jerome’s and Augustine’s commentaries we were confronted with problems regarding the nature of the collections, the composition of the audiences, and a lack of overlap between the two works, but it was possible to discern congruences and differences in their exegesis. In their preaching on poverty and riches, both homilists associated Judas with the devil and wealth. With regard to the identification of Christ and the poor, Jerome offers a somewhat uneasy exegesis in explaining that Christ stands at the right hand of the pauper, although the Lord himself is rich. Augustine mentioned the identification of Christ and the poor a few times in Enarrationes in Psalmos and framed the poverty of Christ within the body of the church, emphasising the common humanity of his congregation. In his sermons, mainly delivered to monks, Jerome advocated total renunciation. Augustine made more allowances for human frailty, advocating partial and gradual dispossession. The Songs of Ascent provided both our authors with the opportunity to consider the place of almsgiving in an eschatological context. Contribution: We investigate the views of two prominent Latin fathers on wealth and poverty in their sermons on Psalms 109–150. The focus on wealth and poverty is evident. Judas is identified with the rich and Christ with the poor, placing Christ and riches against each other in an either/or position.

The paper is a part of a research that has investigated the forms and functions of the it-cleft construction in contemporary written English and Czech, with specific focus on its FSP aspects. The research presents a contrastive study of the construction in translation, using InterCorp, a parallel translation corpus. The English it-cleft construction has been described in much detail in various publications. Rather less attention has been given to the construction in Czech; in general, it-clefts seem to be less frequent in Czech than in English, which is due to the fact that Czech, as an inflectional language, has a greater range of primary means of expressing FSP (such as word-order, focalizers, etc.). One of the goals of the present study is to compare the forms and frequencies of it-clefts in Czech translated and non-translated written texts in the comparable corpus Jerome in order to determine whether the English source sentence structure tends to influence the syntax of the resulting Czech translation.

A stylistic investigation of the Amra Coluim Cille, which argues that this early Irish poem was modelled on Christian hymnody, and that its composer was well versed in Scripture and patristic sources.

Jerome, vir trilinguis and advocate of the hebraica veritas, uses the biblical verse Exod. 1:21 in various contexts. In most cases he uses the LXX version, more rarely the Hebrew text. However, there are also instances where he adapts the biblical text to his exegetical context. This article examines Jerome’s handling and interpretation of the biblical text and its versions using the example of Exod. 1:21.

Autor artykułu podejmuje temat polemiki św. Hieronima z herezjami w świetle jego Homilii o Psalmie 82 (seria II). Omawia najpierw niektóre cechy ogólne tej polemiki, a następnie te jej elementy, które odnoszą się do konkretnych autorów, czyli Maniego, Marcjona, Ariusza, Walentyna i Bazylidesa. Ukazuje w tym kontekście św. Hieronima jako obrońcę jedności całego Pisma św., twierdzącego, że Nowy Testament jest logiczną kontynuacją i dopełnieniem Starego Testamentu. Przedstawia autora Wulgaty jako opowiadającego się zdecydowanie za prawdziwym bóstwem Chrystusa, przeciwko wszystkim tym, którzy widzieli w Nim jedynie stworzenie. Wreszcie prezentuje księcia egzegetów głoszącego absolutne panowanie Boga Najwyższego nad światem i wszystkimi stworzeniami, przeciwko twórcom nauki o neonach i ich rzekomo szczególnej mocy. Z opracowania wynika, że św. Hieronim mógł przejąć niektóre elementy polemiki z dzieł Orygenesa, jednak wykazuje on dużą kreatywność także w sporze z tymi heretykami, którzy nie byli znani w czasach autora O zasadach. The article deals with the polemic of St. Jerome against the heresies in the light of his Homily on Psalm 82 (series II). First, it discusses some general characteristics of this polemic and then those fragments of it that refer to specific authors, that is, to Manes, Marcion, Arius, Valentine and Basilides. In this context, St. Jerome is presented as the defender of the unity of the entire Scriptures, because he claimed that the New Testament is a logical continuation and fulfilment of the Old Testament. It is shown that the translator of the Vulgate decisively professed the true divinity of Christ against all those who saw in Him only a creature. Finally, the prince of the exegetes is presented as claiming the absolute dominion of Almighty God over the world and all creatures, this being against those who invented the teaching on the neons and their supposed particular power. The study demonstrates that St. Jerome could have taken certain elements of the polemic from the writings of Origen; nevertheless, he has manifested ample creativity also in the conflict with those heretics who were unknown in the times when the author of The Principles wrote.

Entre los estudiosos actuales se reconoce como un logro específico de san Jerónimo el haber recuperado el texto hebreo como fuente principal para la traducción e interpretación del Antiguo Testamento. A este principio jeronimiano de exégesis se suele aludir bajo la expresión hebraica veritas, que él mismo utilizó con cierta frecuencia. El presente artículo, partiendo de los usos de la expresión hebraica veritas en Jerónimo, pretende demostrar que otorgar un excesivo peso a la expresión y al principio que esta implica, puede hacer perder de vista la estima que el Padre de la Iglesia sentía hacia la Septuaginta. Para mostrar este aprecio hacia los LXX, el artículo analiza cuatro puntos de la exégesis jeronimiana: 1) la prioridad del texto original hebreo; 2) la prioridad del sentido sobre la letra en la traducción; 3) la prioridad de la interpretación espiritual sobre la literal; y 4) la traducción del texto en hebreo y griego en los lemas de los comentarios jeronimianos a la Biblia. Among modern scholars Jerome is specially recognised as having rescued the Hebrew language as the main source for Bible studies, both on matters of translation and of interpretation. It is said, besides, that Jerome's Hebrew methodology might be summarized under the famous phrase hebraica veritas, which he himself used quite frequently. The paper attempts to explain, beginning with a study of the expresion hebraica veritas, that putting too much weight on this expression and the hermeneutical principle involved, could bring us to forget the esteem Jerome had for the Septuagint. To bring forward the discussion the paper evaluates four aspects of Jerome's exegesis: 1) the priority of the Hebrew original text; 2) the priority of the sense over the letter in translation; 3) the priority of the spiritual interpretation over the litteral one; and, 4) the translation of both Hebrew and Greek texts as lemmas in Jerome's commentaries.

The first sentence of Jerome’s first letter to Paula contains a passage which translators have hitherto misunderstood (Epist. 30, 1). The present note endeavours to clarify the problem by adducing a passage of Marius Victorinus’ commentary on Cicero’s De inventione (1, 34, 58-9). Comparison of these passages of Victorinus and Jerome illustrates some typical features of the latter’s compositional and self-imitatory technique

Au VIe siècle, dans le royaume des Burgondes, Avit de Vienne compose une lettre pour sa sœur, la moniale Fuscine. Cette œuvre consolatoire et élogieuse se nomme De consolatoria castitatis laude. Ce texte permet de comprendre la situation particulière dont bénéficie la virgo dans la société chrétienne tardo-antique. Au niveau de son contenu, l’objectif de ce livre sert à montrer à la monacha que le choix virginal représente une forme d’échappatoire et de liberté. Il s’agit d’une réalité que ne connaît pas l’épouse. Les devoirs du mariage, les dangers de la maternité, les tracas du siècle, le veuvage, le deuil, tout cela est inconnu à la vierge parce qu’elle s’écarte des obligations terrestres. L’utilisation de la Bible et de plusieurs références patristiques constituent l’héritage des mentalités religieuses dont s’inspire Avit dans la construction d’un discours orienté sur la distinction socioreligieuse de la virgo., In the 6th century, in the kingdom of the Burgundians, Avitus of Vienne composes a letter for his sister, the nun Fuscina. This consoling and eulogistic artwork is called De consolatoria castitatis laude. This text generates in us an understanding of the particular context of the virgo in the Christian society of Late Antiquity. Regarding the text, the purpose of the book is to show to the monacha that the virginal choice represents a way of escape and freedom, a reality that the spouse is unaware of. The duties of marriage, the dangers of motherhood, the troubles of the century, the widowhood and the mourning are all unknown to the virgin because she excludes herself to worldly obligations. The use of the Bible and several patristic references shape the legacy of religious mentalities which inspires Avitus in making an oriented speech on the virgo’s socio-religious distinctness.

Diplomsko delo se osredotoča na asketični diskurz znotraj poganske antične filozofije. Skozi iskanje asketičnih praks in konceptov predvsem pri Platonu, srednjem platonizmu in novoplatonikih, pa tudi stoiški in kiniški filozofiji, želi pokazati na poganske izvore krščanske askeze, ki je neločljivo povezana z nastankom meništva. Kot differentia specifica krščanskega asketizma se izkaže fizična osamitev – umik krščanskih asketov v puščavo. V drugi polovici se diplomsko delo zato obrača k dvema poznejšima utemeljiteljema ideologije puščavništva. Prek pretresa Hieronimovih pogledov na askezo in predstavitvijo Hvalnice puščave (De laude eremi) Evherija Lyonskega pokaže na razvoj poglavitne komponente krščanske askeze, ki jo najde v »filozofiji puščave«. The dissertation thesis focuses on the ascetic discourse that can be traced back to the philosophy of the pagan antiquity. Through ascetic practices and concepts – considering mostly Plato, Middle Platonists and Neoplatonism as well as Stoicism and Cynicism – it tries to display the pagan roots of Christian asceticism, which is inseparably intertwined with the origins of monasticism. The differentia specifica of Christian asceticism turns out to be physical isolation – the retreat of Christian ascetics into the desert. In its second part the thesis thus takes into consideration two later founders of the ideology of the desert. Discussing Jerome's views on asceticism and presenting Eucherius of Lyons' In Praise of the Desert (De laude eremi), it aims at shedding light on the most primary feature of Christian asceticism – the »philosophy of the desert«.

Исследование рассматривает Оригена как основоположника «спекулятивной органологии», которая символически интерпретирует конструктивные различия упоминаемых в Псалтири «псалтерия» и «кифары», а «псалтерий» понимает как угловую арфу с верхним резонатором. Указано, что Ориген — первый христианский автор, взявшийся за систематическое комментирование псалмов; он же первым предпослал таким комментариям введение, посвященное общим вопросам. В этом введении, среди прочего, аллегорически истолковано различие между «псалтерием» и «кифарой». В статье переводится и обсуждается самый ранний из дошедших до нас текстов этой традиции, в котором Ориген, отправляясь от реального устройства «псалтерия» в Александрии, дает ему символическое толкование. Посредством анализа соответствующих текстов демонстрируется, что последующие христианские комментаторы Псалтири воспроизводили экзегетические решения Оригена, так что на протяжении нескольких последующих веков «псалтерий» неявно отождествлялся с угловой арфой, имеющей верхний резонатор. Среди частных вопросов обращено внимание на лексические параллели между фрагментом из комментария [пс.-?] Афанасия Александрийского, в котором говорится об устройстве псалтерия, и описанием астрономического прибора из «Альмагеста» Клавдия Птолемея. Отмечено, что у Илария Пиктавийского оппозиция «псалтерий / кифара» толкуется в контексте его собственной христологии и эсхатологии, становясь аналогом пары «форма Бога / форма раба».Применительно к противопоставлению «псалтерий / кифара» в богословии Августина отмечено соотнесение этих инструментов с активным и пассивным началами; их различение Августин преодолевает в своей сотериологии. Делается вывод, что по мере постепенного освобождения христианского богословия от влияний платонизма органологическая оппозиция «псалтерий / кифара», основанная на ключевом для платонизма противопоставлении «возвышенное / низменное», становится все менее востребованной. На текстах Иеронима Стридонского, Кассиодора, Григория Великого, Исидора Севильского прослежен процесс постепенной утраты знания о том, что «псалтерий» представлял собой угловую арфу с верхним резонатором; это неведение уничтожило фактическую основу рассматриваемой органологической оппозиции. Показано, что представление «псалтерия» в виде угловой арфы завершается в тексте, атрибутируемом Беде Досточтимому: в нем «псалтерий» отождествлен с англо-саксонской лирой, изображенной, например, в «Псалтири Веспасиана» и «Даремском Кассиодоре». Рабан Мавр также считает «псалтерий» цитрой и указывает на его квадратную форму., The study regards Origen as the founder of “speculative organology”, which symbolically interprets the differences in design of the “psaltery” and “cithara”, mentioned in the Book of Psalms, and understands the “psaltery” as angular harp with the soundboard at the top. Origen is considered to be the first Christian author to systematically comment on the psalms; he was the first to preface his commentaries with an introduction dedicated to general questions, in which, among other things, he allegorically interpreted the distinction between “psaltery” and “cithara.” The earliest extant text of this tradition is translated and discussed, in which Origen, starting from the real design of the “psaltery” in Alexandria, gives it a symbolic interpretation. Through the analysis of the relevant texts, it is demonstrated that posterior Christian commentators of the Book of Psalms reproduced the exegetical solutions proposed by Origen, so that over the several subsequent centuries the “psaltery” was implicitly identified with the angular harp having an upper soundboard. Among the particular questions, attention is drawn to the lexical parallels between a fragment from the commentary by [ps.-?] Athanasius of Alexandria, which discusses the design of the psaltery, and a description of an astronomical device from the “Almagest” by Claudius Ptolemy. It is noted that Hilary of Poitiers interprets the “psaltery / cithara” opposition in the context of his own Christology and eschatology, in which it becomes an analogue of the pair “forma Dei / forma servi.” With regard to the “psaltery” / “cithara” opposition in Augustine’s theology, it is pointed out that Augustine compares these instruments with active and passive principles; however, their distinction is surpassed in Augustine’s soteriology. It is concluded that as Christian theology gradually frees itself from the influences of Platonism, the organological opposition “psaltery / cithara”, based on the key Platonic opposition “sublime / base”, becomes less significant. On the texts of Jerome, Cassiodorus, Gregory the Great, and Isidore of Seville, the process of gradual loss of knowledge that the “psaltery” was an angular harp with the soundboard at the top is traced; this ignorance destroyed the actual basis of the organological opposition under consideration. It is shown that representation of the “psaltery” in the form of an angular harp ends with Bede the Venerable, for whom the “psaltery” is identical to the Anglo-Saxon lyre, the images of which can be seen in the “Vespasian Psalter” or “Durham Cassiodorus”; later, Rabanus Maurus would finally consolidate such an understanding by pointing directly to the square shape of the “psaltery”., Интеллектуальные традиции в прошлом и настоящем, Выпуск 5 2020

En un momento de cambios de paradigma entre el mundo romano que se encamina hacia su final y la nueva situación jurídica, social y cultural del cristianismo, san Jerónimo representa el ejemplo de los autores y pensadores cristianos que intentan conjugar ambas esferas. Con una gran formación clásica adquirida en las escuelas imperiales cuando todavía no se ha desarrollado una formación específicamente cristiana, san Jerónimo se debate entre la utilidad de dicha formación propedéutica frente a la necesidad espiritual de dedicarse a la literatura teológica. In a time of changes of paradigm between the Roman world that approached its end and the new political, social and cultural situation of Christianity, saint Jerome represents the example of christian writers and philosophers who try to bring both worlds together. With a great classical education from the imperial educational system, due to the fact that a specific christian educational system had not been yet developed, saint Jerome struggles between the benefits of such propedeutic education and the spiritual need of focusing in theological literature.

Św. Hieronim ze Strydonu, nazywany princeps exegetarum, utrwalił się w pamięci potomnych ogromną ilością dzieł. Najważniejszym dziełem i celem życia Hieronima była praca nad Pismem Świętym. Zabłysnął on również, objaśniając Pismo Święte. Stworzył wiele komentarzy biblijnych zarówno dla ksiąg Starego, jak i Nowego Testamentu. W niniejszym artykule pochyliliśmy się nad Hieronimowym komentarzem do Iz 7,10-16 (Commentaria in Isaiam, PL 24, 107 A-113 B) poszukując odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób Strydończyk interpretuje „Proroctwo o Emmanuelu”. Czy ów starożytny biblista interpretację mesjańską tego proroctwa wyjaśnia w sensie dosłownym i odnosi ją do Ezechiasza, którego miała porodzić żona króla Achaza, co miałoby być znakiem trwałości dynastii Dawidowej (por. 2Sm 7,1nn.), czy może Hieronim dopatruje się tutaj sensu typicznego i odnosi ów passus do Chrystusa? Podjęliśmy także próbę ukazania na wybranych fragmentach, w jaki sposób Hieronim – vir trilinguis, piszący po łacinie, a posługujący się dość dobrze greką i hebrajskim, radzi sobie z krytyką tekstu zestawiając z oryginalnym tekstem Biblii dostępne mu starożytne przekłady Iz 7,10-16. Fragmenty z Hieronimowego dzieła podaliśmy w tłumaczeniu własnym. The article concerns Commentaria in Isaiam 7:10-16 (cf. PL 24. 107 A-113 B), which was written by St. Jerome of Stridon. In this article, I was looking for an answer to the question of how St. Jerome interprets „The Emmanuel Prophecy”: whether in the literal or allegorical sense? The literal interpretation of Isa 7:10-16 refers to the prophecy of Hezekiah, who was to give birth to the wife of King Ahaz (cf. 2Sam 7:1), the author of Vulgate sees a typical sense in this passage. So Emmanuel is a prefiguration of Jesus Christ („Qui postea vocabitur Jesus, id est, "Salvator", eo quod universum hominum genus salvaturus sit, nunc a te Emmanuelis appelletur vocabulo”; PL 24, 111 C). In my opinion, Commentaria in Isaiam 7:10-16 undoubtedly its value is interesting for researchers dealing with Ancient translations of the Bible, because St. Jerome – vir trilinguis (cf. Apologia adversus libros Rufini 3, 6, PL 23, 462A) who writes in Latin and uses Greek and Hebrew quite well, he copes with the criticism of the text by juxtaposing with the original Bible text the ancient translations available to him (LXX, Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion).

Zagadnienie wzajemnego oddziaływania wspólnoty świętych w niebie i ludu pielgrzymującego na ziemi, jest jedną z kontrowersji między katolicyzmem a protestantyzmem. Ten ostatni, jak wiadomo, ograniczył w znacznym stopniu wpływ wspólnoty świętych na wiernych na ziemi, korzystając niewątpliwie z dorobku jednego z prekursorów myśli protestanckiej – Wigilancjusza. Faktem jest, że większość poglądów tego galijskiego prezbitera na temat kultu świętych obowiązuje dzisiaj w protestanckich wspólnotach kościelnych. Obchodząc 1600. rocznicę śmierci św. Hieronima wydaje się ważne przypomnieć jak zareagował on na poglądy Wigilancjusza. Jego nauczanie zawarte w dziełku Adversus Vigilantium nie tylko bowiem zatrzymało ekspansję doktryny Galijczyka, ale w znacznym stopniu weszło do oficjalnego nauczania Kościoła i do liturgii. Niestety, pismo Hieronima nie doczekało się dotąd wielu tłumaczeń na języki nowożytne, a te które są opierają się często na wydaniu w Patrologii Łacińskiej, komplikującym zrozumienie najbardziej oryginalnych myśli Hieronima dotyczących świętych obcowania i relikwii. Z pisma „Przeciw Wigilancjuszowi” wynika bowiem, że „obcowanie” świętych z żyjącymi na ziemi byłoby najbardziej intensywne w miejscach pochówku świętych, czyli przy ich relikwiach. W swoim krótkim traktacie Hieronim nie precyzuje charakteru tej intensywnej obecności, pisze tylko, że przejawia się ona w „znakach i cudach” dokonywanych przez świętych, oraz ich silnym oddziaływaniem na złe duchy. One of the controversies between Catholicism and Protestantism is the problem of the mutual influence of the community of saints in heaven and the pilgrimaging people on earth. As is known, Protestantism has greatly reduced the impact of the community of saints on the faithful on earth, profiting undoubtedly from the heritage of one of the precursors of Protestant thought – Vigilantius. It is a fact that most of the views of this Gallic priest on the veneration of the saints are binding today in Protestant ecclesial communities. As we are celebrating the 1600th anniversary of the death of St. Jerome, it seems appropriate to recall his reaction to the views held by Vigiliantius. St. Jerome’s teaching expressed in the little work Adversus Vigilantium not only blocked the expansion of the doctrine of this Gallic priest, but also entered to a large extent into the official teaching of the Church and the liturgy. Unfortunately, this work of St. Jerome has not had many translations into modern languages and most of the existing versions are based on the text taken from the Patrologia Latina, which complicates the understanding of the most original thought of St. Jerome on the communion of the saints and on relics. The Adversus Vigilantium explains that the “communion” of the saints with the living is more intensive in the burial places of the saints, and so, adjacent to their relics. In his short treatise, St. Jerome does not specify the character of this intensive presence. He only writes that it manifests itself in “signs and miracles” done by the saints and in their powerful impact on evil spirits.

The lack of openness of Graeco-Roman culture to the “ barbarian” languages is well known. Nevertheless, a notice of the Historia Augusta (Aurelian, 27, 6) testifies that a Nicomachus was able to translate a letter attributed to the Empress Zenobia from Aramaic into Greek : is this notice an indication of changing attitudes at the end of the Empire ? As a matter of fact, in the fourth and fifth centuries, power and even individuals were forced to adapt to the new geo-political situation and to be able to communicate with the barbarians who were henceforth in a strong position in the Empire. But the situation didn’ t evolve culturally : if Christians sometimes gave evidence of an interest, which was not only utilitarian, for alien dialects, traditional elites retained unchanged contempt for barbarian dialects. The Nicomachus (sometimes identified with Nicomachus Flavianus, who wrote lost Annals) of the Vita Aureliani, whos is supposed to speak a religiously connoted language such as Aramaic, is certainly intended to mock the linguistic skills of a Jerome, and pseudo-documents, supposedly originally written in a vernacular language, which abounded in contemporary historical writings like ecclesiastical Histories., Le manque d’ ouverture des Gréco-Romains aux langues qu’ ils qualifiaient de «barbares » est bien connu. Une notice de l’ Histoire Auguste (Aurélien, 27, 6) affirmant qu’ un Nicomaque était capable de traduire de l’araméen en grec une lettre attribuée à l’impératrice Zénobie constitue-t-elle l’ indice d’ un changement des mentalités à la fin de l’ Empire ? Sur le terrain, le pouvoir et les particuliers, durent, au IVe et Ve siècles, s’ adapter à la nouvelle donne géopolitique en se donnant les moyens de communiquer avec des barbares désormais en position de force dans l’Empire. Mais la situation n’évolua guère sur le plan culturel : si les chrétiens témoignèrent quelquefois d’ un réel intérêt pour les parlers allogènes, les élites traditionnelles conservaient un mépris inchangé pour les dialectes barbares. La mise en scène d’ un Nicomachus (parfois identifié avec Nicomaque Flavien auteur d’ Annales perdues) versé dans une langue aussi religieusement connotée que l’ araméen a donc certainement pour but de railler les compétences linguistiques exotiques dont se vantait un Jérôme et, au-delà, de tourner en dérision les pseudodocuments, prétendument à l’origine rédigés dans une langue vernaculaire, qui abondaient dans les écrits historiques contemporains, et notamment dans les Histoires ecclésiastiques., Molinier-Arbo Agnès. Les Gréco-Romains face aux langues barbares à la fin de l’ Empire : permanences etmutations d’ une domination linguistique pluriséculaire (réflexions autour de Histoire Auguste, Aurélien, 27, 6). In: Peuples et États à l’épreuve de la diplomatie Entrevues, ambassades, négociations : les sons de la diplomatie ancienne Actes du quatrième colloque SoPHiA 27 et 28 mars 2015, Besançon. Besançon : Institut des Sciences et Techniques de l'Antiquité, 2020. pp. 93-110. (Collection « ISTA », 1490)

There is a historiographical consensus when we attribute without questioning the first record of the term “bagauda” to Aurelius Victor. By 358-360, the Afro-Roman author used in De Caesaribus the indigenous name that was received by the troop led by Aelianus and Amandus in 285. However, the most recent Quellenforschung tends to consider that an earlier record could have been written in the unconserved KG. We know that Saint Jerome translated, reworked and published the preceding chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea in the last decades of the fourth century, where the same word also appears. If Jerome did not copy Eusebius' chronological tables without additions, we should consider both his own inclusion based on other sources and the possible insertion of the concept that concerns us already in the work of the Bishop of Caesarea. Thus, the present paper is constituted with the objective of refuting this last hypothesis. Existe un consenso historiográfico a la hora de atribuir sin cuestionamiento el primer registro del término “bagauda” a Aurelio Víctor. Hacia el 358-360, el autor afro-romano plasmaba en De Caesaribus el nombre indígena que recibió la tropa capitaneada por Aelianus y Amandus en 285. Sin embargo, la Quellenforschung más reciente tiende a considerar que pudo haber un registro anterior en la no conservada KG. Por otro lado, sabemos que Jerónimo de Estridón tradujo, reelaboró y publicó la crónica precedente de Eusebio de Cesarea en los últimos decenios del siglo IV, donde también aparece el mismo vocablo. Si Jerónimo no se limitó a copiar sin añadidos las tablas cronológicas de Eusebio, deberíamos contemplar tanto la adición propia en base a otras fuentes como la posible inclusión del concepto que nos ocupa ya en el trabajo del obispo de Cesarea. Así pues, el artículo presente se constituye con el objetivo de refutar la última hipótesis planteada.

In the historical monastic literature, the presence of the feminine figure is sparse and few. In itself, the presence of women must be exorcised, at least if we do not treat sinners to be converted or of pious ones who ask for grace and miracles. The figure of the sister of the ascetic is the most common, following the model of the Vita S. Antonii, written by St. Athanasius of Alexandria. St. Jerome in his Vita S. Pauli Primi Eremitae monachi Thebaei follows this classic canon, but later for the Vita S. Hilarionis and even for the Vita S. Malchi monachi captivi overcomes the dominant genre and dares novelty, rather autobiographically. In the Vita S. Pauli Primi Eremitae monachi Thebaei the female figure appears in three types and all are negative: a prostitute, the instrument of martyrdom; a nod to Cleopatra, pagan and of morally condemnable conduct; and the sister of the ascetic, fragile, submissive to her husband, and of bland personality. The woman, therefore, is presented as an “evil” when she looks under any dress in the life of the monk. Temptress, historical or family character, she is always to be exorcised as presence. W starożytnym piśmiennictwie monastycznym postaci kobiece jawią się raczej rzadko i to w sposób ściśle zamierzony przez autorów. Z zasady obecność kobiety nie jest tu mile widziana; chyba że mamy tu do czynienia z jakąś grzesznicą, którą należy nawrócić na drogę cnoty, względnie z niewiastami pobożnymi, które proszą mnicha o cud lub zachęcają do bogobojności. Typem jest tu figura siostry ascety, a to zgodnie z wzorcem podanym przez Vita S. Antonii św. Atanazego Aleksandryjskiego. Św. Hieronim w Vita S. Pauli Primi Eremitae monachi Thebaei, w swym pierwszym i młodzieńczym dziele, postępuje właśnie za tym klasycznym kanonem zapoczątkowanym przez Atanazjańskie dzieło. Później jednak, w Vita S. Hilarionis (i jeszcze bardziej w Vita S. Malchi monachi captivi), Hieronim odejdzie od niego i wprowadzi weń innowację zakotwiczoną w jego własne, bogate życie mnisze. W Vita S. Pauli Primi Eremitae monachi Thebaei kobieta ukazana została poprzez trzy negatywne postaci: ladacznica – narzędzie torturowania męczennika; królowa Kleopatra – rozwiązła poganka wiodąca życie moralnie naganne; siostra samego św. Pawła Tebańskiego – krucha moralnie, niewolniczo poddana okrutnemu i zachłannemu mężowi, kobieta bez wyrazistej osobowości. Kobiety są tu więc zawsze przedstawione jako “zło”, które jawi się w życiu mnicha-ascety. Czy wówczas, gdy jest to kusicielka do złego (napastująca męczennika ladacznica), czy wtedy, gdy jawi się jako postać historyczna (Kleopatra), czy jako członek rodziny (siostra św. Pawła), należy zawsze unikać jej obecności.

St. Jerome is known as an outstanding expert on ancient literature and a follower of its excellent authors as well as the classical Latin language. The relatively low interest in his work among younger philologists and patrologists prompted the author of the article to show the values of Jerome’s language and style imitating outstanding Latin writers and poets, especially Cicero. Already by showing his education and reading on the example of his letters, the author of the article wants to stimulate the desire for more serious studies of his works not insignificant, and often outstanding, not only in terms of theology, but also literary. Cited examples of some elements of the Latin used by St. Jerome show that he is rightly recognized for his abilities and knowledge. Św. Hieronim znany jest jako wybitny znawca literatury antycznej i naśladowca jej znakomitych autorów, jak również klasycznego języka łacińskiego. Stosunkowo niewielkie obecnie zainteresowanie jego twórczością w gronie młodszych filologów i patrologów skłoniło Autora artykułu do ukazania walorów jego języka i stylu naśladującego znakomitych pisarzy i poetów łacińskich, przede wszystkim Cycerona. Już ukazaniem w wąskim zakresie jego wykształcenia i oczytania, pragnie Autor artykułu pobudzić chęć do poważniejszych studiów jego wcale niemałej, a często wybitnej, nie tylko pod pod względem teologicznym, ale i literackim, twórczości. Przytoczone przykłady niektórych elementów języka łacińskiego, jakim posługiwał się Św. Hieronim, budzi uznanie dla jego zdolności i wiedzy.

International audience; 40 years ago, Garvie and his Australian co-workers reported that the stress induced transformation of metastable tetragonal zirconia grains to the monoclinic symmetry could give rise to a powerful toughening mechanism. Their results even led them to consider zirconia systems as analogues of certain steels. This seminal paper generated extraordinary excitement in the ceramic community and it is still the subject of extensive research. Transformation toughening is widely used in zirconia materials and results in an increase in strength and toughness when compared to non-transformable ceramics, but the implementation into strong, tough, and sufficiently stable materials has not been fully reached. Zirconia ceramics generally fail at low strains with a much larger scatter in the strength values than metals and require statistical approaches to failure. Here we describe in details the mechanical behavior laws of ceria-doped zirconia composites exhibiting a high degree of stress-induced transformation. They present, to some extent, mechanical behavior analogous to a metal, displaying, i) significant amount of transformation-induced plasticity without damage, ii) very high flaw

This article explores, in the first place, Jerome’s creation of pro-virginal propaganda in a selection of his treatises and letters, through the employment of scriptural justification by means of ascetic exegesis and rhetorical strategies. The study focuses, in particular, on his Epistulae 22 and 130, both addressed to virgins, and his treatise Adversus Iovinianum. Jerome interpreted and deployed carefully selected biblical texts and employed classical rhetorical conventions to construct his ascetic ideal mainly based on sexual renunciation. The article argues that by extolling the virginal body through metaphorical figurations and careful textualisation, this ‘apostle of virginity’ aimed to create, in the first instance, for ascetically minded virgins, a means of achieving perfection and union with God, and receiving the awards of heaven. The analysis of the selected works and of Jerome’s ascetic exegesis, however, also reveals some significant markers, indicating his own carefully disguised quest for personal redemption and regaining paradise.

This thesis explores how Virgil's readers imagined the authorial techniques and biographical persona of Virgil, the most canonical – yet extraordinarily elusive – Latin poet. While ancient biography is often dismissed as transparently fictional, this thesis makes a case for taking biographical reports of Virgil’s authorial techniques seriously – if not as historical fact, then as sites where later readers creatively explored conceptions of authorship, negotiated literary practices, and constructed an author worthy of reading. These shifting portrayals of 'the poet at work' interact with interpretations of his works in complex and sophisticated ways. By re- evaluating them as fragmented traces of interpretation and creative engagement, we can not only reassess the reception of Virgil, but radically alter our understanding of ancient literary criticism too. After an introduction outlining the theoretical and methodological premises of this study, the thesis falls into two halves. The first two chapters explore biographical accounts of Virgil’s authorship which purport to be factual, focusing especially on scholarly texts such as commentaries, biographies, histories and miscellanies. Chapter 1 tackles anecdotes of Virgil’s methods of composition and revision, tracing the uses later authors made of them and examining how they interact with Virgil’s texts; I argue that they reflect a keenly observant reading of Virgil’s own metapoetic modes of authorial self-fashioning. The second chapter shifts from the written to the oral, investigating reports of the performance and recitation of Virgil’s works, particularly by the poet himself. The third, fourth and fifth chapters, by contrast, investigate explicitly fictional representations of Virgil: those in which he is openly represented as a character from his own works, by means of biographical allegory. This section focuses principally on poetic texts (Propertius, Calpurnius Siculus), and explores the pendulum-swing of attribution, as these poets attribute the allegorising move now to Virgil, now to their own creativity., This doctoral project was supported by three years of funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, Cambridge Doctoral Training Partnership [grant number AH/L503897/1]. I also received tenth-term funding from the Faculty of Classics, University of Cambridge.

Le principe de Non bis in idem n’est pas formulé dans la Bible. Cependant, les chrétiens des premiers siècles semblent avoir repris cette règle de droit positif et lui avoir donné un fondement biblique, bien que les interprétations de son contenu divergent selon les auteurs considérés. On examine ici les moyens par lesquels les auteurs des premiers siècles chrétiens intègrent ce principe de droit païen dans les systèmes théologique et disciplinaire du christianisme, en voie de construction.

Jeronim je nakon rođenja u Stridonu i primanja osnovne izobrazbe, otišao u Rim na daljnje školovanje. Životni put odvodi ga na razne lokacije gdje je upoznao mnoge ljude s kojima će ostati u korespondenciji. Osim što se isticao u kršćanskom načinu života, Jeronim se isticao i kao vrsni poznavatelj Svetoga pisma. Kako bi bio što uspješniji u poslu prevođenja i tumačenja tekstova Svetoga pisma, dovodi svoj hebrejski i grčki jezik do savršenstva. Razlozi Jeronimovog pisanja su različiti; neki od motiva koji su nagnali Jeronima na korespondiranje bili su crkveni sporovi oko vodstva partikularne crkve ili pak nedostajanje prijateljskih riječi od dragih mu ljudi koje je ranije upoznao. Jeronim je bio u korespondenciji s različitim ljudima koji su živjeli u različitim dijelovima tadašnjega Rimskoga Carstva. Neki su bili žitelji Rima, Akvileje, Stridona, Emone, Jeruzalema i još mnogih mjesta do kojih je moglo stići Jeronimovo pismo. Ono što sve te ljude povezuje, osim činjenice da su bili u korespondenciji s Jeronimom, jest kršćanska vjera u Isusa Krista. Poslanice su prožete citatima iz Svetoga pisma te upućuju na vrline koje svi trebamo posjedovati kao braća i sestre u Isusu Kristu. After his birth in Stridon and receiving the basic education, Jerome went to Rome for further education. His life takes him to various locations where he met many people he will keep correspondence with. Besides setting an example in his Christian way of life, he was also an extraordinary expert for the Holy Scripture. In order to become as successful in translating and reading the texts of the Holy Scripture as possible, he brings his Hebrew and Greek to perfection. The reasons for his writing are various, some of the motives that made him correspond were many disputes regarding the leadership of the presbyterate church or missing kind words from the people he had met before. He kept correspondence with many people who lived in different parts of the Roman Empire. Some of them were residents of Rome, Aquileia, Stridon, Emona, Jerusalem and many other places his letters could reach. The link between those people, apart from the fact that they were in correspondence with him, was the Christian faith in Jesus Christ. The epistles are filled with quotes from the Holy Scripture and emphasize the virtues we should all possess as brothers and sisters in Jesus Christ.

Z wczesnochrześcijańskich dzieł egezegetycznych dotyczących Księgi Eklezjastesa zachowały się nieliczne fragmenty komentarza Orygenesa, obszerna część komentarza Dydyma Ślepego, homilie św. Grzegorza z Nyssy, krótki komentarz literalny przypisywany św. Janowi Chryzostomowi, komentarz o charakterze umiarkowanie alegorycznym św. Hieronima i komentarz Grzegorza z Agrigentum, biskupa Sycylii z przełomu VI i VII wieku. Analiza zawartego w powyższych dziełach komentarza do wersetów Koh 3, 1-8 ujawnia dwojaki charakter patrystycznej egzegezy tego biblijnego tekstu: uniwersalny i indywidualny. Z jednej strony autorzy odnoszą tekst Koh 1-3 do czasu w wymiarze powszechnym, obejmującego historię zbawienia ludzkości i związanego z działalnością Opatrzności Bożej, czuwającej nad przebiegiem procesu dziejowego. Z drugiej strony interpretują ten passus w odniesieniu do życia duchowego każdego chrześcijanina, jego głębokiej relacji do Boga, procesu doskonalenia wewnętrznego, walki z wadami i nabywania cnót. Oba wymiary czasowe się przenikają: indywidualna droga człowieka do doskonałości wpisuje się w zaplanowane przez Boga dzieje zbawienia ludzkości. Każda czynność, zarówno w wymiarze indywidualnym, jak i uniwersalnym, ma swój właściwy czas wyznaczony przez Boga. From among the early Christian exegetical works treating the Book of Ecclesiastes, several manuscripts, some of them fragmentary, have been preserved. These include: a few fragments of Origen’s commentary; a large part of the commentary written by Didymus the Blind; homilies of St Gregory of Nyssa; a short literary comment attributed to St John Chrysostom; a moderately allegorical commentary of St Jerome; and the commentary of Gregory of Agrigentum, bishop of Sicily from the turn of the 6th and 7th centuries. Analysis of the commentaries on Qoh 3:1-8 contained in the above-mentioned works reveals the dualistic character of patristic exegesis of the biblical passus in question, specifically its use of both universal and individual approaches. On the one hand, the authors refer the text of Qoh 1–3 to a universal understanding of time, i.e. the whole of salvation history and the related activities of Divine Providence guiding the course of the historical process. On the other hand, they interpret this passage in relation to the spiritual life of every Christian, his deep relationship with God, the process of internal improvement, the fight against vices and the acquisition of virtues. The two dimensions of time interpenetrate each other: the individual path of man to perfection is at the same time part of God’s planned history of the salvation of humanity. Thus every action, both in the individual and the universal dimension, has its proper timing assigned by God.

Avant de traduire le Cantique d’après l’hébreu, Jérôme a révisé l’ancienne version latine d’après les Hexaples. Jérôme cite-t-il sa révision hexaplaire ? C’est probablement le cas dans le Contre Jovinien, écrit en 393, dont deux chapitres offrent un tissu serré de citations du Cantique. Ailleurs, les citations sont brèves et éparses. Jérôme cite le Cantique de mémoire, tel qu’il a le verset en tête au moment où il écrit. Le type de texte cité est rarement identifiable. Jérôme cite-t-il sa traduction d’après l’hébreu ? C'est parfois le cas : Les derniers mots de Ct 5,1 sont probablement cités d’après la traduction sur l’hébreu dans un passage du Commentaire sur Isaïe (VII, 51 sur Is 23,15-18, éd. Gryson, t. 2, p. 868) : Comedite, amici, bibite et inebriamini, carissimi, car la leçon carissimi correspond à l’hébreu dôdîm, alors que dans un autre passage du même ouvrage (XVII, 22 sur Is 62,8-9, éd. Gryson, t. 5, p. 1772), le v. est cité avec la leçon fratres, qui correspond au grec ἀδελφοί. En fait, on voit que Jérôme cite presque toujours une traduction d’après la LXX. Les bien-aimés sont toujours le fratruelis et sa proxima, jamais le dilectus et son amica, comme dans la traduction d’après l’hébreu. Ct 2,4 est toujours cité avec les verbes à l’impératif : introducite me in cellam uini, ordinate in me caritatem, et non avec l’indicatif comme dans la traduction d’après l’hébreu (introduxit me…, ordinauit). La bien-aimée monte dealbata (8,5 = λελευκανθισμένη) et non de deserto, comme dans le traduction d’après l’hébreu.

International audience; La correspondance de saint Jérôme a fait l'objet de tentatives de classification. Parmi elles, celle d'Andrew Cain concernant les lettres apologétiques semble montrer des limites. Cela nous amène à interroger plus généralement la définition de l'apologétique (en tant que genre et aussi de tonalité) afin de voir dans quelle mesure il est possible de l'appliquer à un corpus de lettres plus élargi.

Elektronische Reproduktion von: Cramer, Friedrich Matthias Gottfried: Geschichte des Königreichs Westphalen. 1. Theil. Magdeburg : Schütz, 1814. XVII, 317 Seiten. - Standort: Universität Marburg, Bibliothek Universitätsbibliothek. - Signatur: VIIe C 756 m, 1. - Bemerkungen: In Fraktur. Nebentitel: Vom Entstehen des Königreichs Westphalen, bis zur Einführung der Constitution, oder bis zum Jahresschluß 1807. - Digitalisiert 2018, [Titelblatt] 4 [Widmung] 6 Vorrede 8 Der Geschichte des Königreichs Westphalen erstes Buch 22 Vom Entstehen des Königreichs Westphalen, bis zur Einführung der Constitution oder bis zum Jahresschluß 1807 24 Der Geschichte des Königreichs Westphalen zweites Buch 92 Von der Einführung der Konstitution bis zum Schluß der ersten Versammlung der Reichsstände 94 Beilagen 304 Beilage A. Statistische Uebersicht des Königreichs Westphalen bei seinem Entstehen und bei seiner Auflösung 306 Beilage B. [Aufsatz zur Rheinischen Bund] 321 Beilage C. [Zur Wahl der Departemental-Kollegien] 332 Druckfehler 339

This thesis is the first full-length study of the English clergyman and historian William Cave (1637-1713). As one of a number of Restoration divines invested in exploring the lives and writings of the early Christians, Cave has nonetheless won only meagre interest from early-modernists in the past decade. Among his contemporaries and well into the nineteenth century Cave’s vernacular biographies of the Apostles and Church Fathers were widely read, but it was with the two volumes of his Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria (1688 and 1698), his life’s work, that he made his most important and lasting contribution to scholarship. The first aim of the thesis is therefore to build on a recent quickening of research into the innovative early-modern genre of historia literaria by exploring how, why, and with what help, in the context of late seventeenth-century European intellectual culture, Cave decided to write a work of literary history. To do so it makes extensive use of the handwritten drafts, annotations, notebooks, and letters that he left behind, giving a comprehensive account of his reading and scholarly practices from his student-days in 1650s Cambridge and then as a young clergyman in the 1660s to his final, unsuccessful attempts to publish a revised edition of his book at the end of his life. Cave’s motives, it finds, were multiple, complex, and sometimes conflicting: they developed in response to the immediate practical concerns of the post-Restoration Church of England even as they reflected some of the deeper-lying tensions of late humanist scholarship. The second reason for writing a thesis about Cave is that it makes it possible to reconsider an influential historiographical narrative about the origins of the ‘modern’ disciplinary category of literature. Since the 1970s the consensus among scholars has been that the nineteenth-century definition of literature as imaginative fictions in verse and prose – in other words literature as it is now taught in schools and universities – more or less completely replaced the early-modern notion of literature, literae, as learned books of all kinds. This view is challenged in the final section of this thesis, which traces the influence of Cave’s work on some of the canonical authors of the English literary tradition, including Johnson and Coleridge. Coleridge’s example, in particular, helps us to see why Cave and scholars like him were excluded lastingly from genealogies of English studies in the twentieth century, despite having given the discipline many of its characteristic concerns and aversions., AHRC-Gledhill Studentship at Sidney Sussex College

In the above article, based on the correspondence of St. Jerome and St. Augustine, there has been shown how these two outstanding the Bible experts, translators and interpreters understood the principles used in its translation. In three parts – entitled: Work, Man, Way – the importance and significance of the Bible and its translations, above all the Septuagint, the tasks and features of the man who translates, the methods and ways of translating were shown. Both of them in their letters indicated: the necessity of an exceptional and proper ap­proach to the Holy Scriptures, a good preparation of the translator and the use of a method that would be appropriate to the translated piece: in the case of the Bible – a beautiful translation preserving the arrangement of the words of the inspired Scriptures; and in the case of non-canonical pieces – expressing the thoughts using the rules of the language into which the work is translated. Narodowe Centrum Nauki w Krakowie

The turn of the 4th and 5th centuries is a period of exuberant development of a monastic life in the West. This fact was also reflected in the correspondence of the authors of this period (Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome and Paulinus Nolensis of Nola), who are considered to be the fathers of the Western monasticism. Many people entered the path of life devoted to Christ voluntarily and without dilem­mas, but there were also those who were encouraged to make this decision and yet they felt some resistance. Of this we can also find testimonies in the letters of the authors mentioned above. Among their nearly 500 letters, we find only seven that relate to the theme of calling and encouragement to the monastic life. They are directed to only three people (two soldiers and wealthy married couple), which, however, are an example of serious dilemmas and problems with entering the path of monastic life. The authors show in their letters arguments for taking up monastic life and ways of its implementation. The letters show a better and more perfect life. In letters there is no call for leaving the world in a literal way, but only a peculiar “abandonment” of the world, and above all a profound eschatological dimension of such a decision. There is a deep hope that for abandoning what is earthly, a reward that transcends earthly goods awaits for a man who undertakes a monastic life. In the face of the vanity of the world, its worries and problems, certainly a better hope is shown in the encouragements of the letters. Narodowe Centrum Nauki w Krakowie

À partir d’une expérience de muséologie participative menée avec des représentants autochtones pour la réalisation de la nouvelle exposition de référence des Musées de la civilisation de Québec, cet article propose une réflexion sur les enjeux, les défis et les limites des stratégies de représentations de Soi et des processus de décolonisation en muséologie. L’étape du développement des contenus – plus précisément celle du choix des objets à exposer –, de l’élaboration du discours les accompagnant et de la création des dispositifs de présentation servira de point d’ancrage à cette réflexion. Si les objets sont des éléments fondateurs du discours en muséologie, qui doit parler à travers eux dans le cadre d’une démarche visant la décolonisation des pratiques muséales et favorisant la représentation de Soi par les Autochtones ? En quoi l’objet et les réflexions liées à sa mise en scène dans une exposition peuvent-ils devenir les vecteurs d’un processus de décolonisation de la muséologie ?, This article concerns a participative museological project conducted with Indigenous representatives for the conception of the new exhibition of reference at the Museums of Civilization (Québec). It addresses some issues, challenges and limits in the strategies elaborated for developing the representations of Self and reinforcing the current decolonization process in museology. This reflection is based on the content development steps, and specifically documents the way the objects to be exposed have been chosen, the development of the speech accompanying them and the creation of the presentations devices. If the objects organize the speech in museology, who are the ones to speak through the objects in the decolonization process of the Museum practices and the valorization of the representation of Self by Indigenous Peoples ? How can the objects and reflections related to their staging in an exhibition become vectors of the museology decolonization process ?, A partir de una experiencia de museología participativa con representantes autóctonos en la realización de la nueva exposición de referencia de los Museos de la civilización de Quebec, este artículo propone una reflexión sobre las contingencias, los desafíos y los límites de las estrategias de representación de Sí mismo y del proceso de descolonización en museología. La etapa del desarrollo de los contenidos y de la creación de los dispositivos de presentación, servirá como punto de arraigamiento de esta reflexión. Si los objetos constituyen los elementos en donde se funda el discurso de la museología, ¿ quién debe hablar a través de ellos en el marco de un proceso cuya finalidad es la descolonización de las prácticas museísticas y que busca favorecer la representación del Sí mismo de los autóctonos ? ¿ Cómo los objetos y las reflexiones ligadas con el montaje de una exposición pueden convertirse en vectores de un proceso de descolonización de la museología ?

Epistula (Letter) 108, one of the longest of Jerome’s letters, was written in 404 AD to console Eustochium for the loss of her mother Paula. Scholars have referred to this letter as a lengthy epitaphium with hagiographic features, a eulogistic tribute, a biographical eulogy of Paula, a laudatio funebris, a travelogue, a memoir, a metaphorical account of Paula’s pilgrimage through life, a piece of ascetic propaganda and a textual basis for a Bethlehem-centred cult of Paula the ascetic martyr-saint. The aim of this article is to analyse and comment on Jerome’s letter as an example of the genre of Graeco-Roman biography, containing various features of ancient βίοι. While Jerome cast the letter ostensibly as a consolatio for Eustochium, it turned out to be a commemoration of Paula, his patron, devoted disciple and monastic companion. The article will ultimately investigate whether this letter was written to sub-serve a higher motive of Jerome, the chief architect of 4th-century asceticism.

Pisma Orygenesa i Hieronima, które są bazą źródłową artykułu, choć w różnej formie literackiej – homilia i list – i napisane w innym celu i w różnym czasie, ukazują egzegezę 33. rozdziału Księgi Liczb, w którym opisane są postoje Narodu Wybranego na pustyni na drodze ku Ziemi Obiecanej. Oba dzieła są klasycznym przykładem interpretacji alegorycznej tekstu Pisma Świętego. Obaj autorzy interpretują 42 postoje podczas wędrówki Izraela po pustyni przede wszystkim jako Boży plan duchowego rozwoju chrześcijanina, lecz także obecne są w ich rozważaniach elementy eschatologiczne. W prezentowanym artykule ukazane są eschatologiczne idee obecne w obu interpretacjach wędrówki Narodu Wybranego ku Ziemi Obiecanej, źródła ich interpretacji, ich podobieństwa i różnice, zależność Hieronima od Orygenesa w jego interpretacji postojów na pustyni, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem idei eschatologii zrealizowanej w dziele Aleksandryjczyka. Orygenes w swej interpretacji przedstawił bogaty obraz eschatologicznej nadziei, podczas gdy Hieronim niemal w ogóle nie wspomina w swym liście o nadziei na drodze ku Bogu po śmierci. The writings of Origen and Jerome, which are the source of the article, although in a different literary form – a homily and a letter – and written for a different purpose and at different times, both are exegesis of the chapter 33 of the Book of Numbers in which the stops of the Israelites in the desert on the road to the Promised Land are described. Both texts are the classic examples of allegorical interpretation of the Scripture. Both authors interpret the 42 “stages” of Israel’s wilderness wanderings above all as God’s roadmap for the spiritual growth of individual believers, but there are present as well eschatological elements in their interpretations. In the presented paper there are shown these eschatological ideas of both authors included in their interpretations of the wandering of the Chosen People on their way to the Promised Land, sources of their interpretations, similarities and differences, and the dependence of Jerome on Origen in the interpretation of the stages, with the focuse on the idea of realized eschatology, present in Alexandrinian’s work. Origen has presented in his interpretation a very rich picture of the future hope, but Jerome almost nothing mentioned in his letter about hopes of the way towards God after death. Narodowe Centrum Nauki w Krakowie

The reception of the ethics of the Letter to Philemon in three early Latin commentaries. According to Jan van der Watt, the study of the ethics of New Testament writings should not be limited to the study of categories directly related to prescribing specific deeds. One should rather follow a broader approach by also investigating, among others, the ‘implicit ethics’ of a writing. In this article on the reception of the ethics of the Letter to Philemon in the commentaries of Ambrosiaster, Jerome and Pelagius, the benefit of such a broader approach to the ethics of the letter is demonstrated. The way in which each of these commentators interprets the implicit ethics of the letter, quite often by creating an ‘implicit ethics’ on their own part, is investigated systematically. The approach followed by each of these interpreters and the results reached by them are described in depth.