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Copyright of Forestry Chronicle is the property of Canadian Institute of Forestry and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The poem "DOTS AND CROSSES: Images and Incantations" by Suparna Ghosh is presented. First Line: Manu means "man" in Sanskrit, which represents one of the oldest branches of the; Last Line: her eyes still turned to the drooping sky.

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a part of a conference celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Parliamentary Internship Programme, a panel was organized to discuss the historic and emerging roles of Indigenous People within the federal government and Parliament. Although unforeseen circumstances prompted a last-minute change in the line-up, a panel of current and former MPs, an academic and a public servant offered insightful commentary based on several perspectives. The panel particularly focussed on the challenges and opportunities involved in respectfully engaging a diverse population, creating self-government structures and building on the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The following text has been edited and revised for length and clarity and is not a verbatim report. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This brief discussion paper reviews Canada's Ocean Supercluster strategy, launched by the Canadian Federal government in early 2018. It explains what Canada's Ocean Supercluster strategy is, why it matters for innovation and economic development, and discusses the extent to which the strategy is likely to support and strengthen the knowledge-based ocean economy in Canada. It raises a number of questions which should form the basis of a research agenda destined to better understand and improve the effectiveness of policies aimed at supporting maritime innovation, the development of coastal regions, and economic development more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the linguistic origins of the terms "Manu," "Manavi," and "Tara" in Sanskrit. Topics include "Manu," reflecting one of the earliest Indo-European language branches, spanning from India to Western Europe; multifaceted symbolism of Tara, originally signifying "Star" in Sanskrit but evolving to represent the life-bringing force, wisdom embodiment, and protective nature, highlighting Tara's status as one of the oldest extensively worshipped goddesses in modern times.

The cumulative effects of multiple stressors are a pressing global concern for marine ecosystems. The effectiveness of marine management can be improved by considering three key elements that can affect their impacts: stressor interaction types, non-linear stressor–effect relationships, and ecosystem tipping points. Little is known about the degree to which cumulative effects, or these key elements, are considered in marine management in Canada. We surveyed Canadian federal government managers involved in managing either marine conservation areas or commercial fisheries, and asked (1) if they currently assess cumulative effects in decision-making, (2) if so, how and which elements are considered, and (3) the perceived importance of considering the three key elements. We also compared approaches among federal departments, management type, oceans, experience levels, and position types. We found that most managers (84%, n = 80) consider cumulative effects in decision-making. Responses clustered into either a structured approach, which included using an assessment framework and considering the three key elements of cumulative effects, or an intuitive approach, characterized by the absence of a formal framework or consideration of key elements. Neither was strongly linked with demographic categories. Despite most managers (97%, n = 37) believing that the three key elements of cumulative effects are important to consider, only 21% actually did so in decision-making. This discrepancy appears to be underpinned by barriers such as a lack of guidelines for assessing cumulative effects and data quality, quantity, and availability. We provide recommendations to overcome these challenges. • Most surveyed Canadian marine managers generally assess cumulative effects (CE). • Responses clustered into either structured or intuitive approaches to CE. • Perceived importance of specific CE elements is high but actual consideration is low. • Barriers to implementation include a lack of standardized guidelines and data limitations. • Recommendations include modifying existing approaches and novel modeling techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of National Journal of Constitutional Law is the property of Carswell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article considers the balance between federalism, multinationalism, and multiculturalism in Canada and discusses the status of Québec in the 21st century. Topics include Canadian politics and identity, Québec nationalism and the rise of the separatist movement from 1960 to 1995, political reconstruction in Québec and the development of a Québécois identity since the Quiet Revolution, and the Constitution Act of 1982. The author also mentions Québec-Canada relations and notes the importance of solidifying the Canadian federal identity.

The article discusses the concept of a nation and the rhetoric on nationalism in Canada. The founding of Canada in 1867, the status of Québec as a nation, and the Clarity Act regarding Québec's separation from Canada are mentioned. Additional topics addressed include sovereignty, the rhetoric of aboriginal nationalism which began with the Dene Declaration of 1975 recognizing the Dene peoples as a nation, the standard use of the term First Nations after 1980, and relations between the First Nations and the administration of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

The article discusses the concept of a nation and the rhetoric on nationalism in Canada. The founding of Canada in 1867, the status of Québec as a nation, and the Clarity Act regarding Québec's separation from Canada are mentioned. Additional topics addressed include sovereignty, the rhetoric of aboriginal nationalism which began with the Dene Declaration of 1975 recognizing the Dene peoples as a nation, the standard use of the term First Nations after 1980, and relations between the First Nations and the administration of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

The article considers the balance between federalism, multinationalism, and multiculturalism in Canada and discusses the status of Québec in the 21st century. Topics include Canadian politics and identity, Québec nationalism and the rise of the separatist movement from 1960 to 1995, political reconstruction in Québec and the development of a Québécois identity since the Quiet Revolution, and the Constitution Act of 1982. The author also mentions Québec-Canada relations and notes the importance of solidifying the Canadian federal identity.

Copyright of Governance Review / Revue Gouvernance is the property of University of Ottawa, Center on Governance and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to calculate what the results of the 2015 federal election in Canada might have been using a system of proportional representation based on the system in use for elections to the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish model was recommended by the Law Commission of Canada in its March 2004 report. This paper does not attempt to deal in any depth with the implications of a proportional representation system, such as the tendency for it to result in a minority government, or with the relative merits of the various possible systems for proportional representation. Those matters are canvassed more fully in the Law Commission report. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Political Science Review is the property of Canadian Political Science Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cabinet size has fluctuated in Canadian legislatures over the past century. Beginning in 1993, two federal governments introduced "roll back" cabinets which sought to significantly reduce the number of ministers. The author, focusing especially on the years 1993 to 2014, asks if Canadian governments have a "cabinet size problem." He notes that since 1993 two trends have emerged: 1) cabinets are more likely to expand during government and more likely to consolidate between governments and 2) cabinet size is more likely to increase during government under centre-left parties than centre or centre-right parties. Although arguments for a reduction of cabinet size tend to focus on financial costs, the author highlights the political cost of having a large cabinet relative to the size of the legislature, as there are fewer private members to keep the government accountable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the rule of law in Canada, the independence of the nation's bar, and the laws governing lawyers in Canada as of 2015. Canadian constitutional laws are mentioned, along with attorney advocacy and judicial enforcement of constitutional principles for maintaining he independence of lawyers. Several legal proceedings are examined, including the Supreme Court of Canada case Reference re Secession of Quebec which deals with federalism, democracy, and respect for minority rights.

The article discusses Canadian hate speech laws in relation to the re-thinking of the nation's freedom of expression protections and the Supreme Court of Canada's decision in the case Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission v. Whatcott which deals with political expression and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Canadian federalism and the constitutional review process are examined, as well as freedom of speech litigation in Canada.

Copyright of Canadian Political Science Review is the property of Canadian Political Science Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a case study on the dismantling of Canada's long-gun registry and deregulation in the nation, focusing on issues related to gun control in Canada, the country's constitutional and administrative laws, and various hearings before the Supreme Court of Canada. The scope of the power to repeal legislation is mentioned, along with federalism and the Canadian common law. The Canadian Parliament, the nation's Firearms Act, and judgments from courts in Quebec are examined.

This paper demonstrates how specific surveillance technologies adopted in Canada during the Second World War enabled state actors to successfully conscript individuals into the Armed Forces. In 1940 the Federal government initiated a National Registration of all those under the age of sixteen living within the Dominion. Soon after, collected data were processed and certain populations were identified to be called into the Armed Forces. Although conscription had officially begun in 1940, a reorganization of the National Registration and mobilization system initiated in 1942 brought a new array of statistics-focused surveillance technologies into the procedure of selecting, calling men into service, and ensuring compliance with issued mobilization orders. These changes led to significant increases in the number of men that were successfully conscripted per month, pointing to the capacity of these new policies and technologies to assert greater statistical oversight and management over system staff as well as its target populations. This paper argues that the observable change in the effectiveness of the National Registration and mobilization system to conscript identified individuals into the Armed Forces came as a result of the new set of surveillance technologies adopted in March 1942. Specifically, these changes prompted a new means of statistical oversight and management, while they also worked to develop of a form of reactive path dependence in how data flowed within mobilization offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the opposition of the federal and provincial governments to the Declaration of Aboriginal title granted to the Tsilhqot'in Nation, a grouping of six bands sharing common culture and history in the remote valley in the mountains of central British Columbia. The importance to take a functional approach in Aboriginal cases is mentioned. It states that the function of pleadings is to provide the court and parties with an outline of the material allegations and relief sought.

The article focuses on the claims of Canada to the ownership over all the Treaty 3 lands which cover 55,000 square meter in what is now now Northwestern Ontario and Eastern Manitoba. The licenses issued by Ontario for the development of lands in the Keewatin, Nunavut area is mentioned. The debate on whether the Province of Ontario has the authority to take up lands in the Keewatin area under Treaty 3, or whether this must be done by or in cooperation with the government of Canada is discussed.